Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the contracting parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from Great Britain, to accede to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them, should be involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch?

I have the honor to enclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among the Regencies of the several cities and the bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had soon. They will probably confer with Russia, and the northern powers, about it first. Perhaps, if these come into the war, nothing will be done but in concert with them. But if these do not come into the war, this Republic, I think, in that case will readily accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition than their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here is well decided against England.

I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear, in duties upon exports or imports upon the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more, because the expense of collecting and guarding against frauds is saved.

Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue, and whenever these shall become general, I think there can be no difficulty in carrying on the war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 24th, 1781.

Sir,

A proposition of very great consequence has been made in the Assembly of the States of Holland, by the city of Amsterdam. It is conceived in these words;

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have, by the express orders of the gentlemen their principals, represented in the Assembly, that the venerable magistrates had flattered themselves that they should see the effects of the efforts attempted for some time by the Admiralties, to put to sea a quantity of vessels of war capable of protecting the commerce and the navigation of the inhabitants of this State, or at least some branches of them; that the gentlemen, their principals, had had reason to be confirmed in their expectation, above all when they were informed that a number sufficiently considerable of vessels of war, provided with things necessary, were ready to put to sea, and that orders had been positively given upon this subject; but, to their extreme astonishment they had learned some time after, that the officers who commanded the said vessels, upon the point of executing the said orders, had given notice that the want of stores, provisions, and victuals put them out of a condition to obey the said orders, that the gentlemen, their constituents, having considered that not only this want of stores, &c., ought not to have existed, but that it might have been seasonably obviated; they had been so struck with this unexpected delay in an affair, which they judged of the last importance for this country, especially on account of certain particular circumstances, that they could not refrain from declaring freely, that they had lawful reasons to fear that such inactivity left little hope of seeing effected a protection which is of the last necessity for the commerce and navigation, the total interruption of which cannot fail to occasion a great dearness, and to bring on very soon a most sensible scarcity, without speaking of the impossibility of striking blows to an enemy who has for five months attacked this State by an unjust war, and has already rendered himself master by surprise of a great number of rich vessels of war, and merchant ships, and of some of our distant possessions.

"That the gentlemen, the principals, in virtue of these reasons, and of others not less pressing, have judged that they could not longer delay to lay before the eyes of the members of the Assembly of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, in a manner the most pressing and the most lively, the terrible consequences, which this deplorable state of things makes them apprehend for their dear country. That the powers of the north, with whom the Republic is entered into alliance, and from whom she has sufficient reasons to expect succors, have marked more than once their astonishment at our inactivity, and at the affected tranquillity with which the Republic suffers all the insults of her enemy, without making the least preparation to repel them. That, from time to time, advices have come from our Ambassadors Extraordinary to the Court of Petersburg, that we had not to expect, neither from that Court, nor from her allies, succors, but in proportion to the efforts which the Republic should make on her part. That these things have appeared to the gentlemen, the principals, of so great importance, and of so extensive consequence, that it is more than time, that this sovereign Assembly pass, as soon as possible, to a scrupulous examination of the true causes of such inactivity; that she cause to be given instructions, and an explanation of the state of defence of the country, relative to the necessary orders which she has given; that she obtain information concerning the reasons of the extreme sloth and lukewarmness, with which they proceed to the protection of the country against an enemy formidable, especially for his activity, and concerning the means which we may and ought to employ, to shut up the source of these evils, and make them disappear.

"That the gentlemen, the constituents, have desired to put themselves out of the reach of all reproach from the inhabitants of this country, whose total ruin advances with rapid strides, and who, to this day, have not ceased to pour out with joy into the public treasury, the imposts and taxes, which we have imposed on them, demanding in return, with the greatest justice, to be protected by the fathers of the country. To this end, and to ward off as much as it is in their power, the ruin of this Republic, formerly so flourishing and so respected by its neighbors, they have charged in the manner the most express their Deputies to these States to insist in the strongest manner, that we proceed to the beforementioned examination, and that on the part of this Province things be directed in the generality in such a manner, that we demand, as soon as possible, to enter into negotiation with the Court of France, which has not ceased to give us such numerous and shining marks of her good will, and of her inclination to succor us against the common enemy, and has already shown us, by the effects, that her offers of service do not consist in vain words; to deliberate with this Court concerning the manner in which it will be convenient and practicable to act, by communicating to each other the reciprocal plans of operation, which we may attempt during this summer.

"That at the same time, it is not expedient to neglect to instruct our Ministers at the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, of the state of things in this country, and of the means of defence, which the Republic puts in motion, with the express orders to make, without relaxation, to the said Courts, pressing and redoubled instances to send us a large number of vessels of war well equipped, to which at least one of them has already shown herself disposed; representing to them, at the same time, in a pressing manner, the present necessity of sending us, conformably to the stipulations of the convention lately concluded and ratified, as soon as possible, the succors promised in the said convention.

"That, besides the propositions, which we have pointed out, and from the success of which the gentlemen, the constituents, promise themselves all sorts of advantages, the venerable magistrates are still in the opinion, that this State, although abandoned to itself, against all expectation and all hope, does not yet cease to have numerous and sufficient resources, not to consider its defence as absolutely desperate; for it is very true, that after a long peace, the first alarm of a war, and of an unforeseen attack, may at first throw men's minds into terror, disorder, and consternation; but it is not less true, that the riches and the resources of the nation in general, having received a considerable increase by the enjoyment of the fruits of this peace, the supreme government finds itself, by employing them in a useful and salutary manner, in a condition to make head for a long time against an enemy already exhausted by a long and expensive war, and to take so good measures, that we may force her to renew an honorable and advantageous peace.

"In fine, the gentlemen, the said constituents, are of opinion, that, to give a ready effect to the resolutions tending to the said objects, and which may serve for the protection of the State, and of its establishments in the other parts of the world, and to discuss the resolutions with all the secrecy requisite, there be formed by the Lords the States, a committee of some gentlemen of the respective Provinces, giving them the power and instructions necessary to labor conjointly with his Highness, the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, to contrive, prescribe, and put in execution, all the measures, which shall appear the most proper and the most convenient, to the end that we may, under the benediction of God Almighty, repair the past, and wash out the shame and the dishonor, with which this Republic is stained in the eyes of foreigners, and by a vigorous defence of the country, and of all which it holds most dear and precious, and to maintain it in the advantages of a liberty purchased so dear, against all further evils and calamities.

"Finally, the gentlemen, the said Deputies, find themselves, moreover, expressly charged to cause to be laid in the records of Holland the said proposition for the apology and the discharge of the gentlemen, their constituents, and to insist in all the ways possible, that we take in this regard prompt resolutions, whereof we may see the effects; in the view of accomplishing their salutary designs, to pray in the manner the most earnest and pressing the other members to labor to obtain in favor of this proposition, the suffrage of the gentlemen, their principals, to carry it into the approaching Assembly."

Thus ends this manly address, in which there is the appearance of the old Batavian spirit. In my excursions through the various parts of this country, I have found the eyes of all parties turned towards Amsterdam, and all true patriots said, that the salvation of this country depended upon the firmness of that city. There has indeed been in this city the appearance of feebleness and irresolution, but it has stood its ground. The presentation and publication of my Memorial to the States-General, which was more universally and highly applauded than was expected by me or any one else, furnished the regency of the city an opportunity to discover the general sense of the public voice, and they have not failed to take an early advantage of it. They have not mentioned a treaty with America, the reason of which was, that this subject was already taken _ad referendum_, and under the consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty. They mention only a negotiation with France, knowing very well, that this would necessarily draw on the other; so that things seem at present in a good train; but a long time will necessarily be taken up, according to the constitution, and in the present disposition of this country, before anything can be done to effect.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 25th, 1781.

Sir,

The following convention, concerning recaptures made from the English, is, it is hoped, the first step towards more intimate connexions between this Republic, on one side, and France and the United States of America on the other.

FRENCH AND DUTCH CONVENTION CONCERNING RECAPTURES.

"The Lords the States-General, having judged, that it would be of reciprocal utility to establish between France and the United Provinces of the Low Countries, uniform principles with relation to captures and recaptures, which their respective subjects might make upon those of Great Britain, their common enemy, they have proposed to the Most Christian King to agree with them on a regulation concerning this matter. His Most Christian Majesty, animated with the same views, and desiring to consolidate more and more the good correspondence, which subsists between him and the United Provinces, has well received the overture of the Lords the States-General. In consequence, his said Most Christian Majesty, and the said Lords the States-General have given their full powers, to wit; His Most Christian Majesty to the Sieur Gravier, Count de Vergennes, &c. his Counsellor of State of the Sword, his Counsellor in all his Councils, Commander of his Orders, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his commands and finances; and the Lords the States-General to the Sieur de Berkenrode, their Ambassador to the Most Christian King, who, after having duly communicated their respective powers, have agreed on the following articles.

"ARTICLE I. The vessels of one of the two nations, French and Dutch, retaken by the privateers of the other, shall be restored to the first owner, if they have not been in the power of the enemy during the space of twentyfour hours, at the charge of the said owner, to pay one third of the value of the vessel recaptured, as well as of her cargo, cannon, and apparel, which shall be estimated by agreement between the parties interested, and if they cannot agree among themselves, they shall apply to the officers of the Admiralty of the place where the recaptor shall have conducted the vessel retaken.

"ART. II. If the vessel retaken has been in the power of the enemy more than twentyfour hours, it shall belong entirely to the recaptor.

"ART. III. In case a vessel shall have been retaken by a vessel of war belonging to the Most Christian King, or to the United Provinces, it shall be restored to the first proprietor, paying the thirtieth part of the value of the vessel, of the cargo, cannon, and apparel, if it has been retaken in twentyfour hours; and the tenth, if it has been taken after the twentyfour hours; which sums shall be distributed as a gratification to the crews of the vessels recaptured. The estimation of the thirtieth and tenth, beforementioned shall be regulated conformably to the tenor of the article first of the present Convention.

"ART. IV. The vessels of war and privateers of the one and the other of the two nations shall be admitted reciprocally both in Europe, and in the other parts of the world, in the respective ports with their prizes, which may be there unloaded, and sold according to the formalities used in the State where the prize shall have been conducted; provided, nevertheless, that the lawfulness of the prizes made by the French vessels shall be decided conformably to the laws and regulations established in France concerning this matter, in the same manner as that of prizes made by Dutch vessels shall be judged according to the laws and regulations established in the United Provinces.

"ART. V. Moreover, it shall be free to His Most Christian Majesty, as well as to the Lords the States-General, to make such regulations as they shall judge good relative to the conduct, which their vessels and privateers respectively shall hold in regard to the vessels, which they shall have taken and carried into one of the ports of the two dominions.

"In faith of which, the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries of His Most Christian Majesty, and of the Lords the States-General, in virtue of our powers respectively, have signed these presents, and have hereunto affixed the seal of our arms. Done at Versailles, the first of the month of May, 1781.

GRAVIER DE VERGENNES,
LESTEVENON VAN BERKENRODE."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 27th, 1781.

Sir,

In the Assembly of the States-General, the following Report has lately been made.

"Messrs de Lynden de Hemmen, and other Deputies of their High Mightinesses for Maritime Affairs, have, in consequence of the commissorial Resolution of the 27th of the last month, examined a letter of the Directors named in the commission by the respective chambers of the granted general company of the Dutch East Indies, to the Assembly of Seventeen, held the 23d of the same month at Amsterdam, representing the great inconveniences to which it would be exposed by the delay of the expedition of the vessels of the company, if it were not soon provided with the customary provisions, at least as much as in ordinary times, as well as the possibility that the enemy may attempt an attack in that country, upon which the Directors would be exposed to answer for it, having in the different chambers seven vessels ready to put to sea, with the hope that ere long this number will be still further augmented; soliciting to this end, a convenient number of vessels of war, to give a safe escort to the ships of the company, while the Directors on their parts will put all in motion to watch over the safety of their vessels; wishing to this end to arm some of these vessels in an extraordinary manner, to the end that they may be able to oppose some resistance both for themselves and for the others, scattered over the sea of the Indies. That, nevertheless, if their High Mightinesses could not determine themselves to this, they, the Directors, hoped that they should not be responsible for the consequences which might result. That on the contrary, all the sharers in general, and their High Mightinesses in particular, would agree that in this the Directors have done all that could be required of persons to whom had been confided the direction of the goods of so many widows and orphans, of persons who, under the immediate auspices of their High Mightinesses, had the honor to direct a Colony whose prosperity is essentially connected with that of this country.

"Upon which, having demanded and received the considerations and the advice of the committees of the Colleges of the respective Admiralties, which are at present here, we have reported to the Assembly, that the gentlemen, the Deputies, should be of opinion, that notwithstanding the most ardent wishes to employ a sufficient number of vessels of war, not only for the defence of the ships but also that of the possessions of the company of the East Indies of this country, it would, however, be impracticable at this time, considering the present situation of the navy of this State, universally known, which could not appear strange to any one instructed in the natural representations so often repeated from time to time by the Colleges of the Admiralty in this respect; especially if he considers, that a navy, fallen into so great a decay, could not be rebuilt so suddenly, and placed so soon upon a respectable footing; that, moreover, this navy already so enfeebled, was become still more so by the surprise and capture of different vessels of war, by casual disasters happened to others, and because the rest were dispersed into so many different places, that for the equipment projected for this year, there was wanting a great quantity of vessels and frigates well equipped and provided, at least such as in the case in question could be used; that besides the vessels ready to act, which are actually in the ports of the Republic, ought in the first place, and before all things, to serve for the defence of the coasts and harbors (or mouths of the rivers) as well as for the protection of the navigation towards the North Sea and the Baltic, and of the ships, which return from thence; that principally by reason of the unheard of scarcity of seamen, occasioned in a great measure by the capture of so enormous a quantity of Dutch merchant ships, which had been manned by the best seamen of the nation, it was almost impossible to determine the time when the other vessels of war in commissions should be able to act.

"That, nevertheless, the Company of the East Indies was of too great importance to this country, for us to be able to reject entirely her demand; and by so much the less as the Directors do not request to be protected to the detriment of the Republic, but they demonstrate also that they are really willing on their part to make their last efforts for their own defence, and contented themselves to require the suitable support of the State, to sustain the forces which the company was about to put in action; that from the refusal of a requisition of this nature it might result, that in losing all hope in the protection of the State, they may neglect also those efforts, which otherwise might be employed with some appearance of success; that, besides, the national establishments in this distant part of the globe would also fall, and without the least resistance, into the hands of the enemy, and that this Republic at the end of the present war would find itself destitute of all its resources; that this presentiment, apparently, ought to effect a close union of all the forces, to fulfil as far as possible the desire of the said Directors, and that to the end to try all practicable means, expecting at the same time the celestial benediction, and the prompt and effectual succor of our high allies, in default of ordinary remedies, it is necessary to have recourse without the smallest loss of time to extraordinary remedies, and to this effect his Most Serene Highness, in his quality of Stadtholder and Admiral-General of the Republic, ought to be solicited and authorised, if it was possible, either by borrowing vessels of war, their equipages, or by purchasing or hiring here or elsewhere, other suitable ships, which might be appropriated to this, or finally in every other practicable manner to reinforce at the expense of the country, the marine of the State, with the greatest celerity, and as much as possible; in consequence of which, in concert with the said Directors of the East India Company, we may regulate the time, the manner, and the force of the protection to be procured for the company in question; the whole, as his Most Serene Highness, saving the sense of the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 26th of March last, shall judge the most convenient for the greatest utility of the Republic, and of the said Company. Finally, that it would be convenient also to intimate to the Colleges of the Admiralty respectively of this country, to co-operate as much as possible with his Most Serene Highness, not only to put and hold with the greatest expedition in a convenient state the vessels of the Republic, but also in particular for everything that may contribute to accelerate their equipment and sailing, and to the greatest success of the enrolments; with a promise, that the extraordinary expenses which shall result from it and be advanced with the advice of his Most Serene Highness, shall be restored and made good to them.

"Upon which, having deliberated, the Deputies of the Province of Zealand have taken a copy of this report, to be able to communicate more amply."

I do myself the honor to transmit such state papers entire, because Congress will be able from them to collect the real state of things better than from any remarks of mine. The state of the Republic is deplorable enough. There is but one sure path for it to pursue, that is, instantly to accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and America. They see this, but have not firmness to venture upon the measure. Indeed, the military character both at land and sea, seems to be lost out of this nation. The love of fame, the desire of glory, the love of country, the regard for posterity, in short, all the brilliant and sublime passions are lost, and succeeded by nothing but the love of ease and money; but the character of this people must change, or they are finally undone.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, seem to have committed the most complete blunder of all. There was found in that Island a greater quantity of property belonging to the Britons themselves, than to the French, Dutch, or Americans. They have broken up a trade, which was more advantageous to them, than to any of their enemies, as it was a channel through which British manufactures were conveyed to North America, and much provisions and assistance to their fleets and armies in the West Indies. As the British merchants were warranted by an act of Parliament to trade to this Island, all those who are sufferers by its capture are clamoring against government and especially against Rodney and Vaughan, for illegally seizing their property and threatening these commanders with as many law-suits as there are losses. But what completes the jest is, that M. de la Motte Piquet has carried safe into Brest two and twenty of the vessels loaded with the spoils of St Eustatia, which Rodney had sent under convoy of Commodore Hotham and four ships of the line; so that Rodney after having lost his booty is likely to have law-suits to defend, and very probably the whole to repay to the owners.

Thus the cards are once more turned against the gambler; and the nation has gained nothing but an addition to their reputation for iniquity. This is good justice. There is room to hope for more instances of it; because their fleets are coming home from the West Indies, and the Spanish fleet of thirty sail of the line under Cordova is again at sea, and it is hoped the French fleet will soon go out again.

The English fleets are so fully employed by the French and Spaniards, that the Dutch might do a great deal if they would; but something in this machine is fatally amiss. The patriots weep, but all in vain. The fleets and ships that sail, are said to have orders to act only on the defensive. The courtiers say, that Amsterdam is the cause of the war; the friends of Amsterdam say, the courtiers are corrupted by the English. Some say, the Prince declares he will never do anything against the English; others say, that he has authorised the French Ambassador to assure the King his master, that he was ready to make arrangements with him; others report sayings of the Princess, that the conduct of some of the courtiers will be the ruin of her family. All these reports serve to no purpose, but to show the confusion and distraction of the country. However, there must be a change soon for the better or worse, for hunger will break down all ordinary fences.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.

Sir,

The following memorial lays open a dispute between two nations.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"It is well known to your High Mightinesses, with what constancy and for how long a time, the subscriber has had the honor to lay before you, by order of his Court, how much she desires to accomplish a settlement of the differences, which exist upon the Rio Volta between her subjects and yours, who have by little and little wrongfully occupied and fortified the posts of Creve Coeur and of Good Hope, which at present incommode and restrain the Danish establishments upon that coast to a degree almost to destroy the existence of them, to put them to expenses for their maintenance, which absorb their utility, and to render more and more necessary measures, which his Majesty would desire not to be obliged to think of. In consequence, although the subscriber has rendered a faithful account of the assurances, which have been repeatedly given him, of the desire, which your High Mightinesses have to take away even from its source all subject of misunderstanding reciprocally, a desire very conformable with that of the King his master; nevertheless, as nothing has resulted from these general assurances he finds himself at present obliged to execute the orders, which he has received; to demand of your High Mightinesses to cause to be evacuated the said forts of Creve Coeur and Good Hope, the existence of which cannot consist with that of the establishment of Denmark. He has express orders to make this requisition, and to give to understand, that as his Majesty will be very sensible of this friendly manner of terminating the present differences upon the coast of Guinea, so will he see with sincere regret that you will oblige him to give to this affair a more serious attention. The Hague, April 28th.

ST SAPHORIN."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.

Sir,

The cities of Haerlem and Dort have seconded Amsterdam, although the other cities of Holland have hitherto been silent, as appears by the following declarations.

"A declaration of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, concerning the proposition of the city of Amsterdam, made at the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses on the 18th of May, 1781.

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, have declared to the assembly, that they had been earnest to transmit to the Regency of their city the propositions of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Counsellors of Amsterdam, communicating to them at the same time, that with regard to the matter, which makes the object of it, the gentlemen, the Deputies, had beforehand declared, that since the substance of the said proposition was entirely conformable to that, which for some time had formed among the gentlemen, the Constituents, the object of preliminary deliberations, the Deputies had believed themselves tacitly authorised to adopt immediately the said proposition in all its points, which determined them also to testify their very sincere gratitude to the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons to the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Regents of the same city, for the enlightened and vigilant zeal with which these gentlemen in taking this step, so salutary and so necessary, had shown that they have at heart the true interests of their dear country, which had already experienced so many injuries. That at present, the gentlemen, the Deputies, after the communications alleged, found themselves expressly instructed to cause to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, for the justification of the Regency of their city before posterity, that the venerable Magistracy of Dort, approving what is before mentioned, had learned with a lively satisfaction the proposition before mentioned; that it was ready and disposed in the name of that city, to concur efficaciously in all the means, which may be judged the most convenient, to save with alacrity this country, now threatened and surrounded with the greatest and most terrible dangers; that to this end the venerable Regents of Dort would not fail to deliberate immediately upon the particular points, which the proposition in question presents, and to cause in course their resolution to be transmitted to the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."

Note of the Deputies of Haerlem, touching the provisional resolution taken by their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, upon the proposition of Amsterdam.

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Haerlem, resuming the extension of the 18th of May, have declared, that in accepting the proposition of the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, their advice had been, that since the said proposition ought to be attributed to a laudable desire to watch over the common interests, the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons, the gentlemen their constituents, ought to be thanked for the zeal and marked attention upon this occasion for the utility of their dear country. But, as at that time almost all the members relished this advice in such a manner, that the assembly had converted it into a provisional resolution, the gentlemen, the Deputies, had a good right to presume, that, in imitation of many antecedent facts, this advice would have become an essential measure, to cause to be passed the beforementioned provisional resolution. But the gentlemen, the Deputies, seeing the contrary, and their remarks made in this regard, answered by a frozen silence on the part of the other members, they have, both on account of this circumstance, and to ascertain what really passed in consequence of the proposition in question, and to justify the report made to the gentlemen, their principals, upon this object, judged necessary to cause this note to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."

With hearty wishes that this dumb spirit may be soon cast out, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.

Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781.

Sir,

I have received from my Sovereign, the United States of America, in Congress assembled, their express instructions to notify to their High Mightinesses, the States-General, the complete and final ratification of the confederation of the Thirteen United States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both included, on the 1st day of March last.

I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of this important act, and to request the favor of you, Sir, to communicate it to their High Mightinesses in such a manner as you shall judge most convenient; as in the present circumstances of affairs I know of no more proper mode of discharging this part of my duty.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 5th, 1781.

Sir,

The Deputies of Middleburg, in the assembly of the States of Zealand, on the 14th of May, consented to the petition for granting larger bounties to those who shall engage in the service of the Republic by sea. Their advice has been given in this manner;

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Middleburg, have said that they were authorised by the gentlemen, their principals, to conform themselves to the report in question, in all its parts. They are further specially instructed and ordered, (renewing the advice of their city, communicated with their consent to the two States of war of the 9th of last month,) to represent upon this occasion, in the name of the gentlemen, their principals, and to insist strongly, that without delay it should be deliberated by a committee, concerning the measures the most prompt and the most efficacious to be taken by this Province, to direct things in course in the generality, in such a manner, that in the critical and disastrous situation in which the Republic is, we should apply our attention conjointly, with redoubled zeal, activity, and wisdom, in defence of the territory, commerce, and possessions of the Republic; that we finally awake out of that unexpected inaction, in which as is too apparent the Republic is still found, the causes of which cannot, and ought not in any degree, to be attributed to this Province; or that at least, without delay and without reserve, the true reasons of this dangerous and disgraceful situation should be communicated to the Lords, the States of Zealand, from whom nothing, which concerns the Union ought to be concealed; to the end, that in course they may deliberate sincerely with the other confederates upon the means of deliverance and of precaution, the most prompt, and the most convenient for the common advantage, safety, and preservation.

"The Lords, the States of Zealand, have also represented to their High Mightinesses, the propriety of establishing batteries upon the coast of Flanders, upon the places the most exposed, and to provide them with cannon and necessary stores, that they may be able to act, with the armed vessels stationed upon the river, against any enterprises which may be attempted by the enemy's vessels.

"On the 22d of last month, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses deliberated upon the proposition of the Counsellor Pensionary, made on the 18th of the same month, in the name of the gentlemen, the counsellors' committees, viz. that it having been resolved, by a resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses of the 16th of January, to negotiate a sum of eight millions, at two and a half per cent interest, this negotiation had had so happy a success, that it was almost filled up, as the treasury general and the other treasuries of the quarter of the south of this Province have received seven millions fortysix thousand six hundred and fifty florins, and those of the quarter of the north, five hundred and seventyeight thousand eight hundred florins. That the Counsellor Pensionary, seeing that the present situation of affairs requires in all respects, that the treasury of the State should be provided of a larger quantity of money, has proposed to the consideration of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, whether they did not judge it convenient to augment the negotiation in question by four other millions, and, consequently, to extend it to twelve millions, upon the same footing and with the same interest, as determined by their resolution of the 16th of January last.

"Upon which it was thought fit, and resolved, to consent to the negotiation of these eight millions, and to increase it with four others, so as to make twelve millions upon the same footing. The Prince has made a tour to the Brille, Helvoetsluys, Goeree, and Willemstadt, where he has reviewed the troops and vessels of war, and returned to the Hague on the third of this month."

I send to Congress an account of these faint and feeble symptoms of life, because there is no appearance of any more vigorous. I am told that this _vis inertiae_ is profound policy. If it is policy at all, it is so profound, as to be perfectly incomprehensible. However, their property and dominion, their honor and dignity, their sovereignty and independence are their own, and if they choose to throw them all away, for aught I know, they have a right to do it. There is one comfort, if other nations have nothing to hope, they have nothing to fear from such policy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. BERENGER, SECRETARY OF THE FRENCH EMBASSY AT THE HAGUE.

Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me, on the 5th of this month, informing me, that you have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes, by which his Excellency directs you to tell me, that the interests of the United States require my presence at Paris, and that he should desire that I should go there, as soon as my affairs in Holland will permit me.

I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would confide to me the nature of the business that requires me at Paris, that I might be able to form some judgment, whether it is of so much importance, and so pressing, as to make it necessary for me to go forthwith.

His Excellency Dr Franklin, and Colonel Laurens, have arranged affairs in such a manner, that the accounts of the Indian are to be produced to me, and I am to draw bills to discharge them, so that it would retard the departure of that interesting vessel, if I were to go now; and it is of some importance to the public that I should complete my despatches to go to Congress by her. I am also unfortunately involved in a good deal of business, in accepting and discharging bills of exchange, a course of business which would be put into some confusion, if I were to go immediately; and the general affairs of Congress in this Republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But notwithstanding all, if I were informed that it is anything respecting a general pacification, or an invitation of this Republic to accede to the alliance between France and the United States, or any other affair of sufficient weight to justify my quitting this port immediately, I would do it. Otherwise it would, as I humbly conceive, be more for the public interest, that I should wait until some of the business that lies upon me here is despatched, and the rest put into a better order. Let me beg the favor of your sentiments, Sir. Whenever I go, I must beg the favor of you to furnish me with a passport.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 11th, 1781.

Sir,

The following petition is too curious in itself, and too much attended to by the public at this time, to be omitted.

"To the Gentlemen, the Burgomasters, Sheriffs and Counsellors of the city of Antwerp.

"The inhabitants of the city of Antwerp in general, and those who are there concerned in commerce, in particular, should think that they injured their own interests, if they neglected, at a time when all Europe talks of the advantages, which the opening of the Scheldt would produce, to address themselves to you, Gentlemen, to make known their desire, that you would please to take the necessary measures for this purpose. While all nations fix at present their attention upon the liberty of navigation, shall we be the only people, who, although having a greater interest in it than others, should remain quiet, and suffer to pass away, unimproved, the moment, which appears to be now arrived to deliver ourselves from the yoke, which the Republic of Holland imposed upon us in the days of their first celebration? No! It is time that we awake! Since the treaty of Munster, this city and its commerce are fallen into a great decay, but we have still the means in our hands to revive them, because the inhabitants have ever continued to have an indirect portion in commerce. It was they, who after the suppression of the Company of Ostend, have assisted in the establishment of the East India Companies of Sweden and Denmark; and it would not be difficult to prove, that projects of all sorts have taken place in their speculations. What could they not do, therefore, when it shall be free to them to make a direct and unrestrained commerce? The simple hope, which they have of it, causes among them a revival of the spirit of commerce. When we compare the situation of the cities of Amsterdam and Antwerp, we shall find that that of the latter has many advantages over the former. The commerce of corn, which makes of Holland the factory of Europe, and all the trade of the North, offers itself to the city of Antwerp. We should soon find there magazines provided with everything necessary to extend commerce, and equal that of Amsterdam. This commerce alone would be sufficient to make a revival of the bright days, which preceded the peace of Munster.

"But what afflicts us, Gentlemen, is, that there are persons who would divide the interests of provinces, and give birth to a rivalry between the ports of Ostend and Antwerp, as if one port the more would be too much for the States of his Majesty. If this could be a question, no man could doubt that the city of Antwerp is much better situated to make an extensive commerce, than the city of Ostend. Experience alone is sufficient to demonstrate it. The commerce, which Antwerp has made heretofore, came there naturally of itself, although it had been formerly at Bruges, because the port of Antwerp was better, and in all respects more advantageous. But these cities have nothing in common, and if the Scheldt was open, and remained open, Ostend would not suffer any damage from it. We have the advantage to have in our Sovereign a Prince, whose whole application tends to render his subjects happy; nothing can contribute more to their prosperity than commerce. The fine arts, which have supported themselves at Antwerp, in spite of the decay of commerce, for near one hundred and forty years, would acquire here a new degree of perfection and lustre.

"We hope, Gentlemen, that your care and zeal for everything, which can contribute to the prosperity of a city, which you have already lately delivered from beggary, will make you discover, with particular satisfaction, new means of procuring labor for the poor and needy, diminish thereby the expense of their maintenance, without reckoning all the other advantages, and especially the augmentation of our population, which would be the result of our demand."

This petition discloses objects of so much weight in those scales, in which the political and commercial interests of the nations of Europe are now balancing, that it is worth while to transmit some observations, which have been made upon it, which will lay open the whole subject, with all its connexions. They were written in French by M. Cerisier.

"It is to have a false idea of things, to think and to say, that Holland and Zealand, taking an unjust advantage of their victories, and of the weakness of their enemies, have dictated, with arms in their hands, the outrageous and despotic conditions of holding their ports shut up. We have only to cast our eyes upon the geographical situation of Antwerp, we have only to recollect the first events of the Belgic Revolution, to acknowledge this error. The city of Antwerp for a long time made a part of the Belgic confederation; she entered into the union of Utrecht, as she had entered into the pacification of Ghent, she was even for several years the centre of the new Republic; it was not until 1585, that she fell back under the yoke of the Spaniards. But the Duke of Parma, in retaking Antwerp, could not equally make himself master of all the forts situated below that city, towards the mouth of the Scheldt. The confederates continued masters of these, and even retook some places, which had been taken from them in the course of the war. Thus they remained masters of the lower navigation of this river, an advantage, which they caused to be confirmed to them in the treaty of peace. In casting our eyes on the other hand, on the memorable siege of Antwerp, it is to this city that it is necessary to impute the misfortune of having an useless port, since, by a more vigorous and wise defence, she would have remained in the union, with all the advantages which resulted from it.

"Zealand and the city of Amsterdam, have always held the slavery of the port of Antwerp of much importance. But it is very far from being true, that this city, by recovering the liberty of her navigation, would be able to draw away any considerable part of their commerce. The maritime places of the United Provinces have had for several ages, and many years before the revolution, a great navigation and a flourishing commerce; this has been demonstrated by modern authors. See the _Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies, et la Richesse de la Hollande_. It is an error then to believe, that they were raised upon the ruins of Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp; although we cannot deny, that they have received some augmentation from them.

"But it is England, which has drawn the greatest advantages from them. The cause is evident; it is, that the same troubles, which chased commerce from these cities, agitated at the same time Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and the neighboring Provinces. The factions of the Houcks and the Cabeliaux, the Schieringers, and the Vetkopers, the Litchembergs, and the Gunterlings, the Hekeren, and the Bronkhorst, have nearly at the same time for many years, torn almost the whole country, which forms at this day the Republic of the United Provinces, in the times when Flanders was a prey to the most violent intestine dissensions, when Ghent and Bruges held the Emperor Maximilian in prison; and when the chastisements inflicted on these two cities, drove out the industry, and commerce, which enriched them. The United Provinces were the centre of the rebellion and the theatre of the most afflicting calamities, when the cruelties of the Spaniards chased commerce from the city of Antwerp. The most violent causes, in fact, are necessary to drive commerce from a country where she has fixed her residence. The powerful houses of commerce, the immense funds necessary to carry it on, the credit, the industry, do not transplant themselves easily from one country to another.

"We ought not to impute to slavery the fall of the commerce of the Austrian Low Countries. We must ascend to that epocha, when the fiscal and religious despotism of Spain carried into the Low Countries the yoke of civil servitude and the flames of the Inquisition. Commerce cannot harmonise with slavery, with the tyrannical exaction of imposts, with persecutors, or with hangmen. It was principally to London, that industry, and the merchants of Louvain, Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp, fled. Although Holland and Zealand were at the same time a prey to similar misfortunes, and even still more terrible, they found themselves in a condition to raise a powerful marine, to beat their ancient masters, and to seize upon their spoils in the Indies. It was upon their courage, upon their navigation, upon their establishments in the Indies, and not upon the mouth of the Scheldt, that they laid the foundations of a commerce, the richest and most extensive that ever was.

"If all the Low Countries had remained attached to the confederation, they would all have partaken of the riches, the industry, the power, and the grandeur of the United Provinces. The Austrian Low Countries were not able to recover their brilliant commerce, because they had lost it. To repair this loss, it would have been necessary, that Holland and England, filled with their manufactures, should have had the complaisance to send them back all these manufactures with their riches, their workmen, and their raw materials. It was only Louis the Fourteenth who could in this respect take Philip the Second for a model. If the Flemish and the Brabantians, should have again a source of raw materials, and of workmen, would it be easy to recall industry and naturalise it there, after so long an exile? The little progress of commerce in those countries has many other causes, besides the subjugation of one of its brooks. It is necessary to look for them in the multitude and enormity of the duties imposed upon merchandises, which enter, or go out of the Austrian dominions, duties, which are repeated from one Province, and even from one city to another; it is necessary to look for them in the tyrannical and insolent inquisition of officers, with whom the frontiers are covered, in the fiscal and iniquitous subjection, to which packages and travellers are exposed; the former to a search, which exposes the goods to be spoiled, and the other to an indecent and odious inspection. They have forced women to strip themselves, even to their shifts, to discover, with a scandalous avidity, effects subject to these odious taxes.

"A part of the commerce of Germany, and several Provinces of France with Holland, would have no other market than the Low Countries, if the imposts and the collection of them were not tyrannical. The merchants of St Quentin, of Rheims, of Paris, will all tell you, that the lawns, wines, and modes, which they send into the countries situated upon the Baltic, would be embarked at Ostend, without those armies of inquisitors like highwaymen, who drive away, by a perpetual restraint, commerce, the friend of liberty. Add to this, the delays, and the dearness of land-carriage, interrupted with barriers, in the countries, where there are no canals; all these obstacles do not only hurt the commerce of transportation, but also that of importation and exportation. The foreigner, finding so many difficulties in spreading his superfluities in those countries, is the less capable of taking off theirs.