Chapter XI: Part 11

“My mother’s name was Nághódí, that is, in the Haúsá tongue; but her real name was Hafsah.[195] Her brothers were named ’Abd-allah Tafsír, As-sifá, Ya’kúb, Yahyà, Sa’ad, Hámid Bábá, Múmin, ’Othmán, and ’Abdu-lkerim. Her sisters were Habíbah, Fátimah, Maryam, and Maïmúnah. Their father was named Al Hájji Mohammed Tafsír, of the cities of Kashínah and Bernú. With respect to my mother, she was born in the city of Bernú. Her father, when he went to perform the pilgrimage [to Mecca], left her mother suckling her, on which account her name was called Nághódí.

“My brothers were named ’Omar, Sálih, Sa’íd, Músá Bábà, Múmin, ’Abd-allah, Suleïmán, Mustafá, Yúsuf, and ’Abdu-r-rahmán; but my mother’s side, Sálih only. My sisters were ’A’yishah, Aminah, Selímah, Hawái [Eve], and Keltum; but Aminah only on my mother’s side. These men and these women issued, all of them, from the stock of the Sheïkh ’Abdu-l-kádir, the sheríf, and their family name is Mór.

“About five years after my father’s death, I asked my instructor, who taught me the Koran, to go with me to the city of Ghónah to visit my father’s grave. He answered, ‘Yea, Abú Bekr assiddík, if it please God, I will do that thou dost desire.’ He then prepared himself, and sought for provision for the road; and he was followed by a large company of his disciples,[196] who bewailed him. We reached the city of Kong, and afterwards went on to the city of Ghónah; and abode there a long time, reckoning that country as our own. We found protection[197] in that country. Two years after our arrival in Ghónah, it entered into my teacher’s heart to set out on the pilgrimage; and while he was making diligent enquiries from people who were going to perform the pilgrimage, some men told him of the business of Mohammed Keshín and his brother ’Omar, and Adam, of the land of Buntukhú. He then began to make inquiries of the people of Buntukkú, and they told him that Omar and Mohammed Keshín had departed, and had left Adam behind; that he was not [now] going, but wished to go. My master made haste to seek for him in some of the towns, and left me in the city of Ghónah with my uncle Mahmúd.

“At this time we heard the news of the business of Adingharah, Sultán of Buntukkú, after the Sultán of Bandah, or Inkoransá, who was named Afwá, had been killed. They say Adinkarah wished to kill Kujóh, governor of Kolongzhwí, a town belonging to the Sultán of Ghónah. He wished to kill him, because of what happened between him and Dikkì, his deputy [who had been killed by Kujóh]. Adinkarah, therefore wished to put the latter to death by way of retaliation. Adinkarah, Sultán of Buntukkú, sent to Kujóh, requiring him to pay a great deal of gold as a ransom for his life,[198] and Kujóh sent what he required; but he refused to accept it, and said to Kujóh’s messenger, ‘Return to thy master, and say to him, “Unless thou increase it by 200 times as much, I will not accept it; but my sword shall take his head from off his neck; thou shalt die a swift death.” When this messenger came to his master, and told him these words, Kujóh stretched out his hand, took back the gold, and kept it; and likewise sent a messenger to the Sultán of Ghónah to tell him what had happened.

“Then was Adinkarah very wroth; and he ordered all his captains to gather all their soldiers together, and follow him to make war against Kujóh, and to kill him, that they might avenge the death of his servant Dikkí. When the Sultán of Ghónah heard that Adinkarah, Sultán to Buntukkú, and his army, had come against them to kill them, he and all his host, together with Kujóh, rose up to meet them, and marched against them as far as the town of Bolóh, choosing to attack them there; and there they fought from mid-day till evening. Then they separated, and returned to their own places. Seven days afterwards, they again gathered themselves together, and engaged in battle, at the town of Amvighóh. It was a hard fought battle, and many souls perished on that day. Thus did Adinkarah overcome the King of Ghónah, and take the town of Amvighóh. The people of Ghónah fled, and some of them passed on [as far as] to the city of Kong.

“On that day was I made a slave. They tore off my cloths, bound me with ropes, laid on me a heavy burden, and carried me to the town of Buntukkú, and from thence to the town of Kumásí, the King of Ashantí’s town. From thence through Askumá and Ajimmakúh, in the land of Fantí, to Daghóh, near the salt sea.

“There they sold me to the Christians, and I was bought by a certain captain of a ship of that town. He sent me to a boat, and delivered me to the people of the ship. We continued on board ship, at sea, for three months, and then came on shore in the land of Jamaica. This was the beginning of my slavery until this day. I tasted the bitterness of slavery from them,[199] and its oppressiveness; but praise be to God, under whose power are all things, He doth whatsoever he willeth! No one can turn aside that which he hath ordained, nor can any one withhold that which He hath given! As God Almighty himself hath said:—Nothing can befal us unless it be written for us (in his book)! He is our master: in God, therefore, let all the faithful put their trust!

“The faith of our families is the faith of Islám. They circumcise the foreskin; say the five prayers;[200] fast every year in the month of Ramadán; give alms as ordained in the law; marry [only] four free women—a fifth is forbidden to them except she be their slave; they fight for the faith of God; perform the pilgrimage [to Mecca]—_i.e._ such as are able so to do; eat the flesh of no beast but what they have slain for themselves; drink no wine—for whatever intoxicates is forbidden unto them; they do not keep company with those whose faith is contrary to theirs,—such as worshippers of idols, men who swear falsely by the name of the Lord, who dishonour their parents, commit murder or robbery, bear false witness, are covetous, proud, insolent, hypocrites, unclean in their discourse, or do any thing that is forbidden: they teach their children to read, and [instruct them in] the different parts of knowledge; their minds are perfect and blameless according to the measure of their faith.

“Verily I have erred and done wickedly, but I entreat God to guide my heart in the right path, for he knoweth what is in my heart, and whatever [can be pleaded] in my behalf.

“Finished in the month of August, on the 29th day, in the year of the Messiah

1834 [1835].”

From this narrative we collect that the writer of it was born at Tumbuktú, about the year 1794; that his grandfather ’Omar was an al-káïd, or magistrate, in that city and in Jenneh on the Jálibá or Niger, and son of the king’s witness, one of the principal law-officers of the state. Kong, where his uncle Abdu-r-rahmán settled, is the place in the chain of mountains running parallel with the southern coast of Africa, the position of which was pointed out to Mungo Park. Its distance and bearing with respect to Jenneh, as far as Abú Bekr could give any notion of them, appear to agree nearly with the position assigned to it in Mr. J. Arrowsmith’s Map of Africa. Ghónah, the residence of Mahmúd, another of Abú Bekr’s uncles, is about eight days’ journey east or south-east of Kong. That place he believed to be mid-way between Jenneh and Ashantí. But as the distance between Ghónah and Ashantí is twelve days’ journey, that capital, the position of which is known, must be about twenty days’ journey distant from Kong, and forty from Jenneh. Abúr Bekr was two months on his way from Jenneh to Kong, but he thought the journey might be completed in fifteen days; twenty days, therefore, gives a fair mean, and confirms his supposition that Kong is just midway between the Jálibá and Ashantí.

When only two years old, his father removed to Jenneh from Tumbuktú, or, as Abú Bekr generally called it, Tumbuttú, or Tumbut;[201] of that place, therefore, he had no recollection. When only four years old he lost his father; and five years afterwards, when he was in the tenth year, he went to Ghónah to visit his father’s burial-place, stopping one year at Kong on the way. On the supposition, therefore, that he remained three years at Ghónah, he was in his fourteenth year when he fell into the hands of the Ashantís, and was sent as a slave to the West Indies either in 1807 or 1808. Amvíkoh, the place where he was seized by the people of Buntukkú, is fifteen or twenty miles to the south of Ghónah, and nine days’ journey south of Kumásí, the capital of Ashantí. Daghó, the place on the coast where he was put on board ship, is mentioned by Protten, the Danish missionary, as not far from Winnebá, one of the British forts. (Adelung, Mithrid., iii. 188.) From Daghó, or rather Cape Coast, Abú Bekr was carried to Jamaica, in which island he passed about twenty-seven years of his life, first as the slave of a stone-mason named Donellan, subsequently on the estate of Mr. Haynes, and finally as the property of Mr. Anderson. Donellan was a very kind master, and when he told his slaves, about a year after Abú Bekr was purchased by him, that, as his mother wished to see him, he must return to England, after selling his property in Jamaica, they all shed tears. Mr. Haynes, it appears, was not himself resident on the island; and it was by his order that Abú Bekr, and the rest of the slaves on his estate, were baptised. In what manner they were prepared for baptism, it was difficult to ascertain; certain it is, as we learn from Dr. Madden, that the Mohammedans still retained their faith in the divine mission of Mahomet. It was at his baptism that Abú Bekr was named Edward Donellan. Mr. Haynes’s benevolent intentions cannot be doubted; but, as is too often the case where the planters are not residing on their property, his overseers and agents did not faithfully execute his orders, for “it was then,” says Abú Bekr, in a paper written on his voyage home, “that I tasted all the bitterness of slavery.” On the 6th of September, 1823, Mr. Haynes’s property was sold, and Abú Bekr was purchased by Mr. Anderson, who, having discovered his steadiness and honesty, employed him to take an account of all that came or was issued from his slave yard. He put down everything in negro English and in the Arabic character, (for he never had an opportunity of learning to read or write English,) and read it off to the overseer in the evening. His cyphers they perhaps could read themselves, and therefore prove his sums; but as he is well acquainted with the first rules of arithmetic, and very careful, they were probably satisfied with the sum total that he gave in. After his liberation he continued in the same employment, but his condition could hardly be said to be improved, as his employer merely gave him his board, and appears to have withdrawn most of the former indulgences, without substituting wages in their stead. Nor, but for the kind and determined assistance of Capt. Oldrey, would he have been suffered to come to this country, or indeed to leave Jamaica.

Of the kindness of his present master he speaks in terms of the warmest gratitude; and Mr. Davidson, on his part, fully appreciates his merits. Should that enterprising traveller be so fortunate as to reach Tumbuktú in safety, he will find—independently of the rank which, it seems, Abú Bekr’s relations there hold—that so faithful, affectionate, and intelligent an interpreter is a treasure, the value of which cannot be too highly estimated.

As the veracity of Abú Bekr’s narrative has received an unexpected corroboration from the testimony of persons whom Mr. Davidson saw in Morocco, it may appear superfluous to enlarge upon the circumstances which justify our reliance on the truth of his statements; but a brief mention of a few will perhaps be considered as an appropriate conclusion to this paper.

We may say, then, that his general good character, his years as indicated by his face, and the cessation of the slave-trade in March, 1808, are all so many evidences in favour of his statements respecting the age at which he was carried to the West Indies. His knowledge of the Arabic language is another very cogent proof of the truth of his statements. Though far from being able to write it with strict grammatical accuracy, or possessing the command of an abundant stock of words and phrases, his power of expressing himself in that copious and difficult tongue, and the clearness and facility with which he writes its characters, are truly surprising when his peculiar circumstances are taken into account. He could scarcely have completed his fifteenth year when taken away from Africa; was two years in the West Indies before he could obtain the use of pen, ink, and paper; and, with the exception of two or three negroes,—one fortunately on board the slaver which carried him off,—had no means of reviving his remembrance of what he had learned, till a very late period.

Some time before he left Jamaica, a benevolent stranger, who found that he could read Arabic, sent him, from England, a copy of the New Testament in that language; and he had also read parts of the Old Testament with attention, as is evident from some texts quoted in the narrative written on his voyage from New York to England. On seeing the plates in Mr. Bowdich’s Travels, he immediately recognised a street in Kumásí, and the magical ceremonies of the Ashantí soothsayers; in Mr. Dupuis’s book also the passage of the Basomprá. He mentioned many of the names of king’s and chiefs, of whom those writers speak. At the British Museum, instantly he recognized many old acquaintances; particularly the hippopotamus, who, he said, always came out of the water at certain hours, and did a great deal of mischief. With the plants and seeds he seemed equally well acquainted; particularly the nittah, a species of acacia, and the palms,—most of which he could never have seen in the West Indies. His acquaintance with the Korán was no less remarkable. “What became of that wicked king, Fróna?” said he, to one of his friends from whom he had already received some information.—“I never heard of Fróna,” said his friend.—“Oh, yes,” replied Abú Bekr, “you know him,—he is spoken of in the Bible; he was King of Misr,—he is mentioned in many places in the Kóran.”—“Write down his name, then,” returned his friend; and he wrote “Fir’aum,” _i.e._ Pharaoh, very correctly spelt. It was too late to look for the Korán that night; but the next morning, he in a few minutes found out almost all the places where Pharaoh is mentioned—scattered, as need hardly be said, all over the book. In the summer, he chaunted the call to prayer—given by the Muedhdhins from the minarets of the mosque—with the exact pronunciation, intonation, and rhythm, that is used from Cairo to Constantinople, and from Belgrade to Dehlí.

The Kóran he must have known almost by heart, as he declared he had never seen a copy of it from the time he left Ghónah till one was put into his hand by the writer of this paper. He was not old enough, he said, when captured, to enter on a course of logic and rhetoric, or to study the commentaries on the Korán; but he knew the names of the most celebrated commentators. This is a plain proof of the superior civilization of the negroes in the interior over those near the coast; and, however incredible at first sight, it is confirmed by Burckhardt’s account of the Shaïkìyah Arabs in Meroë, and the well-written Arabic despatches from Bello’s court, now in the records of the Foreign Office.

* * * * *

In justice to Mr. E. Drummond Hay, the British Consul at Tangiers, to whom Mr. Davidson once felt disposed to attribute the difficulties thrown in his way and his protracted stay at Gibraltar, it has been thought fit to put in the Appendix the letters following:—

“_Gibraltar, Sept. 16,_ 1835.

“MY DEAR SIR,—The advice I thought it my duty to give you was undoubtedly dictated by political reasons, which, although they may not in European States interfere with projects purely scientific, such as that of your gallant enterprize, appear to be of a widely different kind in Marocco.

“I gave the advice after mature consideration, and with an ardent desire for the success of your undertaking, in which I take a peculiar interest.

“I told you, I believe—but if not, I may now assure you—that I should probably save myself considerable trouble by taking immediately the step you wish, notwithstanding my advice and the reasons for it which I laid open to you in unreserved confidence, which I considered due to you as the bearer of a letter from his Majesty in furtherance of your object. I felt also the full weight of the responsibility I took upon myself in proposing some delay previous to your setting out upon the journey, and I was well aware how much I should expose myself to the obloquy of society in general, and to the injurious criticism in particular of the literary world, of which, although I can hardly presume to consider myself a member, there is not an individual more zealous than I am, and ever have been, in the cause of geographical enquiry. I felt that it is impossible, and would remain for a long time impossible, to exculpate myself, by publishing reasons that I am not at liberty to divulge, and which cannot, without going into long and difficult details, be rendered intelligible, except to the _very few_ intimately acquainted with all the circumstances of my official position, the relations of our government with that of Marocco, and the peculiar character of the latter.

“But since you tell me that you are still decided in your own views of the matter, not only after duly considering the advice I gave, and the conversation you had with his Excellency the Governor, but after what you heard from Mr. Judah Benoliel, the agent for the Sultán of Marocco; and as you give me the distinct assurance that you take all the responsibility of failure upon your own shoulders, I shall not lose a day in complying with your request for me to write to the Court of Marocco, for permission to present in person to the Sultán the royal letter, of which you are the bearer, when and where his Imperial Majesty shall think fit to appoint.

“I leave Gibraltar, if the wind is fair, the day after to-morrow, and would go sooner if I could; and before I have been twenty-four hours in Tangier, I hope to have a letter dispatched to the effect you suggest.

“I beg to repeat, my dear sir, that you will be a welcome guest in my house at any time; and whenever you do come, nothing shall be wanting on my part to promote your brave purpose, as far as my sense of what is politic may allow.

“I may get an answer within a fortnight from the date of my letter to the court; three weeks may, however, elapse before I receive a reply. On the very day it comes to hand I will, if you wish it, dispatch a boat _express_, in case there are no other means of communicating the answer, which will be sent to you in the original Arabic.

“With renewed assurances of my admiration for your enterprize, and of cordial wishes for its success,

“I remain, dear sir, your’s faithfully,

“E. D. HAY.”

“P.S.—Before I seal this letter I shall read it to his Excellency Sir Alexander Woodford and Mr. Judah Benoliel.”

To the preceding Mr. Davidson gave the reply following:—

“_Gibraltar, Sept. 16,_ 1835.

“MY DEAR SIR,—Pray accept my best thanks for your letter, which I have just had the honor of receiving, and allow me to assure you that I shall ever most gratefully appreciate the kindness with which it teems.

“I presume you are aware that a Mr. Hodgson, who leaves this place to-morrow, is on his way to Morocco on a mission from the United States. He has kindly offered, should I obtain the wished-for permission, to wait a few days here ere he proceeds. I think it right, and I hope you will not think it intrusive on my part to inform you, that Mr. Hodgson was three years at Constantinople, has visited Egypt, and published a biographical sketch of Mehemet Ali; he is well versed in Arabic, and has a great knowledge of the Mussulman character. Once again offering you my thanks for your kindness, and assuring you of my respect, believe me,

“My dear sir, your truly obliged,

“JOHN DAVIDSON.”

* * * * *

As a specimen of the style in which a correspondence is kept up by the Court of Morocco with strangers, the letters from and to Mr. Hay relating to Mr. Davidson’s entrance into the Sultan’s dominions, and his obtaining a personal interview with the Prince, are herewith subjoined.

“To the Noble Prince, exalted by the Lord, Mulai Abd Errachnan
ben Hussein, whom God protect.

“An English gentleman having arrived at Gibraltar within a few days past, as bearer of a letter, which he is charged to deliver to his Imperial Majesty, from the King my most gracious sovereign, may it please your Imperial Majesty to deign to cause me to be informed when and where it may be convenient for your Imperial Majesty to receive the bearer of the royal letter.

“Peace—this 20th day of September, in the year of Christ 1835 (26th Joomad the 1st, 1251).

“EDW. DRUMMOND HAY,

“H. B. M.’s Agent and Consul-General in Morocco.”

“In the name of the merciful God, and there is no power or strength but in God the high and excellent.

“To the faithful employed Drummond Hay, Consul for the English
nation—this premised—

“Your letter has reached our presence, exalted of God, regarding the gentleman who arrived at Gibraltar with a letter from the Pre-eminent of your nation; in consequence whereof, if he please to deliver the letter to our employed, the kaid ............[202] Essedy, for the purpose of being forwarded to our presence, exalted of God, he may do so; but if he wish to bear it himself, he is to proceed to Swerrah by sea, and thence he may come to our high presence, since the voyage by sea is more convenient than that by land, and the journey from the said port to our presence is short.

“Peace—11th Joomad the 2d, 1251 (4th October, 1835).

THE END.

* * * * *
LONDON:
Printed by J. L. COX and SONS, 75, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 127: For the notes at the foot of the page, the Foreign Secretary is answerable.]

[Footnote 128: Vol. vi. p. 102, and which is reprinted at page 208 of this volume.]

[Footnote 129: Tanjah.]

[Footnote 130: Adwár, plural of dár, a circular tent.]

[Footnote 131: Autád plural of Watad, a peg or stake. Autád is corruptly pronounced Útséd or Útsét.]

[Footnote 132: Wádí Nun, or Núl, the valley or river of Noon or Nool.]

[Footnote 133: Rabát, _i.e._ Resting-place, Caravan-seraï; but here the name of a town.—F. S.]

[Footnote 134: Terjumán, or Tarjumán, interpreter, a word of the same origin as the Chaldee, ‘Targum.’]

[Footnote 135: The Kubbah (sepulchral chapel) of a saint named Múláï (Doctor) Ibn ’Abdes-salám.]

[Footnote 136: Mehedíyah (the city of Mehed).]

[Footnote 137: Salá.]

[Footnote 138: Wedáyá (valley-man.)]

[Footnote 139: Dár el beïdá, the white house.]

[Footnote 140: Múlaï Abd-er-rahmán, Duke or Prince Abd-er-rahmán.]

[Footnote 141: Azamúr.]

[Footnote 142: Umm-er-rabí, _i.e._ the mother of spring.]

[Footnote 143: Kantarah, _i.e._ bridge.]

[Footnote 144: Baïrám, or ’Id ed Dohá.]

[Footnote 145: Aswák, plural of Sók, or Súk, the Arab word for market—bazár in Persian.]

[Footnote 146: Meshwár, Council.]

[Footnote 147: Sídí Ibn ’Abbás, ’Abd el kádir, Abú Sheĭb, Mubàrek.]

[Footnote 148: Aulád Abú Sebá, the tribe of Father Lion.]

[Footnote 149: Tárúdánt, capital of Sús.]

[Footnote 150: May we be allowed to lament the impetuosity of our lamented traveller’s zeal. At Téródánt he would, for a considerable time, have had ample occupation for every leisure moment. In a country known only by name, abounding with vegetables and fossils never yet examined, and in the midst of the Berbers, whose history and habits so few have been able to study, supported also by the favour of the Court, how largely might Mr. Davidson have increased our stores of knowledge, had he been willing to yield to the Sultán’s precautions!]

[Footnote 151: This is doubtless a mistake, unless the Jews call the place Umm-Síwah. The man did not understand the meaning of the name, and therefore said this to screen his ignorance.]

[Footnote 152: This is Aghmát Waríkah of the Arabs, so named from a Berber tribe, to distinguish it from Aghmát Aïlán.—F. S.]

[Footnote 153: Mr. Davidson’s Letter, Journ. of Geogr. Soc., vol. vi. p. 430.]

[Footnote 154: Sahrá is a large level area, a plain, but applied peculiarly to the Great African Desert.]

[Footnote 155: Káfilah, the Arab word answering to the Persian Kár-raván.]

[Footnote 156: Dar’ah, pronounced Dr’ah.]

[Footnote 157: Delím, or the diminutive, Duleïm.]

[Footnote 158: Abú-s-seba, _i.e._ Father Lion.]

[Footnote 159: Ibn or Bin Dáúd, David’s Son.]

[Footnote 160: A’ra-wán.]

[Footnote 161: Sók, or súk, _i.e._ market or fair.]

[Footnote 162: Ziweïtah or zumeïtah, a kind of paste made of millet (dhurrah).]

[Footnote 163: Dar’ah.]

[Footnote 164: Háyik, _i.e._ white woollen wrapper.]

[Footnote 165: Abú-l’asel, _i.e._ Father Honey.]

[Footnote 166: El Wád Dar’ah, the Vale of Dar’ah.]

[Footnote 167: El Gharib, pronounced by the Berbers El ’Aríb.]

[Footnote 168: Yahyá ibn Dávid, John the son of David.]

[Footnote 169: Dhú-l-Ka’dah, the 11th Mohammedan month.]

[Footnote 170: Salám, salutation.]

[Footnote 171: Tebíb, physician.]

[Footnote 172: Aulád Hishém, children of Hishám, a large Arab tribe.]

[Footnote 173: In-sha-llah, “if it please God!”]

[Footnote 174: To Sídí Haj Habíb; salám: To my Lord, the Pilgrim; Habíb (or the beloved Pilgrim); salutation.]

[Footnote 175: Mohammed el ’Abd. Mahomet the Slave or Servant [of God].]

[Footnote 176: Ah’med Moulúd.]

[Footnote 177: Sha’ban, the eighth month; A.H. 1252, 29 Sha’bán = 8 December, 1836.]

[Footnote 178: Wold or Aulád Hamdán, an Arab tribe.]

[Footnote 179: Aït-Ata.]

[Footnote 180: Bú Sebá-iyah (a place) belonging to the tribe of Abú Seba. M. D’Avezac writes Búzebayat, following probably Ibnu-ddén: an unsafe guide.]

[Footnote 181: El Mohammedí, the Mahometan.]

[Footnote 182: The situation of Tátá has been determined with great probability by M. D’Avezac, in his Etudes de Géographie sur l’Afrique Septentrionale. See also Bullétin de la Société de Géographie, vii. 112.]

[Footnote 183: Afterwards Swekeya, which is probably more correct.]

[Footnote 184: Ramadán, the Mohammedan Lent, is the ninth month; A.H. 1252, 8 Ramadán = A.D. 1836, 17th Dec.]

[Footnote 185: I’gidí. Mármol, iii. 19.]

[Footnote 186: Before Shehkeya.]

[Footnote 187: Walátah of the Arabs, Aï-weláten (Aít Walâtah?) of Ibn Batútah.]

[Footnote 188: That is, “Descended from Mohammed.”]

[Footnote 189: “Kabílah,” which properly signifies “tribe,” but appears to be used by Abú Bekr in the sense of “family.”]

[Footnote 190: The same as Emír.]

[Footnote 191: That is, Abú Bekr’s father, as appears from the sequel.]

[Footnote 192: Al-súdán for Bilád-as-súdán—the countries of the blacks.]

[Footnote 193: Literally “with the other tribes.” It probably means “with the other families of the same tribe.”]

[Footnote 194: That is, kárúis, or blackmoor’s teeth, the Cypræa Moneta of Linnæus.]

[Footnote 195: He means her name as a Mohammedan; by her countrymen of Haúsá she was called Nághódí, a significant word in their language.]

[Footnote 196: Ghilmán means “young men,” but it also means “slaves;” however, Abú Bekr seems to have used it in the sense here given.]

[Footnote 197: Sultánán may mean ‘a sultán;’ but the power of living securely is probably what is here meant.]

[Footnote 198: The price of blood, or fine for having taken away a man’s life.]

[Footnote 199: This is—the people of Buntukkú, Ashantí, and Fantí. This is more distinctly expressed in another paper written by him.]

[Footnote 200: That is—pray five times a day.]

[Footnote 201: Nearly resembling the Tombutto of Leo Africanus, (p. 642,) and clearly an abbreviation of the Tungubutú of De Barros, (Asia, i. 220.)]

[Footnote 202: The word in the original cannot be decyphered.]

Transcriber's Note:

pg 22 (footnote 28) Changed: Georg. Journ. to: Geogr.

pg 71 Changed: attained its full heighth to: height

pg 93 Changed: sphynge and kukusú to: kuskusú

pg 102 (footnote 102) Changed: C. C. R. to: G. C. R.

pg 104 (footnote 104) Changed: C. C. R. to: G. C. R.

pg 137 Changed: theatened to leave to: threatened

pg 148 Changed: satified with his to: satisfied

pg 159 Changed: of the Skeïkh to: Sheïkh

pg 165 Changed: the masters are Bebers to: Berbers

pg 176 Changed: view of explaning to: explaining

pg 177 Changed: life in Afric, to: Africa

pg 193 Changed: whom Mr. Daividson to: Davidson

pg 202 Changed: Tâfillêt is only to: Tâfilêlt

pg 203 (footnote 173) Changed: In-sha-Uah to: In-sha-llah

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

Blank spaces originally in the text have been indicated as: [Blank]