Chapter X: Part 10

“He will send me by a route used only by his couriers; but for this, at this season, I must take water and provision for two months, and send on some dromedaries, which will be posted about midway, where I have to halt; and by leaving my tired ones, and proceeding without a stop, I shall be able to pass before the Tuaricks have knowledge of my arrival. All this I feel I can do; but my companion, Abou, is, I am afraid, quite unequal to it. Sheik Beirock’s brother, who is with me, tells me Abou will be a safe passport for me, as soon as I arrive in Soudan: that one of his family is the present Sheik of Timbuctoo, and that his cousin, the son of Abou’s uncle, from whom he was stolen, is now the king of Houssa. He was fully acknowledged at Morocco, and my dragoman had orders from the palace to treat him with respect, as he was a Muley (prince). How we shall get on, I know not. I shall write one letter after I know the Sultán’s intention, but if you should not hear for some months, you may rest satisfied [that] I have passed Wadnoon. I feel that the same Providence which has hitherto preserved and protected me, will guard me through all the difficulties and dangers I am about to encounter. Should I not get on, I shall make a virtue of necessity, return to the Sultán at Fez, and make the best excuse to get to Tâfilêlt. I am, thank God, quite well, and have commenced training, taking two spare meals a-day, living principally on bread, rice, eggs, and weak tea; no wine, and very rarely meat; exposing myself much to the sun, and sleeping in the air.”

The Sultán had commanded Mr. Davidson to wait at Téródánt, the capital of Sús el aksá, about forty miles south-east of Santa Cruz, till he should be able to afford him a secure protection in his progress southwards: but a correspondence already established by the traveller with the Arab chief of Wád Nún, who is in name only subject to the emperor, and has the power of securing a passage across the desert, and impatience of further detention after so long a delay, made him anxiously entreat permission to advance as far as Wád Nún, and instead of remaining at Téródánt,[150] he repaired to Suweïrah or Mogador, about seventy miles due north of Santa Cruz, where he had the advantage of enjoying the society of Mr. Willshire, British Vice-Consul, on whose aid in promoting his views he knew he could rely. From that place he had again an opportunity of addressing the Duke of Sussex.

“_Mogador, March 18th,_ 1836.

“SIR,—After a fruitless attempt to cross the western branch of Mount Atlas, owing to the unusual quantity of snow, I have been obliged to come to this place, which affords me another opportunity of taking advantage of your Royal Highness’s condescension in permitting me to address you. Having received the Sultán’s consent to cross the mountains for the purpose of visiting the Jews, I left Morocco for Mesfywa, and taking the route by Trasremoot, reached an elevation of 5,000 feet; but here the loose character of the snow, and the uncertainty of the track, obliged me to abandon my project. I was accompanied in this journey by a Rabbi, from the district of Coubba or Cobba, to which place it was my intention to have proceeded. From this man I received much curious information, and have yet great hopes of reaching the people of whom he spoke, and to whom he belongs, before I return to England. He informed me that in this place, nearly as extensive as that in which the city of Morocco is situated, there are not less than 3,000 or 4,000 Jews living in perfect freedom, and following every variety of occupation; that they have mines and quarries which they work, possess large gardens and extensive vineyards, and cultivate more corn than they can possibly consume; that they have a form of government, and have possessed this soil from the time of Solomon; in proof of which he stated [that] they possess a record bearing the signet and sign of Joab, who came to collect tribute from them in the time of the son of David; that the tradition of their arrival here runs thus:—‘Crossing the Great Sea to avoid the land of Egypt, they came to a head of land with a river; that here they landed, and following the course of this leading westward, but going toward the south, they came to a spot where they found twelve wells and seventy palm-trees. This at first led them to suppose that they had by some means got to Elim; but finding the mountains on the west, they were satisfied that they had reached a new country: finding a passage over the mountains, they crossed and took up their dwelling in this valley, first in caves, which exist in great numbers, then in others which they excavated, and after this began to build towns; that at a distant period, they were driven across the mountains by a people that would not acknowledge them, and that some remained at Diminet, Mesfywa, and other places on the western side of the range.’ Looking at the map, and following this man’s observations, it is perfectly easy to trace them. They must have reached the gulf of Tremesen, and taking the river Muluwia, or Mahala, have reached Tâfilêlt, where, to this day, are twelve wells planted round with seventy palm-trees, and which many of the Jews call Elim; and from this they [must] have taken the pass to which I attempted to get. Knowing the interest your Royal Highness takes in all that refers to the history of the Jews, I have offered this man fifty dollars to obtain a copy of the record upon a skin of the same size and pattern as that which contains it, and ten dollars for the copy of two tombstones to which the Jews make their pilgrimages, and these he promises to send to the Jew agent in Morocco in six months, provided I do not in the mean time visit Coubba. On asking him, if at any period they had a great accession to their number, or if he knew anything of the breaking off of the tribes, he seemed anxious to drop the subject, and told me that the more learned men whom I should see at Coubba could better inform me; that from time to time, Jews came to them, but that these tombs and the writings they possess contain all their history. This man returned with me. I was most anxious to know the meaning of the names of some of the towns: he told me what the Moors call Mesfywa is Oom Siwá, the Mother of Siwá,[151] one of their families which crossed [the mountains]; that Ourïka[152] of the Moors, distant thirty miles, was ’Rebka, founded by one of their daughters, and that most of these places had originally Hebrew names. At Ourïka he left me. I continued for eight days to visit the towns inhabited by the Jews, to the number of above one hundred, and I should say that on this side there are more Jews dwelling with the Berbers in the mountains than resident in Morocco. They have all the same account of Coubba, and have a great belief in the Cabāllists, who they say still exist, and who receive direct communication from Heaven. I here send your Royal Highness a few of the names of the principal towns, but having lost my Rabbi interpreter, cannot procure the meaning of them: Argum, Rōōsempt, Towra, Towright, Ai Tattab, Tamazert, Zowisiderhald, Tedēēli, Tisgin (very large, two hundred families), A Mismish (one hundred and fifty families), Sefélmal, to the town on the Wad el Fis.”

The remainder of this letter is taken up with an account of a singular physiological phenomenon, if Mr. Davidson was not misled by erroneous information. He says that he had been told hermaphrodites are found in great numbers in the empire of Morocco, that they are avoided as impure, and specially mentioned in the Muselman law; that the Sultán’s minister, Sídí Ibn Idrís, one of the best-informed persons in the empire, assured him that there are numbers of them at Fez. The only individual called a khunthá, or hermaphrodite, whom Mr. Davidson had an opportunity of examining, was one of those cases of imperfect formation which are occasionally met with in Europe.

At the close of the above letter he adds, “I am happy to inform your Royal Highness that I have the greatest support from Ben Dríss in favour of my proceeding to Soudan; and he hopes the Sultán will order my return by Tâfilêlt to Fez. I have completed my arrangements with the Sheik of Wád Nún, who undertakes, for a sum which I deposit in the hands of the consul here, Mr. Willshire, who has managed the matter with great judgment, to place me safely in Timbuctoo, provided the Sultán of Morocco does not object. I only wait the answer to the letters sent to make this request. My companion Abou’s family is still on the throne of Timbuctoo; Hamed Libboo, the present king, being one of his cousins, and Fehidier, king of Houssa, another of his relations, and Woled Munsor Enēēloo, king of Bambara, is well known to him.”

In the month of April, 1836, Mr. Willshire, H. B. Majesty’s vice-consul in the empire of Morocco, received the emperor’s royal passport for Davidson and his companion to proceed from Agadeer to Wád Nún, in consequence of which they immediately set out, and reached that place on the 22nd of April,[153] but as no caravan was then likely to be assembled, they were long detained in that sultry region. During this interval Mr. Davidson again addressed the Duke of Sussex.

“_Tekínecou. Wadnoon, 3d July,_ 1836.

“SIR,—Presenting my humble duty to your Royal Highness, I beg leave to offer my most grateful thanks for the letter and its enclosures, and for which I shall ever feel indebted to your Royal Highness’s condescension. This, with other letters, found me returned to this place, after several ineffectual attempts to prevail upon any of the tribes to escort me across the Sahara,[154] on the confines of which I have been for the last three months, with the prospect of a further detention to the commencement of September. The objection of the Sultán of Morocco to my entering the district of Suse is owing, as he stated, to the dangerous and unsettled state of the country. The difficulties and delays with which I had to contend in passing through the numerous tribes now settled in the countries of Upper and Lower Suse, having no semblance of government and acknowledging no power, brought me to Wád Nún, too late for the spring Cafilas,[155] and at a period when the intense heat deterred even the Arabs from attempting the Sahara. Money, that all-powerful engine, prevailed upon five of the best of the Dummanees, who came with the van of the great Cafila from Soudan, to undertake with Sheiks Mohammed and Khiafee (who have each made the journey twenty times) to conduct me in safety to Timbuctoo, provided they were guaranteed a certain sum of money; but this only at the request of Sheik Beyrock, under whose protection I have been for the last three months, and for whose permission to pass I have already paid very heavily. All our arrangements were completed the 6th of June, the day appointed for starting. On the 4th of this month the Great Cafila, which was twenty days behind its time, reached the encampment from which I was to have started: this brought sad news. It had been attacked twice on the route; the last time only four days’ journey from this place, thirteen persons killed, much property taken, and many slaves set at liberty. The Dummanees had charge at this time, and were bound to avenge this. They attacked a large encampment of the tribe Erdghebat, the assailants of the Cafila, carried off one thousand camels, three hundred horses, and twenty-eight of the choicest slaves. This at once sounded the tocsin. All the tribes were in arms, each calling upon the other to take their parts. The Erdghebat attacked the town of Tajacanth, two days’ journey (forty-six miles) from this, but were repulsed by the Dummanees, in whose district the town is, with the loss of forty killed and one hundred wounded, most of whom have been brought to me for attendance, the Dummanees losing but four men, and having sixty wounded, many of whom also are here. Sheik Beyrock is almost the only person whose people are not involved in this quarrel. He is the great arbiter and the most powerful of them all. They have all sent deputations to him, which has afforded me an opportunity of seeing portions of most of the tribes. My position is far from enviable; the jealousy and _amour propre_ of these people is beyond all belief. I am charged with favouring one whose large arm requires two splints to support the fractured bone, or looking down upon another as puny, because I give him but two pills, whilst others less daring than himself take three. I have, however, managed to keep pretty good friends with all of them. This place offers but little of interest on which to address your Royal Highness. I hope I shall be enabled during my stay to correct some trifling geographical errors, particularly as to the course of two rivers passing through the district, and the Wad Draha,[156] which finds its way to the sea. I have, however, the satisfaction of informing your Royal Highness that I have positively arranged my departure, under a heavy forfeiture and disgrace for non-compliance on the part of the Dummanees, for the 21st of Jumád Awwal, our 1st of September, to halt three days at Tajacanth, and to perform the journey to Timbuctoo within forty days: for this, however, I have to pay very heavily. The arrangement has been made since I commenced this letter, which I have the honour of addressing to your Royal Highness, discussing the matter two days; since when many of the chiefs of the tribes were here, by express order of Sheik Beyrock. I told them at once that I wanted to go to Soudan; they knew it, and had been sent for the purpose; that the two Sheiks, Mohammed and Ali, of the Dummanees, were to take me, and that I had already given Sheik Beyrock what he asked to ensure my safety, and now wanted to know what they would require for their camels and escort; the sum demanded was so exorbitant that I said at once I would give the matter up, go back to Fez, and request the Sultán to send me on. Upon this, the Deleïm[157] said, ‘You don’t go back without giving me five hundred dollars to pass my district.’ The Abousebah,[158] a day’s journey to the north of him, said, ‘If the Deleïm gets this, so will I.’ I appealed to the Sheik, who said he was as much astonished as I was. Seeing this, one of the party, who was the constant referee, said, ‘Christian, we are all pledged to protect your person: no one will harm a hair of your head; stop where you like; your person is safe; we all know your name—Ben Daoud.[159] We have promised this to Sheik Beyrock. One from each tribe will be with you, but pay you shall. We said nothing about your money; all we were asked was to protect your person, to swear none should harm you. Depend upon us; we keep our word, but go which way you will, you shall pay.’ The Sheik begged me to leave it in his hands: he admits he has drawn a great expense upon me, and has told me, under the circumstances, to write to the vice-consul at Mogador, who knows all these people, [in order to] get him to say what I ought to give, and he will make up the rest. Seeing my position, and recollecting the sibyl’s books, I offered one-half the amount asked to take me to Timbuctoo, which within the last hour has been accepted, and we have eaten some salt since.

“I find here still the Jews. The same precise account of their arrival and taking up their residence in the valleys of Atlas. One is here from Jerusalem begging alms, unusual amongst the Jews. He is advanced in years, quite blind, and has kept constant pace with me, taking advantage of my escorts from Tangier to this place: is anxious to get to Arowan,[160] where there is a very learned Rabbi. I cannot help him; my means will not allow me. They ask nearly as much for his passage as my own; having a greater fear of the Jews getting to Soudan than the Christians. I trust by this time your Royal Highness has recovered your perfect sight, hoping that about the period of this letter’s reaching England, your Royal Highness will have received the copies of the inscriptions from the tombs of the district of Mesfywa. I can hardly expect the copy of the record from Couba or Kobba will reach Morocco till the end of the autumn, when the Rabbi told me he should be returning, and would deliver it to the Consular Agent, the Jew Courkoss, to whom I have several times written. My companion begs most respectfully to present his duty, and hopes your Royal Highness will deign to receive the few lines from his pen, which he begs me to enclose. I am sorry to say I have great fears for his health; he cannot bear fatigue, and has been attacked with ophthalmia. The whole of the Soudan people know him, and tell me he will prove a certain passport; that he is a cousin of Hamed Libboo; and another of his cousins, Ali, called Koutouk, the warrior, is now king of Kong, and that many of his family are at Kong, all rich and in power.

“Hoping this will find your Royal Highness in the enjoyment of perfect health, and trusting shortly to have the honour of addressing your Royal Highness from Soudan,

“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

“JOHN DAVIDSON.”

In the territory of Wád Nún the traveller’s patience was severely put to the test. He was detained there from April till November. From Glamiz he wrote to his brother, on the 25th September, as follows:—

“Since my last letter, I have made three ineffectual attempts at getting on, although I now begin to feel somewhat confident that Sheik Beyrock, with whom I still am, never intended sending me till the end of this month, he being so fully pledged for my safety and due arrival, that fearing the heat and the unsettled, nay warring, state of the tribes, did not choose to run these double additional risks. On the 25th of this month there is, by mutual consent, a general cessation of hostilities, to enable the tribes to attend the great Socco[161] of El Shig, held at ten hours’ ride from this place, and at which the Arabs dispose of the produce of their flocks and tents, and lay in their provisions for the whole year. The armistice lasts for six days, to give time for going and returning, the market occurring on the 28th and 29th. Of this it is intended I should take advantage, and as my people do not purchase anything, but merely come as a cloak and take me off, we shall get full three days’ start, and be nearly out of the reach of danger. I am now going on in a very different style from that mentioned in my last, partly by taunting the Tajacanths as being cowards, and more perhaps by holding out to them the rich harvest they may gain by having the whole market for salt, purchased at Toudeyny, which supplies Soudan, to themselves. Paying, as I am, an enormous sum to go on, and advancing money for the purchase of salt, to be repaid on arrival at Timbuctoo, or, in the event of an accident, to be returned to Sheik Beyrock, who is to replace it in the hands of the Vice-Consul at Mogador, I now take the whole of this portion of the Tajacanths, to the number of two hundred men and six hundred camels. Our arrangement is as follows: On the 25th, when the Sheiks with two hundred camels and sixty men start, as if to visit the Socco, two hundred camels with corn and water will proceed direct to the Sahara; thirty camels will be detached from those accompanying the two Sheiks, and come here for my baggage, which by this, you will say, is no trifle, the presents I am obliged to carry and the money (the cowries), ten camel-loads of which does not amount to one hundred pounds sterling, being all bulky. After shewing themselves at the Socco, they will join me on the road; we shall proceed to the tents, where we shall arrive on the 28th. A second two hundred camels with sixty men will proceed immediately. We remain two days to pack up our tents and grind zimeta,[162] the food eaten on the road, and carrying nothing with us but my baggage, which will now be divided between fifty and sixty camels, and make all speed to overtake the two former divisions. We shall materially lessen the load of the first, by giving drink and food to our own beasts, and loading those who for three or four days have carried nothing; and in this way push on to the first division, making no stop, with but very short nights, till we arrive at Towdeyny; there all will be loaded with salt, and this will require from eight to ten days. I hope, however, to find Hamed Libboo’s nephew there, and who no sooner hears there will be no regular Cafilá this year than he will be off with the news. I shall join him, provided poor Abou, about whom I have great fears, as you shall presently hear, can bear the journey. All are in great spirits, the people here believing that I have suffered so much on my last trip, from which I returned four days ago, that I have abandoned the idea of going on, and am now only waiting till I see El Shig, and go back to Fez. This is all very good, and I keep up this story: ’tis a very unsavoury one for me, as I cannot make the least preparation in the way of food for the journey, and forty-five days’ hard travelling, and barley and dates ground up together and mixed with milk or water, is but poor food. Meat is given but twice, at Toudeyny and Arowan, at both which places the Cafilas rest. I have had a task of ten days’ hard work on dry bread, and that not the sweetest at the end of the time, and one piece of fish, but am better in health for it, but not much fattened by it. My two first excursions were productive of little information or amusement; not so my last, which was replete with incident, and afforded me both pleasure and information. We started from this place, accompanied by the Sheik, and about a dozen friends and house slaves, under the impression that we could have reached the tents of the Tajacanths, to which, if we got, my things were to have been immediately forwarded. The first day convinced us of the impossibility of this, and not wishing to appear foiled or disappointed, we proceeded to the river Draha,[163] passing a beautiful country as far as scenery, but wholly without drinkable water, and came to the sea where this river empties itself. I had not for some weeks past eaten any of the food cooked in the Sheik’s house, but had been living on some stuff furnished by the Jews residing here: they received orders to prepare a bag of bread for the Christians, with which we started, the Sheik carrying tea and sugar; after a ride of eight hours, we halted at a very powerful spring of water, but so salt, that neither the Sheik’s horse nor mine would drink, and by a sort of law here, horses are neither allowed food nor water for twelve hours before they commence a journey: four small loaves were divided among the party, and those who liked took a saline draught, not an effervescent one. We remained half an hour, and proceeded, crossing a fine chain of hills, starting many herds of gazelles, and after two hours arrived at a large encampment, where we slept. Tea was made, but of the same water we had passed, and the boiling had far from improved its saltness. The preparation for dinner was too disgusting, and I will spare it you. We started the following day before day-break: the heat being excessive, we were obliged to cover the stirrups, &c. with our haiks.[164] At one P.M., going S.E., the thermometer was 140°—112° in our tents at night. Reached the wells, and found much cattle, but water salt. Here we got plenty of camels’ milk. Rode till six; halted, and killed two large wolves and many snakes. Off early, and crossed the mountains of Ab-el-Assel,[165] at the foot of which we found Bahra, one of Sheik Beyrock’s sons-in-law, with 1,000 camels. Here I saw much of Arab life—the settlement of points of law, marriages, and divorces. Here the story-teller and the bard divided the night between them. The wild Arab girl danced and sung the praises of the Sheik, and the poor Christian had a ditty composed in his favour. Next day we turned towards the sea; killed some wild boars; at the sea, got some fish;—and turned homewards, taking a different route: but no water except salt. I was ten days on this journey, and travelled, on an average, ten hours a day. Before this reaches you I shall be on my way to Timbuctoo. An express will be sent on my arrival.

“Faithfully yours,

“JOHN DAVIDSON.”

On the 2d day of November, he says, in addressing Lord Palmerston,—

“Since my letter to your lordship I have visited Sheik Beyrock. The map is but an indifferent guide; there is no such river as the Akassa; it is the Assaka, running near to this place: between this and Glamiz there are two other rivers, not laid down at all, the Boukoukmar and Syad. The point at which Sheik Beyrock wishes to form his port is the mouth of the river Draha (from El Wad Draha),[166] which, according to my reckoning, is 32 miles S.W. of Cape Noon, and should occupy the place marked on the map Akassa.

“I fear Sheik Beyrock has far overstated his means, but not at all the capabilities of the country. I am confident much may be done, in a commercial point of view, with these people, but he wants a better port than the Wad Draha—shallow water, heavy surf, and many sand-banks: he has, however, shown much judgment in the selection of his position.

“The Wad Draha, rising a little S.W. of Tâfilêlt, runs through the productive districts of Draha and El Harib,[167] passing near to Tatta and Akka, skirting lower Suse, finds its way through the fertile country possessed by the tribes of Errub, Draha, Maraibait, Tajacanth, and Ergebat. These people can furnish large quantities of produce, and could, according to their own account, be great consumers, could they purchase goods on more reasonable terms. These people have in their hands the largest portion of the Soudan trade in gold, gum, ivory, and ostrich feathers; they rear large quantities of wool and skins, and in the districts N. and E. of this, immense quantities of oil, wax, hides, and almonds.”

On the 11th of that month, Mr. Vice-Consul Willshire informed the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society that on the 3d Mr. Davidson, at whose patience and high courage he expresses his astonishment, wrote in spirits at the prospect of leaving a place where he had suffered so many annoyances, vexations, and disappointments:—

“‘Even now,’ he adds, ‘after waiting for the Cafila, which will be immense, near 400 men, and, they say, 2,000 camels, I am not even going with it. I should, by all accounts, as a Christian and a doctor, be worried to death. I go straight from this to Arowan, never touching the Cafila route at all; we shall not see a single tent. There are some wells, known only to two or three of the guides. We take five naggas (she camels) for milk, the five men, and Mohammed El Abd, some zimēta (barley meal). I take the biscuit for Abou and self; each carries a skin of water, to be touched only if the milk fails: thirty days to bring us to Arowan, and five more to Timbuctoo.’

“I have made the above extracts to assure you that the arrangements were made, and Mr. Davidson ready to start at a moment’s notice, and that in the course of two or three days I hope to have the pleasure to acquaint you of his having proceeded on his journey. Once away from Wád Nún, and I have every and the fullest confidence of his efforts being crowned with success.

“I have the honour to be, Sir,

“Your most obedient servant,

“WM. WILLSHIRE.”

“P.S.—I open this letter to add, I have received a letter from Mr. Davidson, dated Saturday, the 5th inst., who appears in high spirits, and writes,—

“‘The start is to be on Monday, although I do not go on that day; everything is now packed up, and placed ready to be put on the camels, with which Abou starts at day-break on Monday. I am to be left here, as if having sent him on. Mohammed El Abd remains behind. On Wednesday or Thursday, according to the distance made by the camels on the first day, we start on horseback, accompanied by Beyrock and about six horsemen, and are to make Yeisst, if possible, in one day. Here I leave the district of Wadnoon. And to this place is three days’ journey for loaded camels. I here leave my horse and mount my camel, and we push on to the tents.’

“Mr. Davidson did not start on a sudden, on the 3d inst., as stated to me by a courier, who brought me a letter from him of that date, and which I reported in a letter I had the honour to address to his Majesty’s secretary of state, Viscount Palmerston, on the 8th inst., and which you will oblige me by correcting and making known to his lordship.

“Your most obedient servant,

“W. W.”

The following extracts from Mr. Willshire’s letters will give all the intelligence received respecting the sequel of Mr. Davidson’s expedition:—

“_Mogadore, 13th Dec.,_ 1836.

“SIR,—I had the pleasure on the 28th ultimo of announcing the departure of Mr. Davidson from Wadnoon, on his route to Timbuctoo, and I beg to acquaint you, I have since had the satisfaction to receive a letter from him, dated Yeisst, 15-16th ult., from whence he writes to me,—‘All is at length settled, and we start to-morrow morning at first-day. I believe also the Cafila will be allowed to proceed, although one mitcal a-head is to be paid by all who pass; we have here above fifty persons, and one hundred camels. I am unable to tell you for certain the route I take; this is to depend upon circumstances. But two persons besides Mohammed El Abd accompany us; so that after all the talk of Wadnoon, I am going in my original way, of a party of only five, including Abou and self.’

“Yeisst is three days’ journey south of Wadnoon, from Temzirst, (which place Mr. Davidson describes as a beautiful ride of eight hours, and speaks in high terms of the attentions and civilities of Sheik Hammo, who, with a party of twenty horse, accompanied him from Temzirst to Yeisst.) Mr. Davidson remarks,—‘Every step we have taken from Wadnoon we have found the people better, more liberal, more hospitable, and although somewhat savage, having yet a little mildness of character, of which there is none at Wadnoon.’

“At the date of the latest letters received from Sheik Beyrock, Mr. Davidson had been gone from Yeisst eighteen days, without there being any intelligence of him, which argues favourably for his safety: the greatest danger being upon the borders of the Desert, where there are many wandering and warlike tribes.

“I have reason to believe Mr. Davidson and party have pushed on as fast as possible: the journey was to be done in a very short time, as the camels were only to drink six times; and by not visiting the tents of the Tajacanths, nearly six days’ journey would be saved.

“Mr. Davidson, in the concluding paragraph of his letter, writes—‘I am happy to say I have picked up amazingly, and have now no fears about my health; and I beg to assure you I flatter myself with the hope, that the intrepid traveller may pass a merry new-year’s day at the famed city of Timbuctoo—which event I trust to have the high pleasure of announcing to you in about three months, Sheik Mohammed El Abd having promised to be the bearer of a letter, which he is to deliver for me, and say—There is a letter from _Yahya Ben Daoud_;[168] the Tajacanths have kept their word.’—God grant he may, is the hearty and sincere prayer of, Sir, your most obedient servant,

“WM. WILLSHIRE.”

“To Capt. Maconochie, R.N.”

Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wadnoon, 1st day of the month Dual Caada[169] (answering to the 7th instant), received at Mogadore 13th February, 1837.

“To our friend, Merchant Willshire, English Vice-Consul,
salám,[170] &c.

“We received your letter by the courier, which we have read and understand, about the news of the Tibbib[171] John Davidson; his death is certain—the Harib met him—death is the lot of all. We had arranged with all the tribes of Arabs who are known to plunder and commit robberies on the road; we had ensured his safety with them. The Tibbib did not leave our house until we had previously received security from Eborria (of the tribe of Idowlet), that he might pass through his district of El Harib; we had no fear, because they are traders, and convey and pass the merchants of Tâfilêlt, and receive hire. El Harib did not go _that route_ but to kill him (the Tibbib), and we have heard that the merchants of Tâfilêlt had given money to El Harib to murder him. Tâfilêlt is only distant one or two days’ journey from the usual place of abode of the tribe of El Harib. As to the property of the Tibbib, nothing has found its way to this quarter; but should it, I will send it to you. His property will get to Tâfilêlt, where it will be sold, and you had better write to the Sultan Mulai Abderrahman, to give orders to his Viceroy to seek after his books, writings, and property.

“We inform you we have sent a friend to the Tajacanths, ordering a person to be despatched to Timbuctoo, to bring us Abou, who is gone there; and have given the strictest orders for every information and news how it happened, to be sent us.

“As to the envy, like that of Wold Isheme[172] and others we have heard of, you know better than any one what money the Tibbib had. The truth of all the news will be known when the horsemen return from the Tajacanths. We will send it to you, and point out to you the spot or place where he (the Tibbib) was met, and the day he was murdered. His death would be first known at Tâfilêlt, from whence it would reach Fas, as many of the El Harib go to that city. We are far off, which is the cause of the intelligence being so long before it reached us. The station of the Tajacanths is twelve days’ journey from this place, and it is three months that no one has come to us from thence, except this news, which came from Yeisst. The money which he (the Tibbib) lent to Mohammed El Abd make yourself easy about it; the day the caravan returns, we will get repaid, and remit it to you.—Inshalla[173]—Salam.”

Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wad Nún, 1st day of Dual Caada, (answering the 7th inst.), received at Mogadore, 13th February, 1837.

“To Sidi Hadge Abibe, salám,[174] &c.

“As to what you write about the Tibbib John Davidson, the party of the Harib found (or met) him and killed him, plundering him of all his property, and that of Mohammed El Abd,[175] which he had with him of long-cloths and hamburgas. On the day they killed the Tibbib they seized his companion Abou, and swore to him by the most solemn oath, if he did not show and tell of the property belonging to the Christian, they would take his life, upon which he discovered and told them of everything, which they took and went away with; and the reason why I did not write to you before now, I had doubts of the truth.

“How comes it that you listen to the words of Wold Isheme, who writes to the Jew his friend, and tells him the Tibbib had deposited with us the sum you mention in your letter? why did you not answer Willshire on the point, as you saw the money he delivered over to Mohammed El Abd? God be praised, we are known not to be traitors, like Wold Isheme: however, if his companion Abou comes, he will relate all the news with his own mouth.

“Be informed we have written to the heads of the Tajacanths, Sidi Mohammed Dumanee, Sidi Mohammed Ben Annish, and Hamed Moolud,[176] to send persons like themselves to bring to us his companion Abou, from wherever he can be found; at all events, if he be alive, you will see him, Inshalla, and if dead, God’s will be done.

“The words you report, that we had arranged with the Harib to betray him (the Tibbib), such doings are not our ways, nor could we degrade ourselves to do so; everyone God will reckon with for the words he utters.

“For four days we neither ate nor drank, and have sworn by all that is sacred to be revenged. Whenever the Harib are to be found, in their tents or on the road, our tribe shall plunder and kill them.

“As regards the property of the Tibbib, if any articles remain in the hands of the Tajacanths, they will reach you. God knows how much we have grieved about him, but, God be praised, we did not leave anything undone for the safety of the Tibbib. We did not think the Harib would turn traitors to any person sent by us. This has been done by the traders of Tâfilêlt, who had bribed the Harib to kill him. God’s will be done: the facts will be known when the two horsemen return, whom we have despatched to Tajacanth, and which will be sent to you.—Peace.”

“_Mogadore, 14th February,_ 1837.

“SIR,—I had the melancholy duty, on the 1st instant, to make you acquainted with the distressing intelligence which had reached me regarding Mr. Davidson. I am grieved at heart to inform you that all the accounts I have received since confirm the melancholy tidings.

“The most circumstantial account I have heard, I derived from a Jew trader of the name of Jacob Ben Cohen, who arrived here from Draha on the 2d instant, and reported to me that Mr. Davidson had been robbed on the 29th or 30th of Shaban[177] (thirty-two or thirty-three days after Mr. Davidson started from Wadnoon), by the tribes of Idowlet and Ait Atta, in the district of Hameda, four days’ journey from Tatta, who, receiving from Mr. Davidson eight doubloons and one hundred dollars, and a loaded camel, allowed the party, consisting of eighteen persons, to proceed on their route towards Timbuctoo; Wold Hamdan[178] and Eborria, of Idowlet, and Wold Henna and Wold Aboo, of the tribe of Ait Atta,[179] he mentioned as the names of the robbers. My informant stated, that, eight or ten days after, a marauding party of 100 horsemen of the tribe of El Harib, who were returning from plundering a place called Bousbeyah,[180] met Mr. Davidson’s party a little to the south of Egueda, whom they immediately robbed, and shot Mr. Davidson, who received eight balls, and when dead, every one discharged their muskets at his body as a _meritorious act_. At _El Mehamdee_,[181] a town distant six days from Tatta,[182] where my informant was living, he saw in the possession of the Arabs and Jews various articles which had belonged to Mr. Davidson, which he described, and left no doubt on my mind as to his fate. Among the articles which he had seen, he named a silver watch, a pocket-compass, sword, three books, a box of medicines, Japan tea-caddy, beads, and cowries, all of which he _must have seen_, or he could not have described them so correctly as he did. My informant could not give a certain account of the fate of poor Abou, the companion of Mr. Davidson, but understood he had gone on with the caravan, in which he is partly borne out by the letter received from Sheik Beyrock yesterday.

“Other accounts state Mr. Davidson and party were travelling some distance in a parallel route, but rather behind the caravan, which was first met by the party of El Harib, who were disappointed not to find Mr. Davidson, _for whom they inquired_. The caravan was stopped; and afterwards Mr. Davidson came up, when he was instantly shot. Another report inclines me to believe the Harib at first appeared friendly, and afterwards seized an opportunity treacherously to murder him at a place called Sheh’ Keyah,[183] twenty days’ journey from Wadnoon, and about twenty-seven days distant from Timbuctoo.

“I have been much disappointed that the information received by the return of the courier I despatched to Wadnoon with letters to Sheik Beyrock is very meagre and inconclusive. In his letters no allusion is made to the robbery and murder of Mr. Davidson, as having occurred at different places, nor is the account of Jacob Ben Cohen supported in this point by any of the reports which have come to my knowledge, except the one received by my agent from his son at Morocco, which states that Mr. Davidson had been robbed, and afterwards allowed to proceed on his journey. I have no reason to suspect treachery on the part of Sheik Beyrock, although the reports set afloat by _Wold Isheme_ are intended to create such a suspicion. The falsity of the report that Mr. Davidson had deposited a large sum of money with the Sheik is evident.

“Considering there was a great probability Abou might have been taken by the tribe of El Harib, and detained as a slave, I directed the Sheik to procure his release, and to send him to me. By the answer he has returned, he appears to believe that Abou had gone on with the caravan, in which case there is not much likelihood of the horsemen despatched from the station of the Tajacanths overtaking it.

“I beg to acquaint you I have not yet determined upon what steps to take to collect further information, having only yesterday received the letters from Sheik Beyrock. It is my wish to despatch a Moor to proceed to Draha, to recover if possible everything belonging to Mr. Davidson; the great difficulty is to select a person well acquainted with the country, and in whom every confidence can be placed. I attach considerable value to the notes Mr. Davidson may have made on the route from Wadnoon up to the moment he met his untimely fate. I have in view a Moorish trader who has travelled in many parts of the Desert, and if I can come to an arrangement with him, I shall despatch him to Draha, with directions to proceed to the very spot; and everything I can do towards elucidating this melancholy affair, be assured, will be done. I mourn for my friend.

“I remain, &c.

(Signed) “W. WILLSHIRE.”

“P.S.—I have omitted to state, that by the report of Jacob Ben Cohen, Mr. Davidson met his fate on the 8th day of Ramadan,[184] answering to the 17th or 18th of December last. Sheh Keya, near the southern confines of the district of Eguedee,[185] sixteen days from Tatta, and ten days from Toudeyny.

“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”

“_Mogadore, March 7,_ 1837.

“The answer I have been looking so many days for from Sheik Beyrock, in reply to a long letter I wrote to him, only reached me this morning. In it he gives rather a different version from former reports. At Eguedee, on the 18th day of Ramadan, Mr. Davidson and a party of Tajacanths, twelve in number, were at a watering-place, when a party of seventeen of the tribe of El Harib came up. It is stated, more as a surmise than on certain information, that some of Mr. Davidson’s party having gone to drink, leaving their muskets behind, some of the Harib cut off the party thus divided, when two of them immediately shot Mr. Davidson, and plundered the camels, tearing and destroying all his books and papers. The Tajacanths, who were plundered, and afterwards, with Abou, allowed to proceed on their journey, and are gone on to Timbuctoo, do not appear to have offered any resistance. The Sheik recalls the assertion made in a former letter, that the traders of Tâfilêlt had bribed the Harib to waylay and murder Mr. Davidson.

(Signed) “WM. WILLSHIRE.”

“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”

“_Mogadore, March 14,_ 1837.

“SIR,—A trader of Wadnoon, named Sidi Ali Wold Ifkee, with whom Mr. Davidson was on intimate terms during his stay at that place, arrived two days from thence yesterday, called and gave me the following relation of the melancholy fate of that gentleman, which I believe can be depended upon, and is deserving of more credit than any other. The substance is as follows:—

“Mr. Davidson and party were first met by some of the tribes of Ilowbet and Ait Atta, who took from him some money, and allowed the party to proceed. The party reached Swekeya,[186] where they rested to wait for the caravan to come up. On the third day, a party of fifteen, or more, of the tribe of El Harib arrived at the resting-place, and after the usual salutations, inquired of Mohammed El Abd who he was travelling with? when he replied, a shereef, who was going to Gualata[187] on business. After some little conversation, the head of the party of El Harib requested Mohammed El Abd to show him the watering-place, who, leaving his musket behind, and the rest of the Harib _sitting down_, accompanied him over the sand-hills, and when out of sight, hearing a report of a musket, Mohammed El Abd asked what had been done, when the Harib replied, his party had shot the Christian; he complained bitterly, and said he would rather they had murdered him. It is stated, that when Mohammed El Abd went away, one of the Harib pretended to examine his gun, and seized the opportunity to take aim, and shot Mr. Davidson, who was sitting on the ground a short distance from the party, who immediately began to plunder and seize everything belonging to Mr. Davidson, allowing Mohammed El Abd to keep possession of what property belonged to him, obliging him first to make oath on the Koran. That the caravan was not met by the Harib, but has gone on to Timbuctoo, with which Abou, the companion of Mr. Davidson, travelled.

“Sidi Ali added, that he had reason to believe that the first robbers gave intelligence of Mr. Davidson’s route to the tribe of El Harib; and that had not Mr. Davidson stopped, he would have reached Toudeyny before they could have overtaken him.

“I am most sorry to observe, that I do not entertain a hope of receiving further or more correct particulars regarding the fate of Mr. Davidson than what I have communicated. He was aware of the perils and dangers of the journey; nothing could shake his determination, and his valuable life has paid the forfeit; but his name will be handed down to posterity, as one of the many victims who have nobly fallen in the cause of science.

“I am, &c.

(Signed) “WM. WILLSHIRE.”

“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”

[Extracted from the JOURNAL of the ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY of
LONDON:—

pp. 100—110. Vol. 6th.]

* * * * *

“My name is Abú Bekr es siddík: my birth place is Tumbut. I was educated in the town of Jenneh (Genneh), and fully instructed in reading and construing the Koran,—but in the interpretation of it by the help of commentaries. This was [done] in the city of Ghónah, where there are many learned men [’ulemá], who are not natives of one place, but each of them, having quitted his own country, has come and settled there. The names of these sayyids who dwelt in the city of Ghónah were as follows:—’Abd-Allah ibn-al Hájj; Mohammed Wataráwí; Mohammed al Mustafá; Fatík, the white [man] [al abyad]; Sheïkh ’Abdäl-kádir, Sankarí, from the land of Fútah Jálló; Ibráhim ibn Yúsuf, from the land of Fútah Tóró; Ibráhím ibn Abí-l Hásan, from Sillá by descent, but born at Járrah. These men used to meet together to hear the instructions of ’Abd-Allah ibn-al Hájji Mohammed Tafsír.

“My father’s name was Karah Músá, the Sherif,[188] Weteráwí, Tassír, _i.e._ of the royal family.[189] His brothers were named Idrís [Enoch], ’Abdu-r-rahmán, Mahmúd, and Abú Bekr. Their father’s name was Már,[190] al Káïd, O’mar ibn Sháhidu-l-muluk [son of the King’s witness or chief law officer] in the cities of Tumbut and Jenneh. He[191] was also called Ibn Abú Ibrahím (may his grave be visited!) was of this country. He was their father’s first-born, and for that reason my name was called by the name of his brother Bekr.

“After their father’s death, there was a dissention between them and their families, and they separated, and went into different countries of the blacks.[192] _Idrís_ went to _Járrah_, and married a daughter of Már, al-káïd Abú Bekr: her name was Ummuyu,—and he dwelt there. _’Abdu-r-rahmán_ travelled as far as _Kong_. He married the daughter of Abú Thaúmá ’Alí, lord of that country, and dwelt there. The name of his wife was Sárah. _Mahmúd_ [travelled] to the city of _Ghónah_, and settled there. His wife’s name was Zuhrá. _Abú Bekr_ remained at _Tumbut_ with the rest of the family.[193] He was not married at the time I left our country.

“Before all these things happened my father used to travel about [continually.] He went into the land of Kashinah and Bernú. There he married my mother, and then returned to Tumbut, to which place my mother followed him. It came to pass after this, that he remembered his brethren, repented on account of them, and wept bitterly. He then ordered his slaves to make ready for their departure with him [on a journey] to visit his brethren, [and see] whether they were in [good] health or not. They, therefore, obeyed their master’s orders, and did so; and went to the town of Jenneh, and from thence to Kong, and afterwards to Ghónah. There they abode and continued to serve their master, collecting much gold for him there. In that country much gold is found in the plains, banks of rivers, rocks, and stones. They break the stones, and grind them, and reduce them to dust. This is then put into vessels, and washed with water till the gold is all collected under the water in the vessels, and the dust lies above it. They then pour out this mud upon the ground, and the gold remains in the vessels; and they spread it out to dry. After that, they try it [on a touchstone], and make such things as they are able. For money or exchange they use shells, called al woda’,[194] gold and silver; they also barter goods for goods, according to the measure of their value.

“My father collected much gold in that country, and sent much to his father-in-law; together with horses, asses, mules, and very valuable silk garments brought from Misr, with much wealth, as a present to him. He was my mother’s father; his name was Al Háij Mohammed Tafsír, of the countries of Bernú and Kashínah, both inhabited by his family.

“After this my father fell ill of a fever, and died in the city of Ghónah. He was buried there, and his brothers went and made a great lamentation for him. At that time I was a child; I knew nothing of this, but all these things were told me by some of our old men. They [my father’s brothers] returned afterwards to their own dwellings, and Mahmúd [alone] was left in the city of Ghónah.