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Chapter XIII: The English in Maryland, 1632-1691 (7)

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It may well be doubted if Jean Cabot is properly styled above “a Venetian nobleman.” See the grant of denization to him in Venice, the several letters patent to him of Henry VII., and the letter of Raimondo on page 54. In the statement that he entered into the service of Spain, he is evidently confounded with his son Sebastian, who, it may be added, did not die in France, but in England. Whether Sebastian left posterity is not known, but he had a wife and children while he was living in Spain. Referring to the motto of the family here given, I may add that the motto on Sebastian’s picture is “Spes mea in Deo est.”

Mention is made on page 31 of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot, till recently attributed to Holbein, painted in England when Cabot was a very old man, of which a copy taken in 1763 now hangs in the Ducal Palace in Venice. At a meeting of the French Geographical Society, April 16, 1869, M. D’Avezac stated that M. Valentinelli, of Venice, had recently sent to him a photograph copy of a portrait of John Cabot, and one of his son Sebastian Cabot, at the age of twenty years, after the picture of Grizellini, belonging to the gallery of the Ducal Palace. He proceeded to say that some guarantee for the authenticity of the picture of Sebastian was afforded by some traces of resemblance between it and the well-known portrait of him by Holbein at the age of eighty-five years (_Bulletin de la Soc. de Géographie_, 5 ser. to. 17, p. 406). The existence of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot taken at so early an age, before he left Venice to live in England, would be an interesting fact if authentic. An authentic picture of John Cabot, the real discoverer of North America, would have even higher claims to our regard. Prefixed to a Memoir of “Giovanni Cabotto,” by Carlo Barrera Pezzi, published at Venice in 1881, which has just come under my notice, is a medallion portrait, inscribed “Giovanni Cabotto Veneziano.” It is not referred to by the author in the book in which it is inserted.

[135] [See Editorial Note, A, at end of chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[136] In this narrative is an account of tobacco twenty years before that luxury was introduced into England by Ralph Lane. The account is in these words (the grammar is defective, but the copy is accurate): “The Floridians, when they travel, have a kinde of herbe dryed, which with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, do sucke thoro the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they live foure or five days without meat or drinke, and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water and fleame to void from their stomacks.” It is a little curious that he should thus connect tobacco with Florida, as if he had not observed its use in the West Indies. It had, indeed, been used in Southern Europe before this time.

[137] A recently discovered letter of Winthrop shows that the Massachusetts colonists made wine of their grapes in the first summer. The appetite for such wine does not seem perilous.

[138] [The story of this French colony is told in Vol. II.—ED.]

[139]

“Thy name is hasty pudding: how I blush To hear the Pennsylvanians call thee mush!”

—BARLOW: _Hasty Pudding_.

[140] One hundred and forty years later, Daniel De Foe, a devoted Christian man, wrote his celebrated biography of Robinson Crusoe, who, when he had been long living in Brazil as a planter, met his critical shipwreck in a voyage to the African coast for slaves. The romance is intended by its author to be what we call a religious novel. The religious experiences of the hero are those to which De Foe attached most importance. In the relation of these experiences he enumerates and repents his “manifold sins and wickedness.” But among these, although he regrets his own folly in risking so much in the pursuit of wealth, it is never intimated that there is anything wrong in dragging these wretched negroes unwilling from their homes: so slow had been the development of the spirit of humanity in the sixteenth and even the seventeenth century, and so ill defined were the rights of man!

[141] [See the note on Ingram’s and Hortop’s narratives in the critical part of chap. vi. Since hat chapter was in type, Dr. De Costa has examined anew the story of Ingram’s journey, and has printed Ingram’s relation, from a manuscript in the Bodleian, in the _Magazine of American History_, March, 1883.—ED.]

[142] By a play upon his name,—“Dracus,” or “Draco.” See the curious coincidence of “Caput Draconis,” mentioned in a later note.

[143] Cortes was never “silent upon a peak in Darien,” except in Keats’s poem.

[144] _The World Encompased._

[145] [It is to be observed, however, that the Portuguese, who had made their way to the Moluccas by the Cape of Good Hope in 1512,—a year before Balboa disclosed the great sea to the Spaniards,—claim that in the very year (1520) when Magellan was finding a passage by the straits, and Cortes was exploring the Gulf of Mexico in the vain endeavor to find another, their ships from the Moluccas crossed the ocean eastward and struck the coast of California. It is also represented that the expedition conducted by Cabrillo, a Portuguese in the King of Spain’s service, went up to 44° in 1542-43. This phase of the subject is more particularly examined in Vol. II.—ED.]

[146] It should be remembered that all these dates are of old style, and correspond to dates ten days later now.

[147] [It is a question how far north Drake went. Up to the middle of the last century, the writers, except Davis in his _World’s Hydrographical Discovery_, and perhaps Sir William Monson, had fixed his northing at 43°,—these two exceptions placing it at 48°, and this last opinion has been followed by Burney, Barrow, and the writer of the Life of Drake in the 1750 edition of the _Biographia Britannica_. Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 2d edition, p. 74, doubts the later view. Drake’s aim was to find the westerly end of what was for a long time the conjectural Straits of Anian, or the northern passage to the Atlantic, which, ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had found what he supposed the easterly end of such a passage in Hudson’s Straits, had been a dream of navigators and geographers. An examination of the unstable views which were held regarding the shape and inlets of the western coast of North America, from the time of Cortes’ first expedition north, belongs to another volume of this work. A notion of the continuity of Asia and America, which was temporarily dispelled by Balboa’s discovery of the Pacific in 1513, was revived twenty years later by a certain school of geographers, and continued to be held by some for thirty or forty years. Before Drake’s time it had given place to views which more distinctly prefigured the Straits of Behring, not yet to be determined for a hundred and fifty years. The earlier conjectural propinquity of America and Asia at the north—as shown in the maps of Münster, Mercator, and others—was giving place to a more minute configuration, as shown in the maps of Zaltieri and Furlano, of which outlines are given in the text, indicating the kind of view which was prevailing regarding this northern part of the Pacific, which Drake was baffled in his attempt to explore. It is curious to observe, moreover, that Mercator in his map in zones, dated 1541, marks the region later to be called New Albion as having the star _Caput Draconis_ in the zenith,—almost in strange anticipation of its being the spot where the English “dragon” was first to contest Spanish supremacy on the North American continent. Spain had as yet had no sharer of this northern new world.—ED.]

[148] In the narrative in Hakluyt _tobàh_ is always called tobacco. But Fletcher and Drake’s nephew in _The World Encompassed_ call it _tobàh_ or _tabàh_; and they knew tobacco and its name perfectly well. They speak of it as an herb new to them. There is no evidence that the natives smoked _tobàh_.

[149] Alarcon’s account is in these words. He speaks of the winter houses of which Nargarchato informed him. “He told me that these houses were of wood covered with earth on the outside, and plastered with clay within; that they were in form of a round room.” The reader should remember that Fletcher alludes to the architectural device, still to be seen in old New England churches, where the roof rises on all sides to a spire in the middle.

[150] The fondness for feathers is observed by later voyagers; cf. La Perouse.

[151] So in Shelvocke’s journal of his voyage in 1719. “The soil about Puerto Seguro, and very likely in most of the valleys, is a rich black mould, which, as you turn it up fresh to the sun, appears as if intermixed with gold and dust.”

[152] [The Spanish minister, indeed, protested against Drake’s piracies and his sailing in those waters; but the English Government made a declaration denying such prescriptive right to the Spaniards, unless it was enforced by possession. Cf. Camden’s _History of Elizabeth_, 1688, p. 225; Purchas, iv. 1180; Deane’s edition of Hakluyt’s _Discourse_, 236.—ED.]

[153] “The course which Sir Francis Drake held to California,” etc.

[154] [Mr. Hale has written of Dudley and his atlas in the _American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October 21, 1873. Cf. also the chapter on “New England” in the present volume.—ED.]

[155] See Editorial Notes following this chapter.

[156] [See a later page.—ED.]

[157] Colonel John D. Washburn, in a very careful paper in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, no. 58, 1872, suspects from Torquemada’s account (1615, published at Seville), as cited in the English version of Father Venegas’s _History of California_ (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, 1,599, 1,600), that the port visited by Viscaino was Jack’s Bay, as indeed the original Spanish of Venegas (iii. III) distinctly says. Cf. also John T. Doyle’s paper, with an introduction by Colonel Washburn in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873.

[158] [They had learned by this time to avoid the head-winds that swept westerly from Acapulco to Manila, by stretching northeastwardly on the return voyage, making the coast above San Francisco, and so to follow the shore south. Cf. the Key to a section of Molineaux’s map in the Editorial Notes following this chapter.—ED.]

[159] Sayer and Bennett, 1774. [I find this twenty years earlier, as shown in the annexed sketch from Jefferys’ _Chart of California, New Albion_, etc., 1753. Key:—

1. C. das Navadas, or Snowy Cape, 2. Punta de los Reys. 3. Les Farollones. 4. Isles of St. James. 5. Port S^r. Francis Drake, 1578, not St. Francisco. 6. Pto. de Anno Novo.—ED. ]

[160] “He does smile his face into more lines than are in the new map, with the augmentation of the Indies.”—_Act iii, sc. 2._ [The map referred to is Molineaux’ map of 1600, and it has been disputed that it was the map alluded to by Shakespeare. See chap. vi., Editorial Note, F. A section showing the point referred to in the text is given further on.—ED.]

[161] [The coast-survey authorities have usually favored San Francisco. This was the opinion of Alexander Forbes in his _California_, 1839, where he gives (p. 127) an interesting view of the bay before commerce had marked it. Dr. Stillman, in the _Overland Monthly_ (October, 1868, March, 1869), and later in his _Seeking the Golden Fleece_ (p. 295), has advocated San Francisco. S. G. Drake, in the _American Historical Record_, August, 1874, took the same view.

Greenhow, in the second edition (1845) of his _Oregon and California_, p. 74, does not think the question can be definitely settled between San Francisco and Bodega.

There have been many disputes over Jack’s Bay,—the Sir Francis Drake Bay of the maps. Soulé and the writers of the _Annals of San Francisco_ accept it as the spot; so does Kohl. Professor J. D. Whitney (_Encyclopædia Britannica_, art. “California”) says the evidence points strongly to Jack’s Bay.

Vancouver seems to have reported the story of the Spaniards calling it Sir Francis Drake’s Bay. Captain Beechey thought it too exposed to have deserved Drake’s description; and it has been held he could not have graved his ship in it. It is claimed, however, that Limantour’s Bay, which opens through an inlet westwardly from Jack’s Bay, answers the required conditions of water and shelter.—ED.]

[162] There are copies in the Library of Congress, and in the New York State, Harvard, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (ii. 263) libraries. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. viii. no. 30,957; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 667. Hawkins’s voyage is also included in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_; and Charles Kingsley in his _Westward Ho!_ pictures vividly the spirit of Hawkins’s day. Cf. also Burney’s _History of Voyages in the South Seas_.

[163] It is reprinted by Vaux, later mentioned.

[164] They are in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Charles Deane copies, not to name others.

[165] _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 21; Stevens’s _Nuggets_, no. 921; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 20,853. S. G. Drake bought a copy in Boston in 1844 for $4. It was priced by Vaux in 1853 at as many pounds, and is worth much more now. The later editions are worth somewhat less. S. G. Drake (_Genealogical Register_, i. 126) gives a partial list of those who accompanied Drake, being about one-third of his one hundred and sixty-four men. Among the fullest of the modern narratives are those in Barrow’s _Life of Drake_, and in Froude’s _England_, vol. xi. chap. 29. [But Mr. Froude has used his valuable authorities carelessly. He depends in part upon some reports of Spanish officers, which exist in manuscript in Spain, and upon some which are in England, brought home by English cruisers. One of the most interesting, which should still be in the national library in Madrid, I found in 1882 had been cut from the volume and carried away.—E. E. H.]

[166] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 423.

[167] Ibid., ii. 731.

[168] Hakluyt, vol. iii., or quarto edition, vol. iv.; Harris, vol. i.; Oxford, vol. ii. Hakluyt also gives the relation of Nuna da Silva, a Portuguese pilot whom Drake had captured, and who made his report to the Viceroy of Spain, and John Winter’s account of his companionship with Drake. Vaux collates his text with a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, which may have been the collection of Fletcher’s notes which the compiler of _The World Encompassed_ used. Several narratives are also in the Callender collection of _Voyages_, Edinburgh, 1766. There are German versions in Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727, vol. xviii.), Cornelius Claesz (1598, 1603), etc. Appended to the _Begin en Voortgangh_ (1645 and 1646) of Isaac Commelin, of Amsterdam, is sometimes a Dutch narrative of the voyages of Candish, Drake, and Hawkins, “described by one of the fleet,” and with an imprint of 1644, which is very rare. Frederic Muller says, in his _Books on America_, 1872 (no. 1,871), that he had never seen but the one then described, and another, sold to Stevens in 1867.

A French edition, _Le Voyage de François Drack alentour du Monde_, was originally issued in Paris in 1613, and is now scarce, and sometimes priced at 300 francs. There were other editions, with additions, in 1627 (Sabin, vol. v. no. 23,845), 1631, 1641, 1690. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 668. The Dedicatory Epistle is signed F. de Lorrencourt. Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2,743. The title of the later edition runs: _Le Voyage curieux faict autour du Monde_, etc. Muller’s _Books on America_ (1877), no. 973. [This curious book affects in the dedication to be an original narrative: “I dedicate it to you, Monsieur, because you gave it to me, telling me that you received it from one of your subjects of Courtomer, who had made the voyage with this gentleman.” On examination, however, it proves that the narrative is a rough translation, not very accurate, and generally abridged from that in Hakluyt: generally, but not always; for in a few instances details of local color are added, which I think important, and which appear, so far as I know, in no other narrative. With no apparent purpose but to make the book bigger, a second part is added, entitled _Seconde Partie des Singvlaritez remarquees aux isles et terres fermes du Midy et des Indes Orientales: par l’Illustre Seigneur et Chevalier Francois Drach, Admiral d’ Angleterre_. It is a botch of travels in Africa, the Indian Ocean, and America, in places mostly which Drake never saw.—E. E. H.]

[169] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 374; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 20; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_ (205 francs); _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 442. Leclerc, no. 2,744, prices the maps alone at 400 francs; and Quaritch, in 1877, advertised them for £50. The Lenox Library has a copy with the four maps, and a second copy with different vignettes on the title.

[170] Quaritch prices a copy at £10 10_s._; Stevens, Nuggets, puts one at £5 15_s._ 6_d._ Hakluyt’s third volume (1600) gives the narrative. In some copies of Hakluyt’s volume of 1589 there is found, before page 644, a broadside, giving a journal from Drake’s log-book, Sept. 14, 1585, to July 22, 1586. (Sabin, vi. 543.) It was on this voyage that Drake on his return visited the new settlement in Virginia, as mentioned in chap. iv. of the present volume.

[171] Quaritch, in 1877, claimed that only three copies of this map were known, and only four or five complete sets of the other four are known. The mappemonde is in the Grenville copy, and was in a copy possessed by Rodd, the London dealer, fifty years ago. Baptista B. (or Boazio) seems to have been the designer or engraver. There is also a copy of this fifth map in the Lenox Library.

[172] The _Huth Catalogue_ also gives all five maps to the first edition (52 pages); says the errata are corrected in the second edition, and the words “with geographical mappes,” etc., are left out of the title; while for the third edition (copy in the King’s Library, in the British Museum) a smaller type is used, contracting it to 37 pages. An edition of 1596 is sometimes cited, but it is doubtful if such exists. Lowndes mentions a somewhat doubtful French edition of the same year.

[173] Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 669.

[174] Bare mention may, however, be made of the English accounts, _A true coppie of a Discourse_, London, 1589, which has been reprinted by Collier, and Robert Leng’s _Sir Francis Drake’s valuable Service done against the Spaniards_, in the Camden Society’s _Miscellanies_, vol. v., and the Latin account, printed at Frankfort, 1590, and a German one at Munich, the same year. Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 597; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 668.

[175] This name is the Spanish rendering of John Hawkins; and Draque and Aquines figure also in Torres’ _Relacion de los servicios de Sotomayor_, Madrid, 1620. Rich (1832), no. 156.

[176] Mr. J. P. Collier printed a small (one hundred copies) fac-simile edition of the 1596 book; but most of the copies were destroyed by fire. _A full Relation_ of this voyage, dated 1652, was included in the 1653 edition of _Sir Francis Drake Revived_, and is sometimes found separately; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 753.

[177] There were other Dutch editions in 1643 (called by Muller the best; cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 521, for _Journalen van drie Voyagien_) and 1644. A German account was added in 1598 to the narrative of Candish’s voyages, printed at Amsterdam. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. no. 520. The rendering in De Bry, part viii., is incorrect and incomplete.

[178] Rich (1832), no. 294, £1 8_s._; Sunderland, ii. 4,052; Huth, ii. p. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 312. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s collection. It is worth £6 or £7.

[179] The _Grenville Catalogue_ errs in making this the first edition. Huth, ii. 444; Brinley, i. 49; Carter-Brown, ii. 332.

[180] Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 4,053; Huth, ii. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 753. There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

[181] Reprinted in 1819, at the Lee Priory press, by Sir Egerton Brydges.

[182] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iv. 13,445) says the title differs in some copies. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,056.

[183] For a Drake bibliography we must go to Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. 20,827, etc., and Bohn’s Lowndes. Stevens (_Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 202) notes a collection of copies from manuscripts in public depositaries in England which had been brought together as materials for writing a memoir of Drake. As a Devonshire hero, Drake figures in the local literature of Plymouth and its neighborhood.

[184] Cf. _Journalen van drie Voyagien_, which covers both Drake and Cavendish’s expeditions, and Commelin’s _Begin ende Voortgang_, and the collection of Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727). Thomas Lodge, the Elizabethan dramatist, accompanied Candish in his voyage of circumnavigation, and translated upon it, from the Spanish, his _Margarite of America_, published in London in 1596. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, x. 41,765; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1,383.

[185] [Cf. map given on page 11.—ED.]

[186] [Cf. the Lenox Globe and other delineations, in chap. vi.—ED.]

[187] [Chap. i., by Charles Deane.—ED.]

[188] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 72; Hakluyt’s _Voyages_ (ed. 1600), iii. 58.

[189] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 75; Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, iii. 59.

[190] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 119.

[191] Ibid., p. 242; Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, iii. 80.

[192] In his first expedition to seek for traces of Sir John Franklin, 1860-1862, our countryman, Captain Charles F. Hall, obtained and brought home numerous relics of Frobisher’s voyages. Some of these were sent to England, and others are deposited in the National Museum at Washington. See Hall’s _Arctic Researches, passim_; Collinson’s _Three Voyages_, etc., Appendix; and _the Semi-Annual Report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society_, October, 1882.

[193] [See Dr. De Costa’s chapter, and Gilbert’s map and comments in Editorial Note A, _sub anno_ 1576, at the end, and also the notes at the end of Mr. Henry’s chapter.—ED.]

[194] _Northwest Fox_, p. 42.

[195] Letter to Mr. Sanderson, in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, iii. 114.

[196] Rundall’s _Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest_, p. 62.

[197] _Northwest Fox_, p. 50.

[198] _Northwest Fox_, p. 117. The documents relating to Hudson’s fourth voyage are in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iii. 596-610, and in Asher’s _Henry Hudson, the Navigator_, pp. 93-138.

[199] _Northwest Fox_, pp. 117, 118.

[200] Ibid., p. 118.

[201] _Northwest Fox_, p. 244.

[202] [The reader may consult the following, which has a parallel English text: _Die Literatur über die Polar-regionem der Erde_. Von J. Chavanne, A. Karpf, F. Ritter v. Le Monnier. Herausg. von der K. K. geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Wien, 1878, xiv. + 333 pp., 8º.

This book shows 6,617 titles, including papers from serials and periodicals. It is far from judiciously compiled, however; containing much that is irrelevant, and not a little that indicates the compilers’ ignorance of the books in hand, as when they were entrapped from the title into including Dibdin’s _Northern Tour_ and other works equally foreign to the subject. One of the best collections of Arctic literature in this country is in the Carter-Brown Library at Providence; and this, putting strict limits to the subject and not including papers of a periodic character, shows a list of between six and seven hundred titles. _Letter of John R. Bartlett_.—ED.]

[203] _A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions; undertaken chiefly for the Purpose of discovering a Northeast, Northwest, or Polar Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific: from the earliest Period of Scandinavian Navigation to the Departure of the recent Expeditions under the Orders of Captains Ross and Buchan._ By John Barrow, F. R. S. London: John Murray. 1818. 8º. pp. 379 and 48.

[204] _Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest, in Search of a Passage to Cathay and India, 1496 to 1631. With Selections from the Early Records of the Honourable the East India Company, and from MSS. in the British Museum._ By Thomas Rundall, Esq. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1849. 8º. pp. xx. and 260.

[This book has a convenient map of Arctic explorations between 1496 and 1631. The general reader will find condensed historical summaries of antecedent voyages, often prefixed to the special narratives, as in the case of Captain Beechey’s _Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole_, 1843, and in the introductions to Asher’s _Henry Hudson_ and Winter Jones’s edition of Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_.—ED.]

[205] [Cf., for instance, Muller’s _Geschiedenis der noordsche Compagnie_, 1614-1642. Utrecht, 1875.—ED.]

[206] _The three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, in Search of a Passage to Cathaia and India by the Northwest, A. D. 1576-78. Reprinted from the First Edition of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with Selections from Manuscript Documents in the British Museum and State-Paper Office._ By Rear-Admiral Richard Collinson, C. B. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1867. 8º. pp. xxvi. and 376.

[207] _The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator._ Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Albert Hastings Markham, Captain R. N., F. R. G. S., Author of _A Whaling Cruise in Baffin’s Bay_, _The Great Frozen Sea_, and _Northward Ho!_ London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1880. 8º. pp. xcv. and 392.

[This volume gives a fac-simile of the Molineaux map of 1600; and reprints Davis’s _Worlde’s Hydrographical Description_, London, 1595. The presentation copy to Prince Henry, with his arms and a very curious manuscript addition, is in the Lenox Library. Cf. John Petheram’s _Bibliographical Miscellany_, 1859, and the note, p. 51, in Rundall’s _Voyages to the Northwest_. In this last book the accounts in Hakluyt are reproduced. Respecting Davis’s maps, see Kohl’s _Catalogue of Maps in Hakluyt_, pp. 20, 27.—ED.]

[208] _Henry Hudson, the Navigator. The Original Documents in which his Career is recorded, collected, partly translated, and annotated, with an Introduction._ By G. M. Asher, LL.D. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1860. 8º. pp. ccxviii. and 292. See Editorial Notes.

[209] _The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622._ Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1881. 8º. pp. lix. and 192.

[Purchas first printed Baffin’s narrative of his first voyage, and Rundall re-edited it, supplying omissions from the original manuscript preserved in the British Museum. Markham reprints it, and adds a fac-simile of Baffin’s map of his discoveries; and he also gives a series of five maps from Fox’s down (the first is reproduced in the text), to show the changes in ideas respecting the shape and even the existence of Baffin’s Bay. Of the voyage in which this water was discovered, Purchas also printed, and Markham has reprinted, the account as given in Baffin’s journal.—ED.]

[210] _North-West Fox, or, Fox from the Northwest passage. Beginning With King Arthur, Malga, Octhvr, the two Zenis of Iseland, Estotiland, and Dorgia; Following with brief Abstracts of the Voyages of Cabot, Frobisher, Davis, Waymouth, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge; Together with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, Longitudes, Variations, Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, and over-Falls, with other Observations, Accidents, and Remarkable things, as our Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. Iames Hall’s three Voyages to Groynland, with a Topographicall description of the Countries, the Salvages lives and Treacheries, how our Men have been slayne by them there, with the Commodities of all those parts; whereby the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment. Demonstrated in a Polar Card, wherein are all the Maines, Seas, and Islands, herein mentioned. With the Author his owne Voyage, being the XIVth, with the opinions and Collections of the most famous Mathematicians, and Cosmographers; with a Probabilitie to prove the same by Marine Remonstrations, compared by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our owne Coast._ By Captaine Lvke Fox, of Kingstone vpon Hull, Capt. and Pylot for the Voyage in his Majesties Pinnace the Charles. Printed by his Majesties Command. London, Printed by B. Alsop and Tho. Fawcett, dwelling in Grubstreet. 1635. 4º. pp. x. and 273.

[This little book is now worth about $40 or $50; Rich priced it in 1832 at $10. Brinley, no. 27; Huth, ii. 542; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 556. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, October, 1878. The copy in the Dowse _Collection_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.) has the rare original map. The Menzies and Carter-Brown copies show the map; the Brinley lacked it, as does Mr. Deane’s, which has it in fac-simile.—ED.]

[211] The name _Ralegh_ was written in thirteen different ways. We have adopted the usual spelling of Sir Walter himself. See Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, p. 171, and C. W. Tuttle in _Massachusetts Historical Society’s Proceedings_, xv. 383.

[212] [See chapter vi.—ED.]

[213] See Chalmer’s _Annals_, chaps. xiv. and xv., and Journals of Congress, October, 1774.

[214] [It was in 1584 that Hakluyt wrote for Ralegh his _Westerne Planting_, to be used in inducing Elizabeth to grant to Ralegh and his friends a charter to colonize America; and Dr. Woods, in his Introduction to that book, writes, p. xliii, of Ralegh as the founder of the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain. See the history of the MS. in the notes following Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—ED.]

[215] Strachey, Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 85.

[216] See _Works_ of Bacon, edited by Basil Montague, ii. 525.

[217] [It was prefixed to an edition of Ralegh’s _History of the World_ in 1736.—ED.]

[218] [One was added to an edition of Ralegh’s _Works_ in 1751.—ED.]

[219] [This work was in two volumes, 4º, and appeared in a second edition in 1806, 8º.—ED.]

[220] [_History of England_, chapters xlv. and xlviii.—ED.]

[221] A paper read by George Dexter, Esq., before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Oct. 13, 1881, upon “The First Voyage under Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s Patent of 1578,” corrects an error into which Mr. Edwards had fallen about this voyage, and shows that it was undertaken in 1578 instead of 1579, as stated by Mr. Edwards, and that Ralegh was the captain of one of the vessels. A few additional references may serve the curious student. Some new material was first brought forward in the _Archæologia_, vols. xxxiv. and xxxv. Ralegh’s career in Ireland is followed in the _Nineteenth Century_, Nov. 1881. His last year is considered in Gardiner’s _Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage_. A contemporary account of his execution from Adam Winthrop’s note-book is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Sept. 1873. A psychological study may be found in Disraeli’s _Amenities of Literature_. Two American essays may be mentioned,—that in Belknap’s _American Biography_, and J. Morrison Harris’s paper before the Maryland Historical Society in 1846.

As to the story at one time prevalent of Ralegh’s coming in person to his colony, Stith, _History of Virginia_, p. 22, thinks it arose from a mistranslation of the Latin. Cf. Force’s _Tracts_ i. p. 37, Georgia Tract, 1742,—“Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Ralegh’s written journal,” etc.—ED.

[222] [The sources for this first colony may be concisely enumerated as follows:—

1. Diary of the Voyage, April 9-Aug. 25, 1585, originally in Hakluyt, 1589; also in Hawks.

2. Ralph Lane’s letters, Aug. and Sept. 1585. Some in Hakluyt, vol. iii.; also in Hawks and others referred to in the text, edited by E. E. Hale, in the _Archæologia Americana_, vol. iv. (1860).

3. Hariot’s narrative originally published in 1588; then by Hakluyt in 1589; and by De Bry in 1590. See later note.

4. Lane’s narrative given in Hakluyt and Hawks.

5. _A Summarie and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage_, London, 1589; also in Hakluyt, 1600. The copy of the former in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library was the one used by Prince; see ch. ii.; also Barrow’s _Life of Drake_, ch. vi. Mr. Edward C. Bruce, in his “Loungings in the Footprints of the Pioneers,” in _Harper’s Monthly_, May, 1860, describes the condition of the site of the colony at that time. Roanoke Island was sold to Joshua Lamb, of New England, in 1676; _Hist. Mag._ vi. 123. Cf. _Continental Monthly_, i. 541, by Frederic Kidder.—ED.]

[223] [A notice of the original English issue of Hariot (1588) is described on a later page as the second original production relating to America presented to the English public (see notes following Dr. De Costa’s chapter); but it became more widely known in 1590, when De Bry at Frankfort made it the only part of his famous Collection of Voyages, which he printed in the English tongue, giving it the following title: _A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia, of the commodities, and of the nature and manners of the naturall inhabitants_. _Discovered by the English colony there seated by Sir Richard Greinuile in the yeere 1585.... This forebooke is made in English by Thomas Hariot. Francoforti ad Moenvm, typis Joannis Wecheli, svmtibus vero Theodori de Bry_, cicicxc. It is also the rarest of the parts, and only a few copies of it are known, as follows:—

1. Carter-Brown Library. _Catalogue_, i. 397, where a fac-simile of the title is given.

2. Lenox Library.

3. Sold in the Stevens Sale (no. 2487), Boston, 1870, to a New York collector for $975. This was made perfect by despoiling another copy belonging to a public collection.

4. Harvard College Library; imperfect.

5. Grenville copy in the British Museum, bought at Frankfort for £100 in 1710 (?).

6. Bodleian Library.

7. Christie Miller’s collection, England.

8. Sir Thomas Phillipp’s collection, England; imperfect.

Rich in 1832, _Catalogue_, no. 71, had a copy which was made up, and which he priced at £21, but would have held it at £100 if perfect.

A photo-lithographic fac-simile edition of this English text was issued in New York from the Stevens copy in 1871-72, about 100 copies, which is worth $20. (_Griswold Catalogue_, no. 309.) The original may be worth $1000.

In the same year, 1590, De Bry also issued it in Latin, German, and French. Brunet gives three varieties of the original Latin issue, besides two varieties of a counterfeit one. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 322, gives the collations of the five varieties slightly varying; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. iii.; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 653. There was a second (1600) and third edition of the German version (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pp. 354, 355; also for the French, p. 329). A German translation by Cristhopher P—— is also contained in Matthæus Dresser’s _Historien von China_, Halle, 1598; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. 536; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 429.

De Bry engraved the drawings which White made at Roanoke, or rather a portion of them; for nearly three times as many as appear in De Bry, who copied only twenty-three, are now in the collection of drawings as preserved in the British Museum. What De Bry used may possibly have been copies of the originals, and in any case he gave an academic aspect to the more natural drawings as White made them. Henry Stevens secured the originals in 1865, and in a fire at Sotheby’s in June of that year they became saturated with water, so that a collection of offsets was left on the paper which was laid between them. Mr. Stevens sold the originals for £210, and the offsets for £26 5_s._, both to the British Museum, in 1866; and his letter offering them and telling the story is in his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._ Oct. 20, 1866. In the Sloane Collection are also near a hundred of White’s drawings; see E. E. Hale in _Archæologia Americana_, iv. 21. One section of Hariot’s paper, entitled “Of the nature and maners of the people,” appeared in the author’s original English in the Hakluyts of 1589 and 1600, and also in De Bry, who likewise added to his English Hariot a statement called, “The true pictures and fashions of the people in that parte of America now called Virginia,” etc. This statement is not in the printed Hakluyts, though it is said by De Bry to have been “translated out of Latin into English by Richard Hackluit.” It is there said of the pictures that they were “diligently collected and drowne by John White, who was sent thiter speciallye by Sir Walter Ralegh, 1585, also 1588, now cutt in copper, and first published by Theodore De Bry att his wone chardges.” De Bry’s engravings have often been reproduced by Montanus, Lafitau, Beverly, etc. Wyth’s, or White’s “Portraits to the Life and Manners of the Inhabitants,” following De Bry, with English text, was printed at New York in 1841.

The map which accompanies Hariot’s narrative, as given by De Bry, was procured by him from England, and is subscribed “Auctore Joanne With,”—once De Bry writes it “Whit.” It was made in 1587, and Kohl in his _Maps relating to America mentioned in Hakluyt_, pp. 42-46, thinks that there can be no doubt With is John White, the captain, and that he based, or caused to be based, his drawing on observations made by Lane, who had been in the Chesapeake, while White had not. Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, p. 222, identifies the John White the artist with Governor John White. A largely reduced fac-simile of this map is herewith given, for comparison with the Coast Survey chart of the same region. Other fac-similes of the original are given in the Histories of North Carolina by Hawks and Wheeler, in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 243. It was later followed in the configurations of the coast given by Mercator, Hondius, De Laet, etc. The map which is given in Smith’s _Generall Historie_ as “Ould Virginia” closely resembles White’s, which however extends farther north, and includes the entrance of the Chesapeake. There had been one earlier representation of “Virginia” on a map, and that was in Hakluyt’s edition of Peter Martyr on a half globe. De Bry also gives a bird’s-eye view of Roanoke and its vicinity.—ED.]

[224] [The original sources are also made use of by Williamson and Wheeler in their histories of North Carolina. Some of them are printed in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, in Payne’s _Elizabethan Seamen_, p. 211, and elsewhere; cf. Strachey’s _Virginia_, p. 142.—ED.]

[225] [His narrative of the first voyage was published in 1596, the year following his voyage, and was called _The Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtiful empire of Guiana, with a relation of the Great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado)_, etc. _Huth Catalogue_, iv. 1216. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 507. I have compared Mr. Charles Deane’s copy. There are three copies of this in the Lenox Library, with such variations as indicate as many contemporary editions. Quaritch recently priced a copy at £20.

Ralegh had written this tract in large part on his voyage, when he made the map of Trinidad and that of Guiana, which he mentions as not yet finished. Kohl, _Maps relating to America_, etc., p. 65, thinks he has identified this drawing of Ralegh in a MS. map in the British Museum, which was acquired in 1849. The text of the _Discoverie_ was reprinted in Hakluyt, iii. 627; in the Oldys and Birch’s edition (Oxford, 1829) of _Ralegh’s Works_, vol. viii.; in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, xii. 196; in Cayley’s _Life of Ralegh_. The Hakluyt Society reprinted it under the editing of Sir R. H. Schomburgk, who gives a map of the Orinoco Valley, showing Ralegh’s track. Colliber’s _English Sea Affairs_, London, 1727, has a narrative based on it; Sabin, iv. 14414.

There was a Dutch version published at Amsterdam in 1598 by Cornelius Claesz; and it is from this that De Bry made his Latin version, in his part viii., 1599 (two editions), and 1625, also in German, 1599 and 1624. Also see part xiii. (1634). There were other Dutch editions or versions in 1605, 1617, 1644. Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1268, and 1877, no. 2654; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 454. It also formed part v. of Hulsius’s Collection of Voyages, and the _Lenox Library Bibliographical Contribution on Hulsius_ gives a Latin edition, 1599, and German editions of 1599, 1601, 1603, 1612, 1663, with duplicate copies of some of them showing variations. See Asher’s _Bibliography_, p. 42; Camus’s _Mémoire_, p. 97; Meusel’s _Bibliographia Historica_, vol. iii. There are also versions or abridgments in the collections of Aa, 1706 and 1727, and Coreal, 1722, and 1738.

The report of Captain Lawrence Keymis was printed at London in 1596, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 500; it is also given in Hakluyt. Kohl cannot find that either Keymis or Masham made charts, but thinks their reports influenced the maps in Hondius, Hulsius, and De Bry.

The accusations against Ralegh in regard to his Guiana representations have been examined by his biographers. Tytler, ch. 3, defends him; Schomburgk shields him from Hume’s attacks; so does Kingsley in _North British Review_, also in his _Essays_, who thinks Ralegh had a right to be credulous, and that the ruins of the city may yet be found. Napier in the _Edinburgh Review_, later in his _Lord Bacon and Ralegh_, clears him of the charge of deceit about the mine. Van Heuvel’s _El Dorado_, New York, 1844, defends Ralegh’s reports, and gives a map. See Field’s _Indian Bibliography_ no. 1595. St. John, in his _Life of Ralegh_, ch. xv., mentions finding Ralegh’s map in the archives of Simancas. See also the Lives by Edwards, ch. x.; by Thompson, ch. ii.; S. G. Drake in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1862, also separately and enlarged; Fox Bourn’s _English Seamen_, ch. viii.; Payne’s _Elizabethan Seamen_, pp. 327, 332; Bulfinch’s _Oregon and El Dorado_, etc. Further examination of the quest for El Dorado will be given in volume ii.—ED.]

[226] [This was originally printed at London, 1618, pp. 45. There is a copy in Harvard College Library and in Charles Deane’s collection.—ED.]

[227] Quoted by Neill in his _Virginia Company of London_, preface, pp. vi, vii. The play was written by Marston and others in 1605.

[228] Purchas, iv, 1685.

[229] Neill’s _Virginia Company_, p. 16.

[230] _Generall Historie_, pp. 53-65.

[231] Wingfield’s _Narrative_, quoted by Anderson in his _History of the Church of England in the Colony_, i. 77.

[232] The height of the chimney is 17-7/12 feet; the greatest width 10-7/12 feet; the fireplace is 7-10/12 feet wide.

[233] Archer was identified by the late William Green, LL.D., Richmond, Va., as the author of the tract, “A Relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from James Forte, into the Maine, made by Captain Christopher Newport, and sincerely written and observed by a Gentleman of this Colony,” reprinted in the _Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society_, iv. pp. 40-65.

[234] Stith, _History of Virginia_, p. 67.

[235] _Generall Historie_, ed. 1624, p. 59.

[236] In the outfit of a settler enumerated by Smith is the item, a complete suit of armor. It is of interest to note that portions of a steel cuirass, exhumed at Jamestown, are in the collection of the Virginia Historical Society at Richmond.

[237] Sainsbury’s _Calendar of State Papers_ (1574-1660), p. 8.

[238] [See chapter vi.—ED.]

[239] This was the first wife of Rolfe, whom history records in 1614 as the husband of Pocahontas. He died in 1622, leaving “a wife and children, besides the child [Thomas] he had by Pocahontas,” for whose benefit his brother, Henry Rolfe, in England, petitioned the Company, Oct. 7, 1622, for a settlement of the estate of the deceased in Virginia.

[240] The text was, Daniel xii. 3: “They that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars for ever and ever.” The sermon was published by William Welby, London, 1610.

[241] Strachey, in the Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 39.

[242] The tradition is that Dutch Gap derived its name from the German artisans brought over by Newport in 1608, and that the “glass house” was located here. A navigable canal across its narrowest breadth, the digging of which, for military advantages, was begun by the Federal General, Benjamin F. Butler, has since (in 1873) been completed.

[243] Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, dated “James Towne, the 25th of May, 1611,” preserved in the Ashmole Collection of MSS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, England, communicated by G. D. Scull, Esq., and published by the present writer in the Richmond _Standard_, Jan. 28, 1882.

[244] Fragments of brick, memorials of this town, are still numerously scattered over its site.

[245] In a letter of Governor Argall to the Company in 1617, the Rev. Alexander Whitaker is said to have been recently drowned in crossing James River, and another minister is desired to be sent to the colony in his stead.

[246] Newport was after this appointed one of the six Masters of the Royal Navy, and was engaged by the East India Company to escort Sir Robert Shirley to Persia. Chamberlain, in _Court and Times of James I._, i. 154.

[247] Neill’s _Virginia Company_, p. 75.

[248] [See Vol. IV.—ED.]

[249] [This statement is disputed by some.—ED.]

[250] See Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 98; Stith, 126, and Appendix no. 3.

[251] It has been assumed in America that the descendants in Virginia of Pocahontas were limited to those springing from the marriage of Robert Bolling with Jane, the daughter of Thomas Rolfe; but it appears that the last left a son, Anthony, in England, whose daughter, Hannah, married Sir Thomas Leigh, of County Kent, and that their descendants of that and of the additional highly respectable names of Bennet and Spencer are quite numerous. See Deduction in the Richmond _Standard_, Jan. 21, 1882.

[252] The parish register of Gravesend contains this entry, which has been assumed as that of the burial of Pocahontas “1616, March 21, Rebecca Wrothe, wyffe of Thomas Wrothe, Gent. A Virginia Lady borne, was buried in the Chancell.” Its relevancy has recently been questioned by the Rev. Patrick G. Robert, of St. Louis, in the Richmond _Daily Despatch_ of Sept. 10, 1881, and by Mr. J. M. Sinyanki, of London, in the Richmond _Standard_ of Nov. 12, 1881, both of whom claim upon tradition that the interment was in a corner of the churchyard.

[253] Stith, p. 146.

[254] Smith, _Generall Historie_, ed. 1627, p. 126.

[255] One of these indentures from the original, dated July 1, 1628, was published by the writer in the Richmond _Standard_ of Nov. 16, 1878.

[256] The engraver was William Hole, engraver of Smith’s map of Virginia. The arms adopted were an escutcheon quartered with the arms of England and France, Scotland and Ireland, crested by a maiden queen with flowing hair and an eastern crown. Supporters: Two men in armor having open helmets ornamented with three ostrich feathers, each holding a lance. Motto: _En dat Virginia quintum_,—a complimentary acknowledgment of Virginia as the fifth kingdom. After the union of England and Scotland in 1707, the motto, to correspond with the altered number of kingdoms, was _En dat Virginia quartam_, the adjective agreeing with _coronam_ understood, and it appeared on the titlepage of all legislative publications of the colony until the Revolution. Neill’s _London Company_, pp. 155-56.

[257] This was not the only material effort made. In 1621, under the zealous efforts of the Rev. Patrick Copland (the chaplain of an East India ship), funds were collected for the establishment of a free school in Charles City County, to be called the East India School. For its maintenance one thousand acres of land, with five servants and an overseer, were allotted by the Company.

The advantage of private education, in the families at least of the more provident of the planters, was increasingly secured by the employment as tutors of poor young men of education, who came over from time to time, and by indenture served long enough to pay the cost of their transportation. Later in the seventeenth century, all whose means enabled them to do so educated their sons in England,—a custom which largely continued during the following century, though William and Mary College had been established in 1692.

[258] A gentleman of the honorable family of Beverstone Castle, County Gloucester.

[259] He was the brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, the late Treasurer of the Company. He was born in 1577, and in 1610 visited Turkey, Palestine, and Egypt. An account of his travels was published at Oxford in 1615.

[260] Chalmers’ _Introduction_, i. 13-16. The Ordinance and Wyatt’s Commission may be seen in Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 110-113.

[261] In the Indian massacre of March 22, 1622, Daniel Gookin bravely maintained his settlement. He served as a burgess from Elizabeth City, and later returned to Ireland. His son, of the same name, becoming a convert to the missionaries sent from New England in 1642, and declining to take the oath of conformity, removed in May, 1644, to Boston. He afterwards became eminent in New England, was the author of several historical works, and held various offices of dignity and importance.

[262] In 1687, and again in 1696, Colonel William Byrd, the first of the name in Virginia, undertook the revival of the iron-works at Falling Creek; but there is no record preserved of his plans having been successfully carried out. New iron-works were, however, erected here by Colonel Archibald Cary prior to 1760, which he operated with pig-iron from Maryland, but in the year named he abandoned the forge because of its lack of profit, and converted his pond to the use of a grist-mill. The site of the works of 1622 on the western bank of the creek, and that of Cary’s forge of 1760 on the opposite side of the same water, have both been identified by the present writer by the scoriæ remaining about the ground. The manufacture of iron in Virginia was revived by Governor Alexander Spotswood at Germanna about 1716.

[263] [See chapter xiii.—ED.]

[264] These were James City, Henrico, Charles City, Elizabeth City, Warwick River, Warrosquoyoke, Charles River, and Accomac.

[265] These magnates, who were called colonels were usually members of the Council, and their functions were magisterial as well as military.

[266] Hening states that “there is a patent granted by Harvey 13th April, 1636.”—_Statutes at Large_, i. 4.

[267] It was fully three quarters of a century thereafter before Dissent became appreciable in the colony. Governor Spotswood wrote the Bishop of London, Oct. 24, 1710: “It is a peculiar blessing to this Country to have but few of any kind of Dissenters;” and adds the following, which may be taken in refutation of many gross misrepresentations of the moral and social condition of the colonists at the period: “I have observed here less Swearing and Prophaneness, less Drunkenness and Debauchery, less uncharitable feuds and animositys, and less Knaverys and Villanys than in any part of the world where my Lot has been.” He also wrote to the Council of Trade, Dec. 15, 1710: “That happy Establishment of the Church of England, which the Colony enjoys with less mixture of Dissenters than any other of her Majesty’s plantations;” and to the Earl of Rochester, July 30, 1711, in ample confirmation of his earlier judgment, he wrote: “This Government, I can joyfully assure your Lordship, is in perfect peace and tranquility under a due Obedience to the Royal Authority and a Gen^{ll}. Conformity to the Established Church of England.” See _The Official Letters of Governor Alexander Spotswood_, 1710-1722, published by the Virginia Historical Society, with Introduction and Notes by R. A. Brock, vol. i. pp. 27 and 108.

[268] His signature is Stegge. He was the maternal uncle of Colonel William Byrd, the first of the name in the colony, who came thither a youth, as the heir of his large landed estate, which included the present site of Richmond.

[269] A son of Sir George Yeardley, a former governor of Virginia, and Lady Temperance, his wife, who was born in Virginia.

[270] The letter is given in full in Thurloe’s _State Papers_, ii. 273, and is republished in the Richmond _Standard_ of Feb. 11, 1882, by the present writer.

[271] Hening, ii. 24.

[272] _Ibid._ ii. 49.

[273] The quit-rent was one shilling for every fifty acres of land, the latest consideration in its acquirement. It was first granted to the Adventurers, by the Company, in tracts of one hundred acres, after five years’ service in the colony. If planted and seated within three years, the quantity was augmented by another hundred acres. Later, each person removing to the colony at his own expense, with the intention to settle and remain, was entitled to fifty acres of land. The right extended also to every member of his family or person whose passage-money he defrayed. These rights upon “transports” were called “head-rights,” and were assignable.

[274] The locality of the murder is indicated by a small stream known as Bacon Quarter Branch.

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Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 3 (of 8)Chapter XIII: The English in Maryland, 1632-1691 (7)

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