Chapter C: Clotterbooke." (2)

"ART. II. It is repeated and ordained, that small vessels, which do not carry more than fifty lasts, as well as those which navigate only in the Baltic Sea, and in the North Sea, and which do not pass the Channel, which separates France and England, are not obliged, at least if they do not themselves think it proper, to take passports from Berlin; but to gain time, it is permitted to them to take them as heretofore, at their convenience, from the Admiralties, the Chambers of War, and of the Domains of each Province, and from the magistrates of the cities. In consequence of which, it is ordained to these Colleges in the most express manner, not to grant these passports but to the real and actual subjects of the King, with the greatest precaution, providing carefully against all abuses which may be made of them, and observing strictly the ordinances published upon this object. The end which his Majesty proposed to himself in publishing the declaration of the 3d of November, has been, and is, singly, to procure to Prussian vessels, which navigate beyond the Channel in the ocean or the Atlantic Sea, and which carry their commerce into these distant seas and regions, a safety so much the greater against all prejudicial accidents, in causing to be expedited to them passports by his Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, by his knowledge of the state of public affairs, is the most in a condition to take the necessary precautions.

"ART. III. The navigators, not being able to send to Berlin complete bills of lading of the cargoes of their vessels, before they are entirely loaded, there is not required of those who have occasion for immediate passports of the Court, any other thing, except that they produce certificates, and general attestations from the Admiralties, the Chambers of Domains, or the magistrates of the cities, concerning the property of the vessel, and when the passport should express also the cargo, concerning the quality of the cargo, that is to say, in what it consists; which is sufficient to judge, whether the merchandises are lawful, and whether the passports requested can be granted. The bills of lading, and complete and specific attestations of the quantity of each merchandise may be expedited as heretofore, in the usual manner, to places where the loading is made by the Admiralties, the Chambers of Finances, or the magistrates of the cities.

"ART. IV. In the ordinance of the 30th of April, his Majesty has been pleased, to encourage his subjects to the national commerce, to advise them to engage in maritime commerce as much as possible upon their own account, and with their own merchandises; and it has been established in consequence, in the declaration of the 3d of November, that to obtain passports from the Court, it was necessary to prove, by requisite certificates, that the owners both of the vessel and the cargo were Prussian subjects; nevertheless, all this was done properly in the form of advice, and to render them so much the more attentive to the precautions which they ought to take; it is not, for this the less free and lawful to the subjects of the King, who have obtained requisite passports, to transport also in their vessels, in conformity to the ordinance of the 30th of April, to places and ports which are not besieged, nor close blocked, merchandises and effects belonging to foreign nations, and even to belligerent nations, provided that these merchandises are of the nature of those, which, according to the 2d article of the declaration of the 30th of April, and conformably to the customs and rights of nations, are permitted and not of contraband; his Majesty will not fail to protect them, in such cases according to the principles which he has adopted and established in this regard with other powers, allies, and friends, and he has judged necessary to declare all which goes before, for preventing all abusive interpretation of the declaration of the 3d of November.

"ART. V. The captains and commanders of Prussian vessels ought, when they arrive in ports or places, where reside consuls of the King, to present to them their passports, and demand of them attestations, which certify that their vessels are still furnished with passports expedited to them.

"ART. VI. The commanders of these vessels would do well also, to take with them the ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November, and the present declaration, to follow so much the better the precepts of it, and to be able, in case of need, to show them, and justify their conduct by them. Nevertheless, those two ordinances, as well as this, which renews them and serves to explain them, have not been published but for the direction of Prussian subjects, who exercise navigation and maritime commerce; and in cases even where they may fail in some point of their observation, and where they may not be furnished with passports requisite, they are not responsible for their negligence, but to his Majesty, their lawful sovereign, and the commanders of armed vessels of the belligerent powers cannot think themselves authorised thereby to stop them, or to take them, when they have not acted openly in a manner contrary to the principles of the maritime neutrality, adopted by his Majesty.

"Given at Berlin, the 8th of December, 1781, by express order of the King.

DE HERTZBERG."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 11th of September, Lord Stormont delivered to the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden, the following notification of the refusal of the mediation of the Court of Stockholm, and the acceptation of that of Russia.

"The conservation of the public tranquillity has been the first object of the care of his Majesty, during the whole course of his reign. The commencement of this reign has been signalised by the return of peace. The King has made great sacrifices to procure this blessing to humanity, and he had reason to flatter himself, that, by this moderation in the midst of victory, he was establishing the public tranquillity upon solid and durable foundations; but these hopes have been disappointed, and these foundations have been shaken by the ambitious policy of the Court of Versailles. This Court, after having secretly fomented the rebellion enkindled in America, has leagued herself openly with the rebel subjects of his Majesty; and by this violation of the public faith, by this direct act of hostility, she began the war.

"The conduct of the Republic of Holland, during the whole course of this war, has excited a general indignation. This nation presents itself under an aspect very different from that of a nation simply commercial. It is a respectable power, connected for a long time with Great Britain by the strictest alliance. The principal object of this alliance was their common safety, and especially their mutual protection against the ambitious designs of a dangerous neighbor, which their united efforts have so often defeated, to their mutual prosperity, and that of all Europe.

"The desertion of all the principles of this alliance, which the King on his part had constantly maintained; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred engagements; a daily infraction of the most sacred treaties; succors furnished to those very enemies, against whom the King had a right to demand succor; an asylum and protection granted in the ports of Holland to American pirates, in direct violation of stipulations, the most clear and the most precise; and, to fill up the measure, a denial of satisfaction and of justice, for the affront committed to the dignity of the King, by a clandestine league with his rebel subjects; all these accumulated grievances have not left to the King any other part to take, than that which he has taken with the most sensible reluctance. In laying before the public the reasons, which have rendered this rupture inevitable, his Majesty attributed the conduct of the Republic to its true cause, the fatal influence of a faction, which sacrificed the national interest to private views; but the King has marked at the same time, the most sincere desire to draw back the Republic to the system of strict union, of efficacious alliance, and of mutual protection, which has so much contributed to the prosperity and the glory of the two States.

"When the Empress of all the Russias offered her good offices to effectuate a reconciliation by a separate peace, the King signifying his just gratitude for this new proof of a friendship, which is so precious to him, avoided to involve the mediation of her Imperial Majesty in a fruitless negotiation; but at present, as there are certain indications of an alteration of disposition in the Republic, some marks of a desire to return to those principles, which the wisest part of the Batavian nation has never forsaken, a negotiation for a separate peace between the King and their High Mightinesses, may be opened with some hopes of success under the mediation of the Empress of all the Russias, who was the first to offer her good offices for this salutary work. If his Majesty did not at first take advantage of it, it was because he had every reason to believe, that the Republic at that time sought only to amuse, by an insidious negotiation; but the King would think, that he answered ill the sentiments, which dictated those first offers, and that he was wanting to those regards so justly due to her Imperial Majesty, and to the confidence, which she inspires, if he associated in this mediation any other, even that of an ally most respectable, and for whom the King has the sincerest friendship."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, December 26th, 1781.

Sir,

It is very long since we had the pleasure of hearing from you. Before this you will probably have received two letters of mine; a duplicate of the last goes with this.

Nothing material has happened since the date of that, except the evacuation of Wilmington, which was, as you know, a very important post, as it checked the trade of North Carolina, and kept up a dangerous connexion with almost the only tories on the Continent, who have shown spirit enough to support their principles openly.

This new sacrifice by Britain of their partizans, conspiring with that made by the capitulation of York, must open their eyes, and teach them what the experience of ages should have taught, that those friendships are weak, which arise, from a fellowship in guilt.

Our army, and the French troops are in quarters. The first in the Jerseys, and upon the Hudson river; the last in Virginia. General Greene will be reinforced by about eighteen hundred men, under St Clair. The enemy are shut up in New York, Savannah, and Charleston, though I believe they may yet have one or two posts, near the latter, which they will keep till St Clair joins Greene. Count de Grasse is in the West Indies, with so formidable an armament as promises the most important successes, during the winter; when joined by the force, that has sailed from Brest, and so many of the Spanish fleet as are prepared to co-operate with him, he will have about fifty sail of the line under his command.

I enclose several resolutions of Congress, which will convince you that their late successes have not rendered them supine or negligent. The spirit which animates them will pervade most of the States. I need not suggest to you, the use that should be made of this information. I am persuaded, that your own knowledge of the world, and the particular situation of the government you are in, will direct you to the best means of rendering them useful to this country. I also enclose an ordinance relative to captures and recaptures lately passed by Congress. You will observe, that it is formed upon the plan recommended by the armed neutrality. It does credit in that view to our moderation. Perhaps the conduct of Britain, and the neglect of the neutral powers to enforce their own regulations, may render the policy of the measure doubtful. This, however, gives new force to the deductions drawn from it in favor of our moderation and justice.

You will also observe, that it uses means to put an entire stop to all kind of commerce with Britain, or in British manufactures. In consequence of this, new habits and new fashions must be introduced. Wise nations will not neglect this favorable moment to render them subservient to the interest of their own commerce and manufactures. This affords you a topic which need not be urged to enlarge upon. I am very fearful that you will not fully understand the cyphers in which my last letters are written. I had them from the late committee of Foreign Affairs, though they say they never received any letters from you in them. Mr Lovell has enclosed what he thinks may serve as an explanation. I would recommend it to you to write to me in M. Dumas's cypher, till I can send you, or you send me one, by a safe hand. Should you be at Paris, Dr Franklin has Dumas's cypher.

And now, Sir, for all this American intelligence, let me receive from you a full return in European commodities of the like kind. I do not hesitate to impose this task upon you, because I know it is one that you have never neglected, and that you are fully impressed with the idea of its importance to us. Among other things, I am persuaded Congress would wish to know the success of your loan, and your prospects; the disposition of the government, and the strength of the Marine of the United Provinces; its objects and preparations for the ensuing campaign; the negotiations which may be carrying on at present, either for peace or war; the designs, finances, and Marine of Russia. I shall also apply to Mr Dana for information on this subject, as it will be much more practicable to correspond with him through you, than to get letters to him at this season of the year from here. I shall, however, attempt both.

I am too well acquainted with your industry and patriotism to think that you will repine at any trouble that this may give you. You know that Congress have a right to the fullest information from their Ministers, and that their Ministers have similar demands upon them. I shall endeavor, as far as lies in my power, to satisfy the last in future, since that charge has devolved upon me.

I enclose a number of newspapers that may afford you some information and amusement, and have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The Minister of the Court of Vienna has announced to their High Mightinesses, the accession of the Emperor to the armed neutrality, in the following manner.

ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.

"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent powers, his Majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much the more willingly, as he is convinced of the justice and equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one part, and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies, by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses, requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his affection, and of his most perfect confidence.

"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard, which he has a right to require in return on their part for the rights and liberties of neutral nations.

"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.

THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."

The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note, is of the following tenor.

"Joseph the Second, by the grace of God, &c. having been invited amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, to concur with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in substance,

"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and upon the coasts of the nations at war;

"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of contraband;

"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the Treaty of Commerce, concluded between Russia and Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;

"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked, this denomination is only to be given to that, where, by the disposition of the power, which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of entering;

"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.

"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession, not only our full adhesion to these same principles, but also our immediate concurrence in the measures to assure the execution of them, that we would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said Majesty, the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.

"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter into the war in the sequel;

"II. That if, in spite of all the cares employed to this effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers should be taken, or insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power shall be supported in the most efficacious manner by the other; and that, if they refuse to render justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;

"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of the two powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment of this present agreement, should be disturbed, molested, or attacked, in such case they shall make common cause between themselves for their mutual defence, and labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for the losses caused to their subjects;

"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one part, and on the other, as permanent, and as making a rule, whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights of neutrality;

"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present mutual concert to all the powers who are actually at war.

"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friendship, which happily unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to contribute on our part to the execution of views, of principles, and measures, as salutary as they are conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe, execute, and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have hereto affixed our seal.

"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.

JOSEPH."

The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article the two Imperial Courts ought to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will or no, time must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two Courts have certainly acknowledged the American Colonies to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great Britain.

The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations, is now one of the most formidable that ever was formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be managed to effect. The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this Republic, and especially in offering her mediation for a separate peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end, that she intends that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation, which will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts. But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of her enemy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, December 30th, 1781.

Sir,

You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should communicate to the Count de Vergennes your disposition to adopt the measure you have been advised to pursue by several well disposed members of the States of Holland, and that I should at the same time make known to him your determination not to take that step without his approbation.

The Minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no objection to the visit, which you wish to make to the President of the Assembly of the States-General, to the Ministers of the Republic, and to the deputies of the principal cities of the Province of Holland, provided that, without leaving with either of them any official writing, you limit yourself to the inquiry, whether the memorial, which you transmitted to them several months since has been made the subject of deliberation by their High Mightinesses, and what answer you may communicate to the Congress of the United States of North America.

I do not know the precise time of my return to the Hague, but see no reason to suppose that my absence will be longer than I expected.

Receive, Sir, my renewed assurance of the profound respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.

DE LA VAUGUYON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, January 9th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I write merely to put you on your guard against any falsehood the enemy may think it necessary to publish about the time of opening their budget. All is well here. There has been no action to the southward. Many of the tories in North Carolina, enraged at being deserted, have joined our army, and, as is said, executed some of their leaders. The enemy have drawn all their troops into Charleston, and our advanced parties are as low down as Haddell's point.

I congratulate you upon the brilliant expedition of the Marquis de Bouille. It does him the highest honor, and his subsequent conduct forms such a contrast to that of the English, as must, I should suppose, have great influence upon the minds of the people with you, and forward your negotiations. The one fighting to oppress and enslave a free people, the other to establish their rights; the one attempting to tyrannize over the ocean, and fetter the commerce of the world, the other resisting that tyranny, and rendering trade as free as nature made it; the one insulting, plundering, and abusing an old friend, an ally, in the midst of profound peace, the other extending in war mercy to their bitterest enemies, and marching to conquest with domestic peace in their train; the one burning defenceless towns and peaceful villages, where they have been hospitably entertained, the other guarding from violence with scrupulous attention the firesides of their inveterate foes; the one murdering in cold blood, or more cruelly by want and misery in prison ships, those who speak the same language, profess the same religion, and spring from the same ancestors; the other forgetting difference of religion, language, and hereditary enmity, spare the vanquished, administer to their wants, offer consolation in their distress, and prove more by their conduct than by their professions, that they are armed in the cause of humanity.

The one, without regard to truth or decency, boasts of victories never gained, and ostentatiously exaggerates the little advantages, which superior numbers have sometimes given, while the other leaves the debility of their enemy to express the brilliancy of their actions. The one--but I should never have done if I were to mark the points in which the British differ from a brave, humane, and polished nation. The recapture of St Eustatia in all its circumstances, and the disgraceful defence of Yorktown, prove that they are no longer the people we once thought them; if ever they were brave and generous, they have lost those virtues with the spirit of freedom. Adieu, my Dear Sir, may your exertions in the cause of your country be attended with all the success they merit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 14th, 1782.

Sir,

Having received the advice of several gentlemen, members of the States, and also of the opinion of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the Count de Vergennes, I went to the Hague on Tuesday, the 8th day of this month, and the next morning at ten, waited on the President of their High Mightinesses, M. Van der Sandheuvel of Dort, a city of Holland, to whom I made a verbal requisition in the following words.

"The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference with the President of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed him that I had received a commission from the United States of America, with full powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and the United Province of the Netherlands. I had the honor in the same conference to demand an audience of their High Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting my credentials and full powers. The President assured me, that he would report everything that I had told him, to their High Mightinesses, so that the matter might be transmitted to the several members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their deliberation and decision. I have not yet been honored with an answer, and for this reason I have the honor of addressing myself to you, Sir, to demand from you as I do demand, a categorical answer, which I may transmit to my sovereign."

The President assured me, that he would not fail to make report to their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent a servant to the Grand Pensionary Bleiswick, to know at what hour I should have the honor of a conversation with him. The answer returned to me, with the compliments of the Grand Pensionary, was, that he was sick, unable to attend the Assembly of the States, and to receive any visits at home from anybody; but if my business was of a public nature, I might communicate it to his Secretary, which would be as well as to himself. Upon this, I requested M. Dumas to call upon the Secretary, and communicate my intentions to him, which he did.

I went next morning at ten, to the Secretary of their High Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him the step I had taken the day before, who told me that he had already been informed of it, for that the President, according to his promise, had made his report to their High Mightinesses; that it was true, that the Baron de Lynden de Hemmen had made his report to their High Mightinesses, on the 4th of last May, of my proposition to him, and that it had been forthwith taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, but that no member of the sovereignty had yet returned any answer at all, either in the affirmative or negative; that my proposition of yesterday had in like manner been taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, and that it was necessary to wait to see what answer they would give.

The Secretary, who is perfectly well with the Court, as his ancestors and family have been for a long course of years, and who is as complaisant to England as any man in this country, received me with perfect politeness, and, when I took leave, insisted upon accompanying me through all the anti-chambers and long entries quite to my chariot door in the street, where he waited until we entered and drove off.

After this, I went to the House of Dort, the Pensionary of which city, M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence and affection; told me, that all he could say to me in his public character was, that he thanked me for the communication I had made to him, and would communicate it to the deputation and to the Regency of his city, and that he hoped I should have as friendly an answer as I desired, for that he personally saw me with great pleasure, and very readily acknowledged my character, and that of my country.

I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the House of Haerlem, where I was received by the whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, and a Pensionary. Here passed a scene, which really affected my sensibility, and gave me great pleasure. The five gentlemen were all aged and venerable magistrates, who received me with an affection and cordiality, which discovered, in their air and countenance, the sincerity and satisfaction they felt in the word of their Pensionary when he told me, that they were only Deputies; that by the constitution of Haerlem, like all the others in the Republic, the sovereignty resided in their constituents, the Regency; that they thanked me for the communication I had made to them, that they would communicate it to the Regency of their city, and that for themselves, they heartily wished it success; for that the United States, as sufferers for, and defenders of the great cause of liberty, might depend upon the esteem, affection, and friendship, of the city of Haerlem, and that they heartily wished a connexion between the two Republics, and they congratulated us on the capture of Lord Cornwallis, to which we returned to them a congratulation for the recapture of St Eustatia, and took our leave.

At the House of Leyden, we were received by the Pensionary, who told us he had the orders of his Burgomasters to receive me, to thank me for the communication, and to promise to communicate it to their Regency.

At the House of Rotterdam, we were received by the whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, or Judges, and the Pensionary. We received thanks for the communication, and a promise to lay it before the Regency.

At the House of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception and the same answer. At another House, where the Deputies of five small cities lived together, the same answer. At the House, where the Deputies of Alcmaer and Enkhuisen reside, we were received by the whole deputations, obtained the same answers, with the addition of professions of esteem and wishes, that in time there might be a closer connexion between the two nations.

Thus I had been introduced to the Ministers of the Republic, and to the Deputies of all the cities of Holland, except Amsterdam. In my messages to the deputations, I had followed the order of the cities, according to the rank they held in the confederation. I had sent to the House of Amsterdam in its course. The messenger, the first time, found only one of the Burgomasters at home, M. Rendorp, who returned for answer, that the gentlemen were not then together, but that they would send me word at what time they would receive me; but no answer came for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found only the same Burgomaster, who returned the same answer. On Friday morning, having no answer, I sent a third time. The answer from the same Burgomaster was, that the gentlemen were then setting off for Amsterdam, being obliged to return upon business, and could not then see me, but would send me word. Upon this, I concluded to return to Amsterdam too, and to make the communication there in writing to the Regency; but reflecting that this step would occasion much speculation and many reflections upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait on M. Vischer, the Pensionary, who remained in town, and consult with him. The result was, that I made my visit to the House of Amsterdam, and made the communication to M. Vischer, who received me like a worthy Minister of the great city.

It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing, that every city is considered as an independent Republic. The Burgomasters have the administration of the executive, like little kings. There is in the great council, consisting of the Burgomasters and Counsellors, a limited legislative authority. The Schepins are the judges. The Deputies are appointed by the Regency, which consists of the Burgomasters, Counsellors, and Schepins; and in the large cities, the Deputies consist of two Burgomasters, two Schepins or Counsellors, and one Pensionary. The Pensionary is the Secretary of State, or the Minister of the city. The Pensionaries are generally the speakers upon all occasions, even in the Assembly of the States of the Province.

These operations at the Hague have been received by the public with great appearance of approbation and pleasure, and the gazettes and pamphlets universally cry against the mediation of Russia, and for an immediate alliance with France and America. But the leaders of the Republic, those of them I mean who are well intentioned, wish to have the two negotiations, that for peace under the mediation of Russia, and that for an alliance with France, Spain, and America, laid before the States and the public together, not so much with an expectation of accomplishing speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as with a hope of checking the English party, and preventing them from accepting a peace with England, or the mediation of Russia to that end, upon dangerous or dishonorable terms. If it was in any other country, I should conclude from all appearances, that an alliance with America and France, at least would be finished in a few weeks; but I have been long enough here to know the nation better. The constitution of government is so complicated and whimsical a thing, and the temper and character of the nation so peculiar, that this is considered everywhere as the most difficult embassy in Europe. But at present it is more so than ever; the nation is more divided than usual, and they are afraid of everybody, afraid of France, afraid of America, England, Russia, and the Northern powers, and above all of the Emperor, who is taking measures, that will infallibly ruin the commerce of this country, if they do not soon change their conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 15th, 1782.

Sir,

The following note was presented to the Secretary Fagel by the Prince Gallitzin, and by the Secretary to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, the 10th of this month.

"Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having reflected upon the loss of time, which is occasioned by a correspondence relative to complaints formed by the subjects of neutral powers, her allies, concerning the vexations and violations which they may suffer sometimes in their commercial navigation, has perceived that it will be essential to provide the Ministers of the allied powers with instructions sufficient for all cases of this nature. To this effect, her Imperial Majesty has thought fit to propose also to their High Mightinesses, the necessity and utility of general orders and instructions upon this object, with which they ought to provide their Ministers residing near the belligerent powers. Her Imperial Majesty is even of opinion that it will be indispensably necessary to detail the instructions in question in a manner so ample, that the Ministers may never be reduced to wait for ulterior orders; but on the contrary, that in all cases of this nature, they may be authorised to sustain each other efficaciously in their complaints and operations in making a common cause, and in interesting themselves without hesitation in the first complaints of the respective subjects of their Sovereigns, who claim their assistance.

"Her Imperial Majesty has already exerted herself to despatch to her Ministers residing at the belligerent Courts, the necessary instructions to this effect. Certainly none of them will fail to contribute to the good of the common cause, conformably to mutual engagements, and to that which her Imperial Majesty has caused to be proposed to her other allies."

I have transmitted this, as well as all other State papers, relative to the maritime confederation, because I hope it will be finally established, as it appears to be for the good of mankind in general, and of the United States in particular. The Dutch are so attached to it, that I think they will not give it up, and if the Empress has it sincerely at heart, she will not consent that the Dutch should relinquish it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 16th, 1782.

Sir,

The following verbal insinuation made by the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden at London, to my Lord Stormont, the 31st of August, 1781, is of importance to show the intentions of the maritime confederacy.

"The King has no occasion at this time to declare the principles, which have determined his conduct, from the time when he ascended the throne of his ancestors. He has been guided by the love of peace; and he would have wished to see all the powers of Europe enjoy the same happiness, equally constant and durable. These wishes dictated by the sentiments of humanity, which are natural to him, have not been satisfied. The flames of war, enkindled in another hemisphere, have communicated themselves to Europe, but the King still flattered himself that this conflagration, would not pass the bounds to which it was confined, and above all that a nation merely commercial, which had announced a neutrality as an invariable foundation of her conduct, would not be involved in it. Nevertheless, the contrary has happened almost at the very moment, when this power had contracted the most innocent engagements with the King and his two allies in the north.

"If a neutrality the most exact, which was ever observed has not been able to warrant the King from feeling at first the inconveniences of the war, by the considerable losses, which were sustained by his trading subjects; by a stronger reason he was able to foresee the vexatious consequences when these disorders should become more extensive, when an open war, between Great Britain and the Republic of Holland should multiply them; finally, when the commerce of neuters was about to suffer new shackles by the hostilities, which were to be committed between these two powers. Accordingly the King did not fail soon to perceive it, and sincerely to wish, that the measures taken by the Empress of Russia, for extinguishing in its beginning the flame of this new war, had been followed with a perfect success. But as this salutary work has not been carried to perfection, the King has resolved to join himself to his allies, the Empress of Russia and the King of Denmark, to endeavor to dispose his Britannic Majesty to adopt those pacific sentiments, which their High Mightinesses, the States-General, have already manifested by their consent, to open a negotiation of peace.

"If such were the dispositions of this monarch, as it ought not to be doubted, it seems that a suspension of hostilities should be a preliminary, by so much the more essential to their accomplishment, as military operations necessarily influencing a negotiation of this nature, would only serve to embarrass and to prolong it, while the allied Courts would not wish for anything so much, as to be able to accelerate it by all the means, which might serve for the satisfaction and advantage of the two belligerent parties. In the sincerity and the rectitude of the intentions, which animate his Majesty, as well as his allies, he cannot conceal the apprehension he is in, with regard to the continuation of the war, from whence may arise vexatious incidents, capable of exciting all sorts of wrangles and most disagreeable disputes.

"This motive, and still more, that of preventing a still greater effusion of blood, are proper to operate upon the heart of the King of Great Britain; and in the entire confidence, which his Majesty places in it, he would feel a real satisfaction, if by his good offices and by his mediation joined to that of his allies, he could succeed in terminating the differences, which have arisen between his Britannic Majesty and the States-General of the United Provinces."

They write from Stockholm, that the Court of London has thought proper to make representations to that of Sweden, concerning the rencounter which a convoy of merchant ships, under the escort of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, had with the English squadron of Commodore Stewart, who would have visited these merchant ships. The Court of London pretends, that he was authorised to make such a visit, even in virtue of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality, concluded between the three powers of the north; but that the Court of Stockholm, far from blaming the refusal of the Captain of the Jaramas, to permit the visit, had highly approved his conduct, and answered, "that this officer had acted, conformably to his duty, for that the regulation in one of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality in regard to the visits of merchant ships, respected only the vessels, which navigated without convoy, but not at all those which should be found under convoy, and consequently under the protection of a sovereign flag (Pavillon,) the warranty of the nature of their cargo, and of the property."

_Petersburg, December 14th, 1781._ "The Minister of Sweden having communicated, by express order of the King his master, to our Court, the complaints which that of London had made, concerning the rencounter of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, with the squadron of Commodore Keith Stewart, as well as the answer, which had been given to those complaints, the Vice Chancellor, the Count d'Ostermann, declared the day before yesterday to this Minister, 'that her Imperial Majesty highly approved the answer of the Court of Stockholm, and found it in all points conformable to the principle, which she herself would follow in a parallel case. In consequence, if contrary to all appearance, the Court of London should not be satisfied with it, and should pretend to be able to visit neutral merchant ships, which should be found under the protection of the King, or under that of the sovereign flag of one of the allies, her Imperial Majesty would be always ready to concur, and to co-operate with his Swedish Majesty and the other allies, to oppose themselves to it, as well as to maintain the independence and respect due to their respective flags.' At the same time, orders have been sent to all the Ministers of the Empress, at the belligerent powers, that 'in case there should arise just complaints or difficulties, with relation to the detention, the capture, the carrying off, or the ill treatment, which merchant ships, navigating under the flag of this empire, or under that of one of the allies of the convention of neutrality, shall have suffered, from ships of war or armed vessels, of one or another of the belligerent powers, they should make at first, in such case, every one in his place, the necessary representations and requisitions, for reclaiming the said vessels, the reparation of losses, &c. and concur and concert to this effect with the other Ministers of the contracting Courts, without asking or waiting for further orders. The allied Courts will be requested, moreover, to give the orders to their respective Ministers residing near the belligerent powers.' A courier, despatched this day to the Hague and to London, carries these orders to the Ministers of the Empress, as well as the acts of accession of the Emperor to the principles of the convention of neutrality. The day before yesterday, the usual day of the conferences with the Vice Chancellor, he communicated the same acts to the foreign Ministers."

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October was brought to me, the original is not yet arrived. It is with great pleasure I learn, that a Minister is appointed for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing into that department an order, a constancy, and an activity, which could never be expected from a committee of Congress, so often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs, however excellent their qualifications or dispositions. Indeed, Sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments of Congress; yet I have never known them in any detail or with any regularity, since I have been in Europe. I fear Congress have heard as little from me since I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way of St Eustatia, and by several private vessels, and by the South Carolina, have been vastly unfortunate.

My situation, Sir, has been very delicate; but as my whole life from my infancy has been passed through an uninterrupted series of delicate situations, when I find myself suddenly translated into a new one, the view of it neither confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible, however, that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My health is still precarious. My person has been thought by some to have been in danger; but at present I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.

This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain it upon honorable terms; but upon no other. They cannot obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to France, and England will not make peace upon such conditions. I shall, therefore, probably remain here in a very insipid and insignificant state a long time, without any affront or answer. In the parties, which divide the nation, I have never taken any share. I have treated all men of all parties whom I saw alike, and have been used quite as well by the Court party as their antagonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular commotions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain peace with England, if they can; but Great Britain will not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims of empire over both together.

The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves, whether it is for their interest to connect themselves with us or not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in pursuance of the advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to that of several members of the States, demanded an answer. I was received politely by all parties, though you will hear great complaints from others that I am not received well. They have their views in this; they know that this is a good string for them to touch. I stand now in an honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in my public character. But it is the Republic that stands in a less respectable situation, not one member of the Sovereignty having yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity of the United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of this Republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours. Your advice, to be well with the government, and to take no measures which may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics, have been as distant from my conduct as you know them to be from my natural and habitual character.

Your advice to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a different conduct hitherto. As to connexions with the Ministers of other powers, it is a matter of great delicacy. There is no power but what is interested directly or indirectly in our affairs at present. Every Minister has at his own Court a competitor, who keeps correspondences and spies, to be informed of every step; and open visits to or from any American Minister are too dangerous for them to venture on. It must be managed with so much art, and be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after all, nothing can come of it. There is not a Minister of them all, that is intrusted with anything, but from time to time to execute positive instructions from his Court.

A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried every experiment and failed in all; and am fully of opinion, that we never shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty. When this will be, I know not. If France has not other objects in view of more importance, in my opinion she may accomplish it in a short time. Whether she has or not, time must discover.

Mr Barclay is here doing his utmost to despatch the public effects here; but these will turn out the dearest goods that Congress ever purchased if they ever arrive safe. It has been insinuated, I perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel of English manufactures among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced it, if I had known it. Mr Barclay will exchange them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland, or sell them here. The ordinance of Congress against British manufactures, is universally approved as far as I know, as a hostility against their enemies of more importance than the exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.

With great esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, February 19th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 14th instant, I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October. Today Major Porter brought me your favor of the 20th of November, and the original of that of the 23d of October.