Chapter M: De Rayneval to John Adams (2)

The two Imperial Courts have proposed, that there should be an American Representative at the Congress. This is not merely by implication, but expressly acknowledging, that there is a belligerent power in America, of sufficient importance to be taken notice of by them and the other powers of Europe. One would think after this, that the two Imperial Courts would have communicated their propositions to Congress. The propositions they have made and communicated to the Courts of France, Spain and England, imply that America is a Power, a free and Independent Power, as much as if they had communicated them also to Congress at Philadelphia. Without such a formal communication and an invitation to the United States in Congress, or to their Representative here by the two Imperial Courts, I do not see how an American Minister can with strict propriety appear at the proposed Congress at Vienna at all. I have never heard it intimated, that they have transmitted their propositions to Philadelphia; certainly I have received no instructions from thence, nor have I received any intimation of such propositions from any Minister of either of the mediating Courts, although as my mission has been long public and much talked of, I suppose it was well known to both that there was a person in Europe vested by America with power to make peace.

It seems, therefore, that one step more might have been taken, perfectly consistent with the first, and that it may yet be taken, and that it is but reasonable to expect that it will be. How is the American Minister to know that there is a Congress, and that it is expected that he should repair to it? And that any Minister from Great Britain will meet him there? Is the British Court, or their Ambassador, to give him notice? This seems less probable, than that the mediators should do it.

The dignity of North America does not consist in diplomatic ceremonials, or any of the subtleties of etiquette; it consists solely in reason, justice, truth, the rights of mankind, and the interests of the nations of Europe; all of which well understood, are clearly in her favor. I shall therefore never make unnecessary difficulties on the score of etiquette, and shall never insist upon anything of this sort, which your Excellency or some other Minister of our allies does not advise me to as indispensable; and therefore I shall certainly go to Vienna or elsewhere, if your Excellency should invite or advise me to go. But as these reflections occurred to me upon the point of propriety, I thought it my duty to mention them to your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 19th, 1781.

Sir,

In my letter of the 18th, I had the honor to mention some things, which lay upon my mind; but still I am apprehensive, that in a former letter, I have not conveyed my full meaning to your Excellency.

In my letter of the 16th, I submitted to your Excellency's opinion and advice, whether an American Minister could appear at the Congress at Vienna, without having his character acknowledged by any power, more expressly than it is now. This was said upon the supposition, and taking it for granted, that it was the intention of the mediating Courts to admit a representative of the United States to the Congress, with such a commission and such a title as the United States should think fit to give him, and that during his whole residence and negotiations at Vienna, whether they should terminate in peace or not, he should enjoy all the prerogatives, which the law of nations has annexed to the character, person, habitation, and attendants of such a Minister. It is impossible that there should be a treaty at Vienna between Great Britain and the people of America, whether they are called United States or American Colonies, unless both nations appear there by representatives, who must be authorised by commissions or full powers, which must be mutually exchanged, and consequently admitted to be, what upon the face of them they purport to be. The commission from the United States for making peace, which has been in Europe almost two years, is that of a Minister Plenipotentiary, and it authorises him to treat only with Ministers vested with equal powers. If he were to appear at Vienna, he would certainly assume the title and character of a Minister Plenipotentiary, and could enter into no treaty or conference with any Minister from Great Britain, until they had mutually exchanged authentic copies of their full powers. This it is true, would be an implied acknowledgment of his character and title, and of those of the United States too; but such an acknowledgment is indispensable, because without it there can be no treaty at all. In consequence he would expect to enjoy all the prerogatives of that character, and the moment they should be denied him, he must quit the Congress, let the consequences be what they might.

And I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial Courts; because otherwise, they would have proposed the Congress upon the basis of the two British preliminaries, a rupture of the treaty with France, and a return of the Americans to their submission to Great Britain; and because I cannot suppose it possible, that the Imperial Courts could believe the Americans capable of such infinite baseness, as to appear upon the stage of the universe, acknowledge themselves guilty of rebellion, and supplicate for grace; nor can I suppose they meant to fix a brand of disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of all nations, or to pronounce judgment against them; one or all of which suppositions must be made, before it can be believed, that these Courts did not mean to protect the American Representative in the enjoyment of the privileges attached to the character he must assume; and because, otherwise, all their propositions would be to no effect, for no Congress at Vienna can make either the one or the other of the two proposed peaces, without the United States. But upon looking over again the words of the first article, there seems to be room for dispute, of which a British Minister, in the present state of his country, would be capable of taking advantage. The terms used seems to be justly exceptionable. There are no "American Colonies" at war with Great Britain. The power at war is the United States of America. No American Colonies have any Representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia or Quebec, or some of the West India Islands, may have an agent in London. The word Colony, in its usual acceptation, implies a metropolis, a mother country, a superior political Governor, ideas which the United States have long since renounced forever.

I am therefore clear in my opinion, that a more explicit declaration ought to be insisted on, and that no American Representative ought to appear, without an express assurance, that while the Congress lasts, and in going to it, and returning from it, he shall be considered as a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and entitled to all the prerogatives of such a Minister from a sovereign power. The Congress might be to him and to his country but a snare, unless the substance of this is _bona fide_ intended, and if it is intended, there can be no sufficient reason for declining to express it in words.

If there is a Power upon earth, that imagines that America will ever appear at a Congress, before a Minister of Great Britain, or any other power in the character of repenting subjects, soliciting an amnesty, or a warranty of an amnesty, that Power is infinitely deceived. There are few Americans who would hold their lives upon such terms. I know of none who would not rather choose to appear upon a scaffold in their own country, or in Great Britain. All such odious ideas ought to be laid aside by the British Ministry, before they propose mediations. The bare mention of such a thing to the United States by Great Britain would be considered only as another repetition of injury and insult. The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little less to France. But it is possible, that in the future course of this negotiation, there may be a proposal of a Congress of Ministers of the several mediating and belligerent powers, exclusive of the United States, to deliberate on the question, in what character the United States are to be considered, whether a Representative of the people of North America can be admitted, and what shall be his title and privileges.

All that I can say to this case at present is this. The United States have assumed their equal station among the nations. They have assumed a sovereignty, which they acknowledge to hold only from God and their own swords. They can be represented only as a sovereign; and, therefore, although they might not be able to prevent it, they can never consent that any of these things shall be made questions. To give their consent, would be to make the surrender of their sovereignty their own act.

France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her honor and faith to the support of them, and, therefore, although she might not be able to prevent it, she can never consent that they should be disputed. Her consent would make the surrender of the American sovereignty her act. And what end can it answer to dispute them, unless it be to extend the flames of war? If Great Britain had a color of reason for pretending, that France's acknowledgment of American independence was a hostility against her, the United States would have a stronger reason to say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a declaration of war against them. And as France is bound to support their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a denial of it is a hostility against her. If any power of Europe has an inclination to join England, and declare war against France and the United States, there is no need of a previous Congress to enable her to do it with more solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible pretexts. But on the other hand, if the powers of Europe are persuaded of the justice of the American pretensions, and think it their duty to humanity to endeavor to bring about peace, they may easily propose, that the character of the United States shall be acknowledged, and their Minister admitted.

I cannot but persuade myself, that the two Imperial Courts are convinced of the justice of the American cause, of the stability of the American sovereignty, and of the propriety and necessity of an acknowledgment of it by all the powers of Europe. This, I think, may be fairly and conclusively inferred from the propositions themselves. Was there ever an example of a Congress of the powers of Europe to exhort, to influence, to overawe the rebellious subjects of any one of them into obedience? Is not every sovereign adequate to the government, punishment, or pardon of its own criminal subjects? Would it not be a precedent mischievous to mankind, and tending to universal despotism, if a sovereign, which has been proved to be unequal to the reformation or chastisement of the pretended crimes of its own subjects, should be countenanced in calling in the aid of all or any of the other powers of Europe to assist them? It is quite sufficient, that England has already been permitted to hire twenty thousand German troops, and to have the number annually recruited for seven years, in addition to her own whole force; it is quite sufficient, that she has been permitted to seduce innumerable tribes of savages, in addition to both, to assist her in propagating her system of tyranny, and committing her butcheries in America, without being able to succeed.

After all this, which is notorious to all Europe, it is impossible to believe, that the Imperial Courts mean to give their influence in any degree towards bringing America to submission to Great Britain. It seems to me, therefore, most certain, that the Imperial Courts perceive, that American independence must be acknowledged; and if this is so, I think there can be no objection against ascertaining the character of the American Minister before any Congress meets, so that he may take his place in it as soon as it opens.

But if any sentiments of delicacy should induce those Courts to think it necessary to wait for Great Britain to set the example of such acknowledgment, one would think it necessary to wait until that power shall discover some symptoms of an inclination that way. A Congress would have no tendency, that I know of, to give her such a disposition; on the contrary, a Congress in which Great Britain should be represented, and France and the United States not, would only give her an opportunity of forming parties, propagating prejudices and partial notions, and blowing up the coals of war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 21st, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 19th, another point has occurred to me, upon which it seems necessary, that I should say something to your Excellency, before my departure for Holland, which will be on Monday morning.

An idea has, I perceive, been suggested of the several States of America choosing agents separately to attend the Congress at Vienna, in order to make peace with Great Britain; so that there would be thirteen instead of one. The constitution of the United States, or their confederation, which has been solemnly adopted and ratified by each of them, has been officially and authentically notified to their Majesties, the Kings of France and Spain, and to their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and communicated to all the Courts and nations of the world, as far as all the gazettes of Europe are able to spread it; so that it is now as well and universally known as any constitution of government in Europe. By this constitution, all power and authority of negotiating with foreign powers is expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. It would, therefore, be a public disrespect and contempt offered to the constitution of the nation, if any power should make any application whatever to the Governors, or Legislature of the separate States. In this respect, the American Constitution is very different from the Batavian. If the two Imperial Courts should address their articles to the States separately, no Governor or President of any one of those Commonwealths could even communicate it to the Legislature. No President of a Senate could lay it before the body over which he presides. No Speaker of a House of Representatives could read it to the House. It would be an error, and a misdemeanor in any one of these officers to receive and communicate any such letter. All that he could do would be, after breaking the seal and reading it, to send it back. He could not even legally transmit it to Congress. If such an application, therefore, should be made and sent back, it would consume much time to no purpose, and perhaps have other worse effects.

There is no method for the Courts of Europe to convey anything to the people of America but through the Congress of the United States, nor any way of negotiating with them but by means of that body. I must, therefore, entreat your Excellency, that the idea of summoning Ministers from the thirteen States may not be countenanced at all.

I know very well, that if each State had in the confederation reserved to itself a right of negotiating with foreign powers, and such an application should have been made to them separately upon this occasion, they would all of them separately refer it to Congress, because the people universally know and are well agreed, that all connexions with foreign countries must, in their circumstances, be made under one direction.

But all these things were very minutely considered in framing the confederation, by which the people of each State have taken away from themselves even the right of deliberating and debating upon these affairs, unless they should be referred to them by Congress for their advice, or unless they should think proper to instruct their delegates in Congress of their own accord.

This matter may not appear to your Excellency in so important a light as it does to me, and the thought of such an application to the United States may not have been seriously entertained; but as it has been mentioned, although only in a way of transient speculation, I thought I could not excuse myself from saying something upon it, because I know it would be considered in so unfavorable a light in America; that I am persuaded Congress would think themselves bound to remonstrate against it in the most solemn manner.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 21st, 1781.

Sir,

From the Hague, there is an article of the following tenor.

"As to the affair of the Field Marechal, the Duke of Brunswick, which makes an object of deliberation in the Assemblies of the Provinces, one sees in public a copy of the opinion of the Quarter of Westergo, (one of the four Chambers which form the States of Friesland,) in which it is joined by four Manors or Intendancies of the Quarter of Sevenwonde, which have protested against the opinion of the plurality of their Chamber; this opinion is of the following tenor."

"The Quarter having examined with all due attention the memorial, presented by the Duke to their High Mightinesses, is of opinion, that the paragraphs of the memorial, remitted to his Highness in the name of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, of which the said Lord the Duke complains, contain not the least thing by which the Lord the Duke may be considered to have been any way hurt in his character; but rather, that the paragraphs or complaints contained in the said Memorial, exhibit an accusation against the Duke in his quality of Counsellor of his Highness, and that they express the sentiments of the people, which the gentlemen, the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, have infused into the breast of our well beloved hereditary Stadtholder; by means of which, they have manifested an evident proof of their sincere attachment to his Highness and to his illustrious House. The Quarter is therefore of opinion, that in case the Lord Duke thinks himself aggrieved by the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, he ought to address himself to their ordinary and competent judge, seeing that this Assembly of their High Mightinesses is not a competent judge in this matter; and that, therefore, it is proper to charge the gentlemen, the Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General, not to enter into any deliberations upon this matter."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 3d, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies of some papers, which passed between the Count de Vergennes and me, lately at Paris. The conjecture, that the British Court would insist upon their two preliminaries, is become more probable by the publication of the King's speech at the prorogation of Parliament.

"The zeal and ardor, which you have shown for the honor of my Crown," says the King, "your firm and steady support of a just cause, and the great efforts you have made to enable me to surmount all the difficulties of this extensive and complicated war, must convince the world, that the ancient spirit of the British nation is not abated or diminished.

"While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquillity of Europe restored.

"To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this country, was on my part the sole cause, and is the object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart, but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, the powerful assistance of my Parliament, and _the protection of a just and all ruling Providence_, to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my Crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people."

We all know very well what his meaning is when he mentions "the honor and dignity of his Crown, and the permanent interest and security of his people." Could the Minister who composed this speech expect that anybody would believe him when he said, that the constant aim of all his counsels had been to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?

The whole of this speech is in a strain, which leaves no room to doubt that the cabinet of St James is yet resolved to persevere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist still upon the return of America to British obedience, and upon the rupture of the treaty with France, as preliminaries to the Congress at Vienna. Thus the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble of such trickish policy. The Empress of Russia is supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited; yet she seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of the English. If she could see herself intentionally deceived, she will not probably be very patient.

The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made himself the object of the esteem and admiration of all; affable and familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his own country, was sure of some mark of his approbation; whoever appeared to countenance another country in preference to his own, found some symptom of his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had any of the English modes in their dress, received from his Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste. Everybody here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this war, and of his determination to take no part in it, in their favor. His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to mention to Congress.

His Majesty condescended, in a certain company, to inquire after the Minister of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, said he was acquainted with his name and character, and should be glad to see him; a lady in company, asked his Majesty if he would drink tea with him at her house? He replied in the affirmative, in the character of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in company undertook to form the party; but upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed with good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this curiosity, and therefore that it was intended as a political signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.

Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sovereigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from them; but there is too much uncertainty in this science, to depend much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor made himself so popular here, as to excite some appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial Courts could make, would be upon receiving the answer from England adhering to her preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States independent. It would be to their immortal honor; it would be in the character of each of these, extraordinary geniuses; it would be a blessing to mankind; it would even be friendship to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

B. FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

I sometime since gave orders, as you desired, to Mr Grand to furnish you with a credit in Holland for the remainder of your salary to November next. But I am now told that your account having been mixed with Mr Dana's, he finds it difficult to know the sum due to you. Be pleased therefore to state your account for two years, giving credit for the sums you have received, that an order may be made for the balance. Upon this occasion, it is right to acquaint you that I do not think we can depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to the support of the Congress Ministers.

What aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America. It will, therefore, be proper to inform Congress, that care may be taken to furnish their servants by remittances from thence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In the Utrecht Gazette of this morning is an article from Petersburg, of the 13th of July, in these words.

"Saturday last, the government despatched a courier for London. He carries, it is assured, instructions to M. Simolin, our Minister to the King of England, to make to his Britannic Majesty, conjointly with the Ministers of Sweden and Denmark, certain representations concerning the war, which he has thought fit to declare against the Republic of the United Provinces.

"The Minister of England, at our Court, received a courier from London, the day before yesterday, with the answer of the British Ministry to the preliminary articles of a Treaty of Peace to be concluded between the belligerent powers of Europe under the high mediation of her Majesty, the Empress, our Sovereign, and of his Majesty, the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia; but nothing has transpired of the contents of this answer."

"It is said, that the Grand Duke and the Grand Dutchess of Russia, will set off from hence for the Courts of Europe, which their Imperial Highnesses propose to visit, about the end of August or the beginning of September."

A man, who is master of the history of England for the last twenty years, would be at no loss to conjecture the answer to the preliminary articles of the two Imperial Courts. Indeed the King's speech has already answered them before all the world. The King has not probably given one answer to Parliament, and his Ministers another to the mediating Courts.

Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of chicanery, that has been the derision of America for a number of years. In time, the Courts of Europe will learn the nature of these British tricks by experience, and receive them with the contempt or the indignation they deserve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In several of the London newspapers of July the 26th, appeared the following paragraph.

"An order has been sent from Lord Hillsborough's office for bringing Curson and Gouverneur, (whom we sometime ago mentioned to have been confined by command of Sir George Rodney, and General Vaughan, for having carried on a traitorous correspondence with the enemy at St Eustatia,) to town, to be confined in Newgate, to take their trial for the crime of high treason. The whole circumstances of their case, and all their correspondence has been submitted to the inspection of the Attorney and Solicitor-General, and they consider the offence in so serious a light, that a direct refusal has been given to a petition from Mr Curson to be indulged with the privilege of giving bail for appearance, on account of the ill-health, which he has experienced on board the Vengeance, where he and his colleague have been for some months confined, and which is now lying at Spithead. It has been discovered, from an inspection of their papers, that Mr Adams, the celebrated negotiator to Holland, was the man, with whom they held their illicit correspondence, and it is said, that the appearance of proof against them, has turned out much stronger than was originally supposed."

Last fall Mr Searle informed me, that Messrs Curson and Gouverneur were Continental Agents at Eustatia, and advised me to send my despatches to their care, as worthy men, a part of whose duty it was to forward such things to Congress. I accordingly sent several packets of letters, newspapers, and pamphlets to their address, accompanied only with a line, simply requesting their attention to forward them by the first safe opportunity. I never saw those gentlemen, or received a line from either. It must have been imprudence, or negligence, to suffer my letters to fall into the hands of the enemy. I have looked over all the letters, which I wrote about that time, and I find no expression in any, that could do harm to the public, if printed in the gazettes, yet there are some things, which the English would not choose to publish, I fancy. What other correspondences of Messrs Curson and Gouverneur might have been discovered, I know not.

The British Ministry seem to be growing outrageous. The more they despair, the more angry they are. They think not at all of peace. America should think of it as little; sighing, and longing for peace, will not obtain it. No terms short of eternal disgrace and irrecoverable ruin would be accepted. We must brace up our laws and our military discipline, and renounce that devoted and abandoned nation for ever. America must put an end to a foolish and disgraceful correspondence and intercourse, which some have indulged, but at which all ought to blush, as inconsistent with the character of man.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 8th, 1781.

Sir,

This people must have their own way. They proceed like no other. There cannot be a more striking example of this, than the instructions given to privateers and letters of marque.

The commander is ordered to bring his prizes into some port of the United Provinces, or into the ports or roads of the allies and friends of this Republic, especially France, Sweden, North America, or Spain; and the ship shall be at liberty to join, under a written convention, with one or more privateers or other similar ships of war, belonging to Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans, or Spanish, to undertake jointly anything advantageous, &c. This is not only an acknowledgment of the independence of North America, but it is avowing it to be an ally and friend. But I suppose, in order to elude and evade, it would be said, that these are only the instructions given by owners to their commanders; yet these instructions are required to be sworn to, and produced to the Admiralty for their approbation.

It is certain, that the King of Spain, when he declared war against Great Britain, sent orders to all his officers to treat the Americans, as the best friends of Spain, and the King's pleasure, being a law to his subjects, they are bound by it. But what is there to oblige a citizen of the United Provinces to consider the Americans as the friends of the Republic? There is no such law, and these instructions cannot bind. Yet it is very certain, that no Dutchman will venture to take an American.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

A msterdam, August 16th, 1781.

Sir,

Mr Temple has held offices of such importance, and a rank so considerable in America, before the revolution, that his return to his native country at this time, cannot fail to cause much speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As he came from London to Amsterdam, and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me his design of returning, and his sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it has not been requested by Mr Temple, that I should say something concerning him.

I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman, but I have long known his public character and private reputation. He was ever reputed a man of very delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity, and of attachment to his native country, although his education, his long residences in England, his numerous connexions there, and the high offices he held under the British government, did not even admit of a general opinion, that his sentiments were in all respects perfectly conformable to those of the most popular party in the Colonies. Nevertheless, he was never suspected, to my knowledge, of concurring in, or countenancing any of those many plots which were laid by other officers of the Crown, against our liberties, but on the contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge, and malice, because he would not. He was, however, intimate with several gentlemen, who stood foremost in opposition, particularly Mr Otis, who has often communicated to me intelligence of very great importance, which he had from Mr Temple, and which he certainly could have got no other way, as early I believe as 1763 and 1764, and onwards.

I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr Temple's policy in remaining so long in England; but it will be easily in his power to show what kind of company he has kept there; what kind of sentiments and conversation he has maintained, and in what occupations he has employed his time. It is not a view to recommend Mr Temple to honors or emoluments, that I write this. It would not be proper for me, and Congress know very well, that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in cases where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and alarms upon Mr Temple's arrival. Many may suspect that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the confidence of the British Ministry, of which I do not believe him capable.

Mr Temple it is most certain, has fallen from high rank and ample emoluments, merely because be would not join in hostile designs against his country. This I think should at least entitle him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of his country, and to the esteem of his fellow-citizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a testimony due to truth, to say, that after a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see no reason to suspect his intentions.

I have taken the liberty to give Mr Temple my own sentiments concerning the suspicions which have been, and are entertained concerning him, and the causes of them, and of all parts of his conduct, which have come to my knowledge, with so little disguise, that he will be well apprised of the disappointments he may meet with, if any. I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly reception in America, and better prospects of a happy life there, than I have been able to assure him. Whether any services or sufferings of Mr Temple could support any claim upon the justice, gratitude, or generosity of the United States, or of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a question upon which it would be altogether improper for me to give my opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as I am no judge, if I knew the facts. But this I know, that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the great Council of the United States, or that of Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the worthy Representatives of a just, grateful, and generous people, and therefore Mr Temple will have no reason to complain if the decision should be against him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 16th, 1781.

Sir,

The following verbal insinuation, made to the Ambassador of Holland at the Court of Russia, was transmitted to Congress in my absence, and is now repeated by me, in order to complete the setts already forwarded.

"The affection of the Empress to the interests of the Republic of the United Provinces, and her desire to see re-established, by a prompt reconciliation, a peace and good harmony between the two maritime powers, have been sufficiently manifested by the step, which she has taken, in offering them her separate mediation.

"If she has not had the desired success, her Imperial Majesty has only been for that reason the more attentive to search out the means capable of conducting her to it. One such means offers itself in the combined mediation of the two Imperial Courts, under the auspices of which it is to be treated at Vienna of a general pacification of the Courts actually at war.

"It belongs only to the Republic to regulate itself in the same manner. Her Imperial Majesty by an effect of her friendship for it, imposing upon herself the task to bring her co-mediator into an agreement to share with her the cares and the good offices, which she has displayed in its favor. As soon as it shall please their High Mightinesses to make known their intentions in this regard to the Prince de Gallitzin, the Envoy of the Empress at the Hague, charged to make to them the same insinuation, this last will write of it immediately to the Minister of her Imperial Majesty at Vienna, who will not fail to take with that Court the arrangements, which are prescribed to him, to the end to proceed in this affair by the same formalities, which we have made use of with the other powers.

"Her Imperial Majesty flatters herself, that the Republic will receive this overture, as a fresh proof of her benevolence, and of the attention, which she preserves, to cultivate the ties of that friendship, and of that alliance, which subsists between them."

It does not appear by this insinuation, that the articles proposed by the two Imperial Courts, to serve as a basis for the negotiations of peace at Vienna, were communicated to the Dutch Minister at Petersburg, or the Russian Minister at the Hague, or by either to their High Mightinesses; as the word, Courts at war, is used, and no hint about the United States in it, the probability is that the articles are not communicated.

I must confess, I like the insinuation very much, because it may be in time an excellent precedent for making such an insinuation to the Minister of the United States of America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 18th, 1781.

Sir,

We have received at last, Parker's account of the action with Admiral Zoutman; according to which, the battle was maintained with a continual fire for three hours and forty minutes, when it became impossible to work his ships. He made an attempt to recommence the action, but found it impracticable. The Bienfaisant had lost her maintopmast, and the Buffalo her mizzen-yard, and the other vessels were not less damaged in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy did not appear in a better condition. The two squadrons remained some time over against each other; at length the Dutch retired, taking with their convoy the course to the Texel. He was not in a condition to follow them. The officers and all on board behaved with great bravery, and the enemy did not discover less courage. He encloses the particulars of the number killed and wounded, and of the damages which the vessels have sustained. The last is prudently suppressed by the Ministry.

The following is a list of the killed and wounded in the action of the 5th of August.

_English._

Killed. Wounded. Total. Fortitude, 20 67 87 Bienfaisant, 6 21 27 Berwick, 18 58 76 Princess Amelia, 19 56 75 Preston, 10 40 50 Buffalo, 20 64 84 Dolphin, 11 33 44 --- --- --- 104 339 443

_Dutch._

Killed. Wounded. Total. Admiral de Ruyter, 43 90 133 Admiral-General, 7 41 48 Batavier, 18 48 66 Argo, 11 87 98 Holland, 64 Admiral Ret Hein, 9 58 67 --- 476

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.

Sir,

The late glorious victory, obtained by Admiral Zoutman over Admiral Parker, is wholly to be ascribed to the exertions of Amsterdam. Pretences and excuses would have been devised for avoiding to send out the fleet, and indeed for avoiding an action when at sea, if it had not been for the measures which have been taken to arouse the attention and animate the zeal of the nation. The officers and men of the army, and especially of the navy, appear to have been as much affected and influenced by the proceedings of the Regency of Amsterdam, as any other parts of the community. Notwithstanding the apparent ill success of the enterprises of the great city, it is certain that a flame of patriotism and of valor has been kindled by them, which has already produced great effects, and will probably much greater.

It is highly probable, however, that if the Regency of Amsterdam had taken another course, they would have succeeded better. If instead of a complaint of sloth in the Executive department, and a personal attack upon the Duke, they had taken the lead in a system of public measures, they would have found more zealous supporters, fewer powerful opposers, and perhaps would have seen the ardor of the nation increase with equal rapidity. For example, as the sovereignty of the United States was a question legally before them, they might have made a proposition in the States of Holland to acknowledge it, and make a treaty with them. This measure would have met with general applause among the people, throughout the Seven Provinces, and their example would have been followed by the Regencies of other cities, or they might have proposed in the States to accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America. However, we ought to presume, that these gentlemen know their own countrymen, and their true policy, better than strangers, and it may be their intention to propose other things in course. It is certain, that they have animated the nation to a high degree, so that a separate peace, or any mean concessions to Great Britain, cannot now be made.

The good party have the upperhand, and patriotic counsels begin to prevail.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.

Sir,

The constitution of this country is such, that it is difficult to discover the general sense. There have been all along circumstances in which it might be discerned, but these were so feeble, and so susceptible of contradiction and disguise, that some extraordinary exertions were necessary to strike out unquestionable proofs of the temper and opinion of the nation.

Last spring, the part of this people, which was most averse to war, was for making propositions and concessions to England, in order to obtain peace. This policy was not only injudicious, but would have been fruitless, because the English would have made peace upon no other terms, than this nation's joining them against France, Spain, and America, which would have been its ruin. Nevertheless, if the party had prevailed, and sent Ambassadors to London to solicit peace, the Court of London would have found so many arts and pretences for spinning out the negotiation, and would have obstructed the commerce of Holland so much, as to bring on a discouragement and despair among the people.

In these critical circumstances, something uncommon was necessary to arouse the nation, and bring forth the public voice. The first step of this kind, was the proposition of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, which being taken _ad referendum_, became a subject of deliberation in every city of the Republic, and the publication of the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, which made the American cause, the primary object and main spring of the war, the topic of conversation in every private circle, as well as in every public assembly.

This memorial gave all parties an opportunity to know with certainty the public opinion; and accordingly, such a general and decided approbation was discovered everywhere, that the few who detested it in their hearts, never dared to open their mouths. Emboldened by this, M. Van Berckel came forward with his application to the States for a vindication of his character, and although he has not obtained an answer, yet it has been discovered that his enemies have not been powerful enough either to condemn or to censure him. Not long after, followed the manly proposition of the Regency of Amsterdam for an inquiry into the causes of the inactivity of the State, and, in course, their direct attack upon the Duke of Brunswick.

The American memorial has not obtained, and probably will not obtain for a long time, an acknowledgment of American independence, but it discovered with absolute certainty the sentiments of the nation. M. Van Berckel's petition has not procured him a formal justification, but it has proved that his enemies are too weak to punish or to censure him. The proposition of Amsterdam has not obtained an inquiry into the causes of the sloth of the State, nor the appointment of a committee to assist the Prince; but it has occasioned a universal declaration of the people's sentiments, that the State has been too inactive, and the counsels of the Court too slow. The application of Amsterdam against the Duke has not procured his removal, but it has procured a universal avowal, that the public counsels have been defective, and a universal cry for an alteration, and has obliged the Court to adopt a different system. When the public counsels of a country have taken a wrong bias, the public voice, pronounced with energy, will sometimes correct the error, without any violent remedies. The voice of the people, which had been so often declared, by the late sea action was found to be so clear, that it has produced many remarkable effects. Among which, none deserve more attention than the following declarations of the Prince. The first was inserted by order in the newspapers in these words.

"As pains are taken to draw the public into an opinion, that the vessels of the Meuse, (Rotterdam) and of Middleburg, (Zealand) which at first had orders to join the squadron of the Texel, (only those of Amsterdam) had afterwards received counter orders, as it is given out in some cities almost in so many words, and which is propagated, (God knows with what design) it is to us a particular satisfaction to be able to assure the public, after authentic information, and even from the supreme authority, that such assertions are destitute of all foundation, and absolutely contrary to the truth; that the orders, given and never revoked, but, on the contrary, repeated more than once to the vessels of the Meuse, to join the convoy of the Texel, could not be executed, because it did not please Providence to grant a wind and the other favorable circumstances necessary to this effect, while the Province of Zealand, threatened at the same time with an attack from an English squadron, would not willingly have seen diminished the number of vessels, which lay at that time in their Road. It is, nevertheless, much to be regretted, that circumstances have not permitted us to render the Dutch squadron sufficiently strong, to have obtained over the enemy a victory as useful as it was glorious."

On the 14th of August, the Prince wrote the following letter to the crews of the vessels of the State.

"Noble, respectable, and virtuous, our faithful and well beloved; We have learned with the greatest satisfaction, that the squadron of the State, under the command of Rear Admiral Zoutman, although weaker by a great deal in ships, guns, and men, than the English squadron of Vice Admiral Parker, has resisted so courageously on the 5th of this month his attack, that the English squadron, after a most obstinate combat, which lasted from eight o'clock in the morning to half past eleven, has been obliged to desist and to retire. The heroic courage, with which Vice Admiral Zoutman, the captains, officers, petty officers, and common sailors and soldiers, who have had a part in the action, and who, under the blessing of God Almighty, have so well discharged their duty in this naval combat, merits the praises of all, and our particular approbation; it is for this cause, we have thought fit by the present, to write to you, to thank publicly in our name, the said Vice Admiral, captains, officers, petty officers, and common sailors and soldiers, by reading this letter on board of each ship, which took part in the action, and whose captains and crews have fought with so much courage and valor, and to transmit by the Secretary of the fleet of the State an authentic copy, as well to the said Rear Admiral Zoutman, as to the commanders of the ships under his orders, of the conduct of whom the said Rear Admiral had reason to be satisfied; testifying, moreover, that we doubt not, that they and all the other officers of the State, and soldiers, in those occasions, which may present, will give proofs that the State is not destitute of defenders of our dear country and of her liberty, and that the ancient heroic valor of the Batavians still exists, and will not be extinguished. Whereupon, noble, respectable, virtuous, our faithful and well beloved, we recommend you to the divine protection."

"Your affectionate friend,

WILLIAM, _Prince of Orange_.

Thus, although the enemies of England in this Republic do not appear to have carried any particular point against the opposite party, yet it appears that they have forced into execution their system by means of the national voice, and against all the measures of the Anglomanes. The national spirit is now very high; so high that it will be dangerous to resist it. In time, all things must give way to it. This will make a fine diversion, at least for America and her allies. I hope in time we may derive other advantages from it. But we must wait with patience here, as we are still obliged to do in Spain, and as we were obliged to do in France, where we waited years before we succeeded.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, August 25th, 1781.

Sir,

Last evening I received your Excellency's letter of the 16th of this month, accompanied with a letter from the President of Congress, containing the commissions you mention.

You desire to know what steps have already been taken in this business. There has been no step taken by me in pursuance of my former commission, until my late journey to Paris, at the invitation of the Count de Vergennes, who communicated to me certain articles proposed by the mediating Courts, and desired me to make such observations upon them as should occur to me. Accordingly, I wrote a number of letters to his Excellency of the following dates; July 13th, enclosing an answer to the articles sixteen, eighteen, nineteen, twentyone. I would readily send you copies of the articles, and of those letters, but there are matters in them, which had better not be trusted to go so long a journey, especially as there is no necessity for it. The Count de Vergennes will readily give you copies of the articles and of my letters, which will prevent all risk.

I am very apprehensive that our new commission will be as useless as my old one. Congress might very safely, I believe, permit us all to go home, if we had no other business, and stay there some years; at least, until every British soldier in the United States is killed or captivated. Till then, Britain will never think of peace, but for the purposes of chicanery.