Chapter C: Clotterbooke." (6)

The Prince has since said to the Duc de la Vauguyon, that he was obliged to me for not having pressed him upon the affair of my reception in the beginning. He had reason; for if I had, and he had said or done anything offensive to the United States or disagreeable to me, it would now be remembered much to the disadvantage of the Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses, to whom I presented the following Memorial.

"High and Mighty Lords;--The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform your High Mightinesses, that he is charged by the instructions of his sovereign to propose to the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, a treaty of amity and commerce between the two Republics, founded upon the principle of equal and reciprocal advantage, and compatible with the engagements already entered into by the United States with their allies, as also with such other treaties, which they design to form with other powers. The undersigned has therefore the honor to propose, that your High Mightinesses would nominate some person or persons with full power, to confer and treat with him on this important subject.

JOHN ADAMS."

Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a grand committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with great formality by two noblemen, and before whom I laid a project of a treaty,[7] which I had drawn up conformable to the instructions of Congress. I prayed the gentlemen to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they should have any, and to propose any further articles, which they should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed, and sent to the members of the sovereignty.

The greatest part of my time, for several days, has been taken up in receiving and paying of visits, from all the members and officers of government, and of the Court, to the amount of one hundred and fifty or more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d of April, the French Ambassador made an entertainment for the whole Corps Diplomatique, in honor of the United States, at which he introduced their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court.

There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a Minister from making a good dinner in good company, and therefore I believe they were all present, and I assure you I was myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old fraternity.

Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect to American Ministers. To see a Minister of such a State as ---- and ---- assume a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.

I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private character from the Spanish Minister here, whose behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[7] The plan of a treaty sent to Mr Adams by Congress, may be found in the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 378.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.

Sir,

I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.

Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the brokers in the Republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally, indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some time and in some countries, may do a great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year if the war should continue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, May 16th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the _Hotel des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique_, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed natural hereditary enemy to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested in English funds, and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated, and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance, as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining anything. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies, I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions, which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words, and boast of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the Republican interest, the Stadtholderian interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circumstance, which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is this; there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers, so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to Congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters, and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character, that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of Congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America, to send him a commission as Secretary to this Legation, and Charge des Affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.

It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the _Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas_, of the _Politique Hollandois_, and many other writings in high esteem. By birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and have introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.

Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of Continental agents, or in any other way, to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making promises, or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship and simple civility to any man, having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of Congress, as having rendered important services to our country, and able to render still greater. I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many millions, which have been wasted by the most worthless of men, could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time; it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do everything, does nothing but mischief.

The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is so important to let you know that the late change in the British Ministry, and the conciliatory measures they propose, have occasioned no alteration in the sentiments of the people here; that though I am too much hurried (this conveyance going sooner than was intended) to take particular notice of the letters we have received from you, and which remain unanswered, yet I cannot but avail myself of it to inform you, that it will not have the least effect upon the sentiments or wishes of our people, who remain invariably attached to their independence, and to the alliance, as the best means to obtain it.

Sir Guy Carleton has written to General Washington a very polite letter, complaining of the manner in which the war has been carried on, proposing to conduct it in future upon more liberal principles, and observing, that "they were both equally concerned to preserve the character of Englishmen;" and concluding with the request of a passport for Mr Morgan, his Secretary, to carry a similar letter of compliment to Congress. Congress have directed that no such passport be given. The State of Maryland, whose legislature happened to be sitting, have come to resolutions, which show their determination not to permit any negotiation except through Congress; and their sense of the importance of the alliance.

No military operations are carrying on at present. The enemy, having received no reinforcements, and growing weaker every day, of course afford us a fine opportunity of striking to advantage, if we are not disappointed in our expectations of a naval armament, or even without such armament, if we have sufficient vigor of mind to rely on our own strength.

I commit the enclosed for Mr Dana to your care; I wish it could get to him, if possible, without inspection.

Congress have determined in future to pay your salaries here quarterly. I shall consider myself as your agent, unless you should choose to appoint some other, and make out your account quarterly, and vest the money in bills upon Dr Franklin, to whom I will remit them, giving you advice thereof, so that you may draw on him. By the next vessel I shall send bills for one quarter, commencing the 1st of January last. I wish to have a statement of your account previous to that, so that I may get it settled, and remit the balance.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 29th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is with equal surprise and concern that I find not the least attention paid to the several letters I have written you, since I have had the honor to be in office. I attribute this to their not having reached you, till I saw an extract of a letter written to M. Dumas, that went by the same conveyance with one to you, published in the _Courier de l'Europe_, from which circumstance I conclude it must have been received. It would give me pleasure to learn that I had been deceived in this particular, because the punctuality, with which your correspondence with Congress had hitherto been maintained, would otherwise lead me to conclude, that you were not satisfied with the present arrangement of the Department of Foreign Affairs, a reflection which would be painful to me in proportion to the value I put upon your esteem.

I have seen your letter of the 26th of March to Dr Franklin, in which you speak of the application you have had on the score of your power to treat of a truce; this, together with similar applications to Dr Franklin, and the proposals made at the Court of Versailles, convinces me that it is their wish to endeavor to detach us from each other. What an insult it is to our intellect to suppose, that we can be catched by this cabinet system of politics. I entertain hopes that your answer, together with that of the Count de Vergennes, will teach them to think more honorably of us. Our expectations with respect to the success of your mission are considerably raised, as well by your letter as by other circumstances, that we have learned through different channels; by this time I hope you are in full possession of your diplomatic rights.

I wrote to you three days ago; since which we have nothing that deserves your attention, except what you will learn by reading the enclosed to Mr Dana, sent you under a flying seal. It may be well to take notice of this affair in the Leyden Gazette, as I doubt not if Asgill is executed, that it will make some noise in Europe. We are distracted here by various relations of a battle fought between the fleets in the West Indies, on the 12th of April. The Antigua and New York account is, that the British have been victorious, that the Ville de Paris, and six other ships, were taken or destroyed; the French account is, that Rodney was defeated, and that Count de Grasse had gone to leeward with his transports. Though it is six weeks since the action, we have nothing that can be depended upon.

I am, Sir, with great respect, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.

Sir,

After I had written the letter of yesterday, and sent it off, I received your favors of the 4th, 21st, and 27th of February; and the 10th and 11th of March. The three last I laid before Congress this morning, that of the 21st I have kept by me, for further consideration; though I think, upon the whole, as you have submitted this to my discretion, that I shall lay it also before Congress.

I know they have been solicitous to have some explanations of the reasons, which induced you to take the step you did. Those you assign in your letter are very full, and I see nothing in it, which it will not be proper for you to state to them; and it may remove some objections, that have been raised to the measure.

I frankly confess to you, that the style of that letter pleases me better than any other you have written, so far as it goes into minutiae, which we ought to exact from all our Ministers, since nothing short of this can give us a just idea of our foreign politics. As for a general state of them, it may be got through various channels. But every word or look of a foreign Minister, or popular leader, may serve to explain matters, which are otherwise inexplicable.

I am sorry for the difficulty the cypher occasions you. It was one found in the office, and is very incomplete. I enclose one, that you will find easy in the practice, and will therefore write with freedom, directing that your letter be _not_ sunk in case of danger, as many are lost by that means. Want of time induces me to send you a set of blanks for Mr Dana, which you will oblige me by having filled up from yours with some cyphers, and transmitted by a careful hand to him. This will make one cypher common to all three, which I think will, on many occasions, be of use to you and Mr Dana.

I am very glad to hear of your proposed removal to the Hague, as it is the proper stage on which to display your abilities and address. I cannot hope to get any determination of Congress on the subject of your purchase, in time to be transmitted by this conveyance. When another offers, you shall hear from me. Can nothing be done towards procuring a loan from Holland on account of the public. Ten millions of livres would set our affairs here on the most respectable footing.

We have received an account from Charleston, of the victory obtained by Rodney. This is a severe blow, but I hope will come too late to affect the politics of the United Provinces.

In the United States, it will, I hope, have no other effect than to urge us to greater exertions, and a reliance upon our own strength, rather than on foreign aid. You will be pleased to furnish me with the most minute details of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace.

I am, Sir, with great respect,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782.

Sir,

The Admiralty have reported to their High Mightinesses their remarks upon the plan of a treaty of commerce, which I had the honor to lay before them, together with such additions and alterations as they propose. This report has been taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, except Overyssel, which has determined to vote as Holland shall vote, this being the principal maritime Province, and the other inland.

The forms of proceeding according to this constitution, are so circuitous, that I do not expect this treaty will be finished and signed in less than three months, though some of the most active members of the government tell me, they think it may be signed in six weeks. I have not yet proposed the Treaty of Alliance, because I wait for the advice of the Duc de la Vauguyon. His advice will not be wanting in the season for it, for his Excellency is extremely well disposed.

I have, after innumerable vexations, agreed with three houses, which are well esteemed here, to open a loan. The extreme scarcity of money will render it impossible to succeed to any large amount. I dare not promise anything, and cannot advise Congress to draw. I shall transmit the contract, for the ratification of Congress, as soon as it is finished, and then I hope to be able to say at what time, and for how much Congress may draw.

The nation is now very well fixed in its system, and will not make a separate peace. England is so giddy with Rodney's late success in the West Indies, that I think she will renounce the idea of peace for the present. The conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to be lamented on public account, and indeed on account of the feelings of my friend, Mr Jay; for I perfectly well know the cruel torment of such a situation, by experience, and I know too, that he has done as much, and as well as any man could have done in that situation.

The late President Laurens made me a visit at the Hague last week, in his way to his family in France. He informed me, that he had written from Ostend to Dr Franklin, declining to serve in the commission for peace. I had great pleasure in seeing my old friend perfectly at liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither the air of England, nor the seducing address of her inhabitants, nor the terrors of the Tower, have made any change in him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

_P. S._ I hope Congress will receive a collection of all the resolutions of the Provinces, and the petitions of the merchants, manufacturers, &c. respecting the acknowledgment of American independence, and my reception as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, by their High Mightinesses. I shall transmit duplicates and triplicates of them as soon as health will permit. But Mr Thaxter has been ill of a fever, and myself with the influenza, ever since our removal from Amsterdam to the Hague. This collection of resolutions and petitions, is well worth printing together in America. It is a complete refutation of all the speculations of the small half-toryfied politicians among the Americans, &c. of the malevolent insinuations of Anglomanes through the world, against the American cause. The partisans of England, sensible of this, have taken great pains to prevent an extensive circulation of them.

J. A.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, June 14th, 1782.

Sir,

The Court of Petersburg, is very industrious in its endeavors to accomplish a separate peace between England and Holland. Her Minister at Versailles has made an insinuation to the French Court, that her Majesty would be much obliged to the King, if he would not make any further opposition to such a separate peace. To this insinuation, the following wise and firm answer has been given by the Court of France.

"The King is sensibly impressed with the fresh proof of confidence, which the Empress has given in communicating to him her measures and ideas respecting a separate peace between England and the States-General. His Majesty perceives therein the sentiments of humanity, which actuate her Imperial Majesty, and he takes the earliest opportunity to answer, with the same degree of freedom, what particularly concerns him in the verbal insinuations communicated by Prince Baratinski.

"Faithful to the rule he has established, of never controlling the conduct of any power, the King has not sought to direct the deliberations of the States-General, either to incline them to war, or to prevent them from making a separate peace; England having unexpectedly attacked the Provinces of the United Netherlands, his Majesty hastened to prevent the ill consequences by every means in his power; his services have been gratuitous, his Majesty has never exacted any acknowledgment on their part. Should the States-General think that the obligations they owe to his Majesty, as well as the interest of the Republic, impose it on them as a duty, not to separate their cause from the King's and his allies, the Empress of Russia is too wise and too just not to acknowledge, that it is not for his Majesty to divert them from such a resolution, and that all that he can do, is to refer to their wisdom, to conclude on what best suits with their situation.

"The Empress is not ignorant, that circumstances have induced the States-General to concert operations with the King. His Majesty flatters himself, that this Princess has no views of prevailing on them to desist from this arrangement, which necessarily results from the position of the two powers with respect to England, and which must naturally contribute to the re-establishment of the general tranquillity, the object both of her Imperial Majesty's and the King's wishes."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, June 15th, 1782.

Sir,

This morning I made a visit to the Grand Pensionary, M. Van Bleiswick, and had a long conference with him concerning the plan of a treaty of commerce, which is now under consideration, and endeavored to remove some of his objections, and to explain to him the grounds and reasons of certain articles, which have been objected to by others; particularly the article which respects France, and that which respects Spain. He made light of most of the objections, which had been started to the plan, and thought it would be easy to agree upon it; but there must be time for the cities to deliberate.

I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor soon, of sending an Ambassador to Congress, and consuls, at least, to Boston and Philadelphia? He thought it would be very proper, but said they had some difficulty in finding a man who was suitable, and, at the same time, willing to undertake so long a voyage. I asked him, if it would not be convenient to send a frigate to America to carry the treaty, their Ambassador, and consuls, all together, when all should be ready? He said, he could not say whether a frigate could be spared.

"Very well," said I, smiling, and pointing to the Prince's picture, "I will go and make my Court to his Highness, and pray him to send a frigate to Philadelphia, with a treaty, an Ambassador, and two consuls, and to take under her convoy all merchant vessels ready to go." "Excellent," said he, smiling, "I wish you good luck."

We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning peace, but as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a Minister shall appear at Paris, or elsewhere, with full powers from the King of England, to treat with the United States of America, I shall think there is something more than artifice to raise the stocks, and lay snares for sailors to be caught by press gangs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, July 4th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

By every late advice from Holland, we learn their disposition to enter into a treaty with us; and though we have no intelligence from you since the 11th of March, we still presume, that you have, ere this been received in your public character. No wise government, constituted as that of the United Provinces is, will venture long to oppose the wishes of the people. I am very solicitous to know how you have availed yourself of the opening this has afforded.

If you have been unconditionally received, it will give you more leisure, to mature the plan of a subsequent treaty, which is too important in all its consequences to be hurried. If possible, it were to be wished, that the heads of it, as proposed on either side, could be sent here and submitted to the judgment of Congress, before anything was absolutely agreed. The independency, to which each of the States is entitled, renders great caution in all commercial engagements, not provided for particularly by the confederation, absolutely necessary, for which reason, I should prefer definite articles, to loose expressions of standing on the same ground with the most favored nations.

Our connexion with the West Indies, renders it proper to lay that trade as open to us as possible. Great benefit would result both to us and the Dutch from giving us one or two free ports in such of their Colonies as raise sugars, where we could exchange the produce of both countries, and check that monopoly, which other nations will endeavor to create at our expense. Nothing will encourage the growth of such colony, or enable it to raise sugars to more advantage than the cheap and easy rates, at which they would thereby receive the produce of this country.

I need not urge the propriety of availing yourself of your present situation to procure a loan. You may easily convince the government of the validity of the security, which it is in the power of a growing country, as yet very little incumbered with debt to give. That security will derive new force from our being a commercial people, with whom public credit is almost invariably preserved with the most scrupulous attention. And such is our present situation, that a twentieth part of what Great Britain expends annually in her attempt to enslave us, would be more than sufficient to enable us to defeat all her attempts, and to place our affairs on the most respectable footing.

I see the people of the United Provinces are struck with the importance of forming a commercial connexion with us, when ours with Great Britain is dissolved. Not only Congress, as appears by their public acts, but the whole body of the people, are strongly opposed to the least intercourse with Britain. This opposition would effectually prevent it, if in addition thereto three or four large frigates, or two fifties, could be stationed in the Delaware, or Chesapeake, so as to protect our commerce against the British frigates from New York. In such a case, a voyage to this country, and from thence to the Islands, where our flour and lumber command the highest price, either in money or produce, affords the fairest prospect to the European merchants of the most profitable returns. Tobacco and bills offer a more direct return to those, whose capitals will not permit them to engage in the circuitous commerce I have mentioned.

This letter is hastily written, as the express that carries it is to go off this evening, and I have several others to write. I mention this, that you may not consider anything it contains as an instruction from Congress, to whom it has not been submitted.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, July 5th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies in Dutch and English of the negotiation, which I have entered into for a loan of money. My commission for borrowing money, promises to ratify what I should do; and the money lenders require such a ratification, which Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts and De la Lande and Fynje, have engaged shall be transmitted. Authentic copies of the original contracts, in Dutch and English, are enclosed for the ratification of Congress, which I must entreat them to transmit forthwith by various opportunities, that we may be sure of receiving it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen will not think it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum of the money, until it arrives.

Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan for five millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall obtain that sum for a long time. If we get a million and a half by Christmas, it will be more than I expect. I shall not venture to dispose of any of this money, except for relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the bills heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable demands, but leave it entire to the disposition of Congress, whom I must entreat not to draw, until they receive information from the directors of the loan, how much money they are sure of; and then to draw immediately upon them. These directors, are three houses, well esteemed in this Republic, Messrs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynje.

I have made the contract, upon as good terms as I could obtain. Five per cent interest. Two per cent to the House, or rather to the Society of Houses. Two per cent to the undertakers; and half per cent for brokerage and other charges. This four and a half per cent, together with one per cent for receiving and paying off the annual interest, is to include all the expenses of the loan of every sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is done for. France gives at least as much, and other powers much more.

I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Holland, by several opportunities. The form of ratification must be submitted to Congress; but would it not be sufficient to certify by the Secretary in Congress, upon each of the copies enclosed in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in Congress, and thereupon resolved that the original instruments, executed by me before the said notary, be and hereby are ratified and confirmed?

The form of the obligation is such as was advised by the ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conformable to the usage when loans are made here, for the Seven Provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this country, and therefore lengthy and formal, but it signifies no more in substance, than, "that the money being borrowed must be paid."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, July 5th, 1782.

Sir,

Soon after my public reception by their High Mightinesses, the body of merchants of the city of Schiedam, were pleased to send a very respectable deputation from among their members, to the Hague, to pay their respects to Congress, and to me, as their representative, with a very polite invitation to a public entertainment in their city, to be made upon the occasion. As I had several other invitations from various places and Provinces about the same time, and had too many affairs upon my hands to be able to accept of them, I prevailed upon all to excuse me, for such reasons as ought to be, and, I suppose, were satisfactory.

The Deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit from them to Congress, the enclosed compliment, which, with many other things of a similar kind, convinced me that there is in this nation a strong affection for America, and a kind of religious veneration for her just cause.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ADDRESS,

Of the merchants of the town of Schiedam in Holland, to his Excellency John Adams, after their High Mightinesses the Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, had acknowledged the freedom and Independency of the United States of North America, and admitted the said John Adams, as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the Congress of the said United States.

"If ever any circumstances were capable of recalling to the minds of the people of these Provinces, the most lively remembrance of the cruel situation to which their forefathers found themselves once reduced, under the oppressive yoke of Spanish tyranny, it was, no doubt, that terrible and critical moment, when the Colonies of North America, groaning under the intolerable weight of the chains, with which the boundless ambition of Great Britain had loaded them, were forced into a just and lawful war, to recover the use and enjoyment of that liberty, to which they were entitled by the sacred and unalienable laws of nature.

"If ever the citizens of this Republic have had an occasion to remember, with sentiments of the liveliest gratitude, the visible assistance and protection of a Being, who, after having constantly supported them during the course of a long, bloody war, which cost their ancestors eighty years' hard struggles and painful labors, deigned by the strength of his powerful arm to break the odious fetters under which we had so long groaned, and who, from that happy era to the present time, has constantly maintained us in the possession of our precious liberties; if ever the citizens of these Provinces have been bound to remember those unspeakable favors of the Almighty, it was no doubt at that moment when haughty Britain began to feel the effects of divine indignation, and when the vengeance of heaven defeated her sanguinary schemes; it was, when, treading under foot the sacred ties of blood and nature, and meditating the destruction of her own offspring, her arms were everywhere baffled in the most terrible and exemplary manner, her troops defeated, and her armies led into captivity, and at last, that haughty power, humbled by that heaven, which she had provoked, saw the sceptre, which she had usurped, fall from her enfeebled hands; and America, shaking off the cruel yoke, which an unnatural stepmother had endeavored to impose forever upon her, thanked bounteous heaven for her happy deliverance.

"If ever the inhabitants of this country, and those of this city in particular, have had a just cause for joy, and good grounds to conceive the highest hopes of prosperity and happiness, it was undoubtedly at that so much wished-for moment, when, with a unanimous voice, the fathers of the country declared the United States of America to be free and independent, and acknowledged your Excellency as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the illustrious Congress.

"Impressed with the various sentiments of respect, joy, and gratitude, with which the unspeakable favors of the Almighty towards both countries must inspire every feeling and sensible mind; encouraged besides, by so many happy omens, the subscribers, in behalf of the merchants and inhabitants of this city, have the honor to congratulate your Excellency as the Representative of the illustrious American Congress, and to assure you in the strongest terms, that if any event, recorded in the annals of our country, is capable of impressing us with the liveliest joy, and of opening to our minds the happiest prospect, it is that glorious and ever memorable day, when our august sovereigns, the Lords States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, solemnly acknowledged the independence of the United States of America; a step which, under the pleasure of God, must become the foundation of an unalterable friendship, and the source of mutual prosperity to the two Republics, whose union being cemented by interests henceforth common and inseparable, must forever subsist, and be constantly and religiously preserved by our latest posterity.

"Allow us then, ye deliverers of America, ye generous defenders of her infant liberties, to congratulate your illustrious Envoy, and to express to him the liveliest satisfaction that we feel for an event, which crowns the wishes of the nation. Accept also of the fervent prayers, which we address to heaven, beseeching the Almighty to shower down his blessings on your Republic and her allies.

"Permit us also to recommend to you, in the strongest manner, the interests of our country, and of this city in particular. Let those of our citizens who have been the most zealous in promoting the acknowledgment of your independence, enjoy always a particular share of your affection.

"That among those who may follow our example, no one may ever succeed in detracting from the good faith and integrity of Holland, or causing the sincerity of our efforts to advance our mutual interests to be suspected, which are founded on the unalterable principles of pure virtue, and a religion common to both of us.

"Permit us, in fine, that faithful to ourselves, and attentive to whatever can interest our commerce, the only source of our prosperity, we may flatter ourselves, that the produce of this flourishing city, our distilled liquors and other merchandise, may be freely imported to your States without any hinderance, or without being subjected to heavy duties; and may the protection, with which you shall honor us and the privileges that you shall grant us, rivet the bonds of our mutual friendship, and be to both nations the source of an unceasing prosperity."

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, August 10th, 1782.

Sir,

It was with very great pleasure that I received, this morning, your kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to learn, that yours and Mr Jay's health have been disordered in France, where the air is so fine.

That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not. That most of them were such as you ought not to have met with, I can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my fever, were such as I ought not to have had. Thank God they are passed, and never shall return, for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious again. I have assumed the _felicis animi immota tranquilitas_.

Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free conversation between you and me upon the subjects you mention, and all others directly or indirectly connected with it, or with any of our affairs; but I do not see a possibility of taking such a journey. The march of this people is so slow, that it will be some time before the treaty of commerce can be finished, and after that I have other orders to execute, and must be here in person to attend every step. But besides this, I think I ought not to go to Paris, while there is any messenger there from England, unless he has full powers to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America. If the three American Ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time, with a real or pretended Minister from London, all the world would instantly conclude a peace certain, and would fill at once another year's loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne's sincerity, I have not the smallest confidence, and I think that we ought to take up Fox's idea, and insist upon full powers to treat with us in character, before we have a word more to say upon the subject. They are only amusing us. I would rather invite you to come here. This country is worth seeing, and you would lay me under great obligations to take your residence, during your stay, in the _Hotel des Etats-Unis_. Many people would be glad to see you. I should be very glad, however, to be informed, from step to step, how things proceed.

As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the House of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers of Europe, but who is to blame but themselves? Why are they so short sighted or so indolent, as to neglect to acknowledge the United States, and make treaties with them? Why do they leave the House of Bourbon to content so long and spend so much? Why do they leave America and Holland under so great obligations? France has, and ought to have, a great weight with America and Holland, but other powers might have proportionable weight if they would have proportional merit.

If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation, would admit the United States to accede to that treaty, and declare America independent, they would contribute to prevent America at least from being too much under the direction of France. But if any powers should take the part of England, they will compel America and Holland too, to unite themselves ten times more firmly than ever to the House of Bourbon.

I do not know, however, that America and Holland are too much under the direction of France, and I do not believe they will be, but they must be dead to every generous feeling as men, and to every wise view as statesmen, if they were not much attached to France, in the circumstances of the times.

I received two letters from you in the spring, one I answered, but have not the dates at present; the other kindly informed me of the arrival of my son in America, for which I thank you.

With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, August 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose, for the information of Congress, a copy of Mr Fitzherbert's commission.

The States-General have appointed M. Brantzen their Minister Plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for Paris in about three weeks. His instructions are such as we should wish. The States of Holland and West Friesland have determined the last week upon our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to enter into conferences with the States-General this week, in order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification of the contract for a loan, which has been sent five different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders ready to be paid to the orders of Congress by Messrs Wilhem and Jean Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje.