Chapter M: De Rayneval to John Adams (1)

Translation.

Versailles, July 9th, 1781.

Sir,

I have had the honor to inform you, that the Count de Vergennes desired to have an interview with you, and it will give him pleasure if you can meet him on Wednesday next, at nine o'clock in the morning.

Meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.

GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.

TO M. DE RAYNEVAL.

Paris, July 9th, 1781.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your billet of this day's date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his Excellency the Count de Vergennes at his office, on Wednesday next, at nine of the clock in the morning according to his desire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

Accordingly on Wednesday I went to Versailles, and met the Count at his office, with M. de Rayneval, at nine o'clock, who communicated to me the following articles proposed by the two Imperial Courts. That Spain had prepared her answers; that of France was nearly ready; but did not know that England had yet answered.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.

Sir,

The following Resolution was passed at the Hague, the 2d of this month, by their High Mightinesses the States-General, respecting the Duke of Brunswick.

"Heard the report of Messrs de Lynden, de Hemmen, and other deputies of their High Mightinesses for marine affairs, who, in consequence and conformably to a commissorial resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 21st of last month, have examined a letter of the Duke of Brunswick, dated at the Hague the same day, and containing serious complaints upon the proposition, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have made to his Highness, after that many calumnies and atrocious accusations had been circulated against him in public; upon which, having deliberated, it hath been found good and resolved,

"That, saving the deliberations of the Lords, the States of the respective Provinces, upon the complaints relative to the proceeding of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, their High Mightinesses, not being able to see with indifference, that my Lord the Duke of Brunswick, in quality of Field Marechal of this State, be publicly accused in so enormous a manner, it may from this time be declared, and it is declared by the present, that it is not manifest to their High Mightinesses that there are any reasons, which could furnish any ground for such accusations and suspicions of bad faith and of corruption as have been alleged to the charge of my Lord the Duke, and that have been circulated abroad in anonymous writings, defamatory libels, and dishonorable reports; that, on the contrary, their High Mightinesses regard them as false and injurious calumnies, spread with design to disgrace and wound the honor and reputation of my Lord the Duke; whilst that their High Mightinesses hold the said Lord the Duke entirely innocent and exempt from the blame, with which the libels and reports alleged endeavor to disgrace him.

"That in consequence, the gentlemen, the States of the respective Provinces, should be required by writing, and that it should be submitted to their consideration, if they could not find it good each in their Provinces, conformably to the placards of the country, to make the necessary regulations to restrain the authors, printers, and distributors of such like defamatory libels and malicious and calumnious writings, by which the said Lord the Duke is so sensibly attacked and wounded in his honor and reputation."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.

Sir,

Under the head of St Petersburg is the following article.

"On the 8th of June, the Minister of the Court of Versailles had a conference with the Count Osterman, Vice Chancellor of the empire, and remitted to him a memorial, containing representations upon the continued proceedings of the English against the commerce and navigation of neuters; upon the little activity of these last to prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and supporting thereby the principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers, and the convention of neutrality which has been agreed upon between them; upon the prejudice which ought naturally to result from it to the whole world, and upon the desire which the king his master has that it should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her Imperial Majesty, seeing that without that the said association of neutrality would turn only to the advantage of the enemies of France, and that the King, who to this moment has confined himself exactly to the principle of the abovementioned declaration and convention of neutrality, would see himself, although with regret, in the indispensable necessity of changing in like manner the system which he had hitherto followed, with respect to the commerce and navigation of neuters, and of measuring and regulating it upon the conduct which the English shall allow themselves, and which was so patiently borne by the neuters. Objects, in regard to which his Majesty has nevertheless judged it his duty to suspend his final resolution, until he can concert upon this subject with her Imperial Majesty."

Mr Dana left Amsterdam this day, and is gone to Utrecht and from thence he will proceed on his journey to Petersburg without delay. Mr Jennings does not accompany him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 10th, 1781.

Sir,

On Wednesday, the 4th of July, M. de Lynden Blitterswyk, presiding in the Assembly, hath related and acquainted their High Mightinesses, that the Duke of Brunswick had been with him that morning and given him to understand,

"That he had been informed of the resolution, that their High Mightinesses had taken the 2d of July upon the letter, that he had the honor of remitting to them, the 21st of June last; that He was extremely sensible of the marks of confidence and affection, that their High Mightinesses had been pleased to give him on this occasion, and that in an affair, to the subject of which he had not directly carried his complaints to their High Mightinesses; that he was nevertheless not less persuaded, that the intention of their High Mightinesses could not be by that to let the affair rest provisionally, much less that thereby they should have satisfied the respectful demand and requisition contained in his said letter, by which he had required an exact and vigorous examination, and demanded for that purpose of their High Mightinesses such steps as had been more amply mentioned in the said letter; and that then only he had required such a justificatory resolution and satisfaction as had been afterwards demanded by that letter; that he ought to insist upon that so much the more, as by that provisional resolution, as taken without previous inquiry, one could by no means think him cleared from the blame and affront, which had been offered him, for which reason he had conceived that he could and ought to implore the resolution of all the High Confederates themselves, as he still continued to implore it with earnestness;" praying M. de Lynden, as President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to be pleased to acquaint them therewith.

Which having been deliberated, it hath been resolved and concluded,

"To pray by the present, the gentlemen, the Deputies of the respective Provinces, to be pleased to acquaint the gentlemen, the States, their principals, with the above, to the end that in the deliberations upon the letter of the Duke of Brunswick, such reflections may be made upon the above as they shall judge proper."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform Congress, that upon information from the Count de Vergennes, that questions concerning peace under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts were in agitation, that required my presence here, I undertook the journey, and arrived here last Friday night, the 6th of the month, and have twice waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the enclosed propositions.

These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers, by the Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild propositions made to them by the Court of London, "that they would undertake the office of mediators upon condition, that the league as they call it, between France and their rebel subjects in America should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience."

France and Spain have prepared their answers to these propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my answer to the articles enclosed. It is not in my power at this time to enclose to Congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it, but Congress must see, that nothing can come of this manoeuvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may say to Congress, that I have no objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately in the manner proposed, upon a peace, and a Treaty of Commerce with them, consistent with our engagements with France and Spain; but that the armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say further, that as there is no judge upon earth, of a Sovereign Power, but the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any powers, however respectable, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at least as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, as the representative of a free and independent power. After this, we might discuss questions of peace or truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but not before.

I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence, that nothing will be decided by them, but what will be consistent with their character and dignity. Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience, and perseverance will ensure us a good and lasting one in the end. The English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies, and to sustain their credit. But I hope the people of America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace but skilful and successful war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ARTICLES

_To serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the
Re-establishment of Peace._

Translation.

ARTICLE I.

The re-establishment of peace in America shall be negotiated between Great Britain and the American Colonies, but without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, nor even with that of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation should be formally asked and granted upon this object.

ARTICLE II.

This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but conjointly, and at the same time with that of those powers whose interests shall have been negotiated by the mediating Courts, for this reason, although each peace may be separately treated, yet they cannot be concluded without each other. Care shall be taken to inform the mediators with certainty of the measures and state of that, which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the mediation may be able to regulate the measures intrusted to it, by the state of the negotiation relating to the colonies, and both of the pacifications, which shall have been concluded at the same time, although separately, shall be solemnly guarantied by the mediating Courts, and every other neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent parties may think proper to claim.

ARTICLE III.

To render the negotiations for peace independent of the events of war, always uncertain, which may put a stop to, or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between all parties during the term of a year, reckoning from ---- of the month of ---- of the present year, or of ---- years, reckoning from ---- of the month of ---- of the year 1782, should it happen that peace should not be re-established in the first period, and whilst the duration of either of these periods continue, everything shall remain in the state in which they shall be found at signing the present preliminary articles.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 13th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency some remarks upon the articles, to serve as a basis of the negotiation for the re-establishment of peace, which you did me the honor to communicate to me.

As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments upon these articles merely for your own government, or with a design to communicate them to the Imperial Courts, I should be glad of your Excellency's advice concerning them. If your Excellency is of opinion there is anything exceptionable, or which ought to be altered, I should be glad to correct it; or if I have not perceived the points, or questions, upon which you desired my opinion, I shall be ready to give any further answers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ANSWER

_Of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Re-establishment of Peace._

ARTICLE I. The United States of America have no objection, provided their allies have none, to a treaty with Great Britain, concerning the re-establishment of peace in America, or to another concerning the re-establishment of commerce between the two nations, consistent with their obligations to France and Spain, without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, and even without that of the two Imperial Courts, at least, unless their mediation should be formally demanded and granted upon this object, according to the first article communicated to me.

ART. II. The United States have nothing to say, provided their allies have not, against the second article.

ART. III. To the armistice, and the _statu quo_, in the third article, the United States have very great objections, which indeed are so numerous and decisive, and at the same time so obvious, as to make it unnecessary to state them in detail.

The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles; but as it is mentioned in some observations shown me by his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, it may be necessary for me to add, that the United States are so deeply impressed with an apprehension, that any truce whatsoever would not fail to be productive of another long and bloody war at the termination of it, and that a short truce would be in many ways highly dangerous to them, that it would be with great reluctance that they should enter into any discussion at all upon such a subject.

Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries to their taking into consideration the subject of a truce at all. The first is, that their allies agree, that the treaties now subsisting remain in full force during and after the truce, until the final acknowledgment of their independence by Great Britain. The second is, the antecedent removal of the British land and naval armaments from every part of the United States. Upon these two express conditions as preliminaries, if a truce should be proposed for so long a period, or for an indefinite period, requiring so long notice, previous to a renewal of hostilities, as to evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a virtual relinquishment of the object of the war, and an expedient only to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment of the independence and sovereignty of the United States, they, with the concurrence of their allies, might accede to it.

It is requisite, however, to add; first, that the United States cannot consider themselves bound by this declaration, unless it should be agreed to before the opening of another campaign. Secondly, that it is not in the power of the Crown of Great Britain, by the constitution of that kingdom, to establish any truce, or even armistice with the United States, which would not be illusory without the intervention of an act of Parliament, repealing or suspending all their statutes, which have any relation to the United States, or any of them. Without this, every officer of the navy would be bound by the laws, according to the maxims of their constitution, to seize every American vessel that he should find, whose papers and distinction should not be found conformable to those statutes, and every French, Spanish, Dutch, or other foreign vessel, which he should find going to, or coming from America; notwithstanding any convention that is in the power of the Crown to make.

After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in anything as yet mentioned. The great question is, in what character are the United States to be considered? They know themselves to be a free, sovereign, and independent State, of right and in fact.

They are considered and acknowledged as such by France. They cannot be represented in a Congress of Ministers from the several powers of Europe, whether their representative is called Ambassador, Minister, or Agent, without an acknowledgment of their independence, of which the very admission of a representative from them is an avowal. Great Britain cannot agree with their representative upon a truce, or even an armistice, without admitting their freedom and independence.

As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State, but the nation that composes it, the United States can never consent, that their independence shall be discussed or called in question by any sovereign or sovereigns, however respectable, nor can their interests be made a question in any Congress, in which their character is not acknowledged, and their Minister admitted. If, therefore, the two Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay down as a preliminary, the sovereignty of the United States, and admit their Minister to a Congress, after this, a treaty might be commenced between the Minister of Great Britain and the Minister of the United States, relative to a truce, or peace and commerce, in the manner proposed, without any express acknowledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain, until the treaty should be concluded.

The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate concerning their own interests, and to deliberate concerning the question, whether it is consistent with their dignity and interests, to acknowledge expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and to make treaties with them, by their Ministers in a Congress, or otherwise; and America could make no objection to it; but neither the United States nor France can ever consent, that the existence of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such Congress; because, let that Congress determine as it might, their sovereignty, with submission only to Divine Providence, never can, and never will be given up.

As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a Congress to the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation of the league, as they were pleased to call it, between France and their rebel subjects, as they were pleased again to phrase it, and upon the return of these to their allegiance and obedience, as preliminaries to any Congress or mediation; there is too much reason to fear, that the British Ministry have no serious intentions or sincere dispositions for peace, and that they mean nothing but amusement. Because, the support of the sovereignty of the United States was the primary object of the war, on the part of France and America; the destruction of it, that of Great Britain. If, therefore, the treaty between France and America were annulled, and the Americans returned to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, there would be no need of troubling all Europe with a Congress to make peace. All points between France, Spain, and Great Britain, might be easily adjusted among themselves. Surely the affairs of Great Britain are, in no part of the world so triumphant, nor those of any of their enemies so adverse, as to give this Ministry any serious hopes, that France and America will renounce the object of the war. There must, therefore, be some other view.

It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British Ministry upon this, any more than upon many former occasions. They think that a distrust of them, and a jealousy that they would not adhere with good faith to the propositions of reconciliation, which they have made from time to time, were, in the minds of the Americans, the true cause why these propositions were not accepted. They now think, that by prevailing on the two Imperial Courts, and other Courts, to warranty to the Americans any similar terms they may propose to them, they shall remove this obstacle; and by this means, although they know that no public authority in America will agree to such terms, they think they shall be able to represent things in such a light, as to induce many desertions from the American army, and many apostates from the American independence and alliance. In this way, they pursue their long practised arts of seduction, deception, and division. In these again, as in so many former attempts, they would find themselves disappointed, and would make very few deserters or apostates. But it is to be hoped, that the powers of Europe will not give to these superficial artifices, with which that Ministry have so long destroyed the repose of the United States, and of the British dominions at home and abroad, and disturbed the tranquillity of Europe, so much attention as to enable them to continue much longer such evils to mankind.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 15th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter to the Count de Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers. The British Court proposed to the Imperial Courts, a Congress, upon two preliminary conditions, the rupture of the treaty with France, and the return of America to their obedience. The two Imperial Courts have since proposed the enclosed articles. Spain and France have prepared their answers. England has not answered yet, and no Ministers are yet commissioned or appointed by any power. If she accepts the terms, I should not scruple to accept them too, excepting the armistice and the _statu quo_. I mean I should not insist upon a previous explicit acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States, before I went to Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent with the character or dignity of the United States, in their Minister going to Vienna, at the same time when Ministers from the other powers are there, and entering into treaty with a British Minister without any explicit acknowledgment of our independence, before the conclusion of the treaty. The very existence of such a Congress would be of use to our reputation.

But I cannot yet believe that Britain will wave her preliminaries. She will still insist upon the dissolution of the treaty, and upon the return of the Americans under her government. This, however, will do no honor to her moderation or pacific sentiments, in the opinion of the powers of Europe.

Something may grow out of these negotiations in time, but it will probably be several years before anything can be done. Americans can only quicken these negotiations by decisive strokes. No depredations upon their trade, no conquests of their possessions in the East or West Indies will have any effect upon the English to induce them to make peace, while they see they have an army in the United States, and can flatter themselves with the hope of conquering or regaining America; because they think that with America under their government, they can easily regain whatever they may lose now in any part of the world. Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the United States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them to peace, sooner than the loss of everything less. The belligerent powers and the neutral powers may flatter themselves with the hopes of a restoration of peace, but they will all be disappointed while the English have a soldier in America. It is amazing to me that France and Spain do not see it, and direct their forces accordingly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 16th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more, particularly in some points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend the facts, the British Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts a Congress and a mediation, upon two conditions. 1st. The dissolution of the treaties between France and the United States. 2d. The return of the Americans under the British government.

In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St James, the two Imperial Courts have made the proposition of the articles, which were shown to me, to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, neither of which has yet given its answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted the two conditions, which the British Court insisted on as preliminaries, and mean to admit a representative of the United States to the Congress, to negotiate separately with the British Minister, without ascertaining the title or character of the American representative, until the two pacifications shall be accomplished.

I am in my own mind apprehensive, though I devoutly wish I may be mistaken, that the British Court in their answer to the articles, will adhere to their two preliminaries. It is very convenient for the English to hold up the idea of peace; it serves them to relieve their credit at certain times when it is in distress; it serves to disconcert the projects of the neutral powers to their disadvantage; it enables their friends in the United Provinces, to keep the Dutch nation in that state of division, sloth and inactivity, from which they derive so much plunder, with so much safety. But I cannot persuade myself, that the English will soberly think of peace, while they have any military force in the United States, and can preserve a gleam of hope of conquering or regaining America. While this hope remains, no depredations on their commerce, no loss of dominions in the East or West Indies, will induce them to make peace; because they think, that with America reunited to them they could easily regain whatever they may now lose. This opinion of theirs may be extravagant and enthusiastical, and they would not find it so easy to recover their losses; but they certainly entertain it, and while it remains, I fear they will not make peace.

Yet it seems they have negotiated themselves into a delicate situation. If they should obstinately adhere to their two preliminaries, against the advice of the two Imperial Courts, this might seriously affect their reputation, if they have any, for moderation and for pacific dispositions, not only in those Courts, but in all the Courts and countries of Europe, and they would not easily answer it to their own subjects, who are weary of the war. Peace is so desirable an object, that humanity, as well as policy, demands of every nation at war a serious attention to every proposition, which seems to have a tendency to it, although there may be grounds to suspect, that the first proposer of it was not sincere. I think, that no power can judge the United States unreasonable in not agreeing to the _statu quo_, or the armistice. But perhaps I have not been sufficiently explicit upon another point.

The proposal of a separate treaty between the British Minister and the Representative of the United States, seems to be a benevolent invention to avoid several difficulties; among others, first, that England may be allowed to save her national pride, to think and to say, that the independence of America was agreed to voluntarily, and was not dictated to her by France and Spain; secondly, to avoid the previous acknowledgment of American independence, and the previous ascertaining the title and character of the American Representative, which the Imperial Courts may think would be a partiality inconsistent with the character of mediators, and even of neutrals, especially as England has uniformly considered any such step as a hostility against them; though I know not upon what law of nations, or of reason.

I cannot see, that the United States would make any concession, or submit to any indignity, or do anything inconsistent with their character, if their Minister should appear at Vienna, or elsewhere, with the Ministers of other powers, and conduct any negotiation with a British Minister, without having the independence of the United States or his own title and character acknowledged or ascertained, by any other power, except France, until the pacification should be concluded. I do not see, that America would lose anything by this, any more than by having a Minister in any part of Europe, with his character unacknowledged by all the powers of Europe. In order to remove every embarrassment, therefore, as much as possible, if your Excellency should be of the same opinion, and advise me to it, I would withdraw every objection to the Congress on the part of the United States, and decline nothing but the _statu quo_, and the armistice, against which such reasons might be given, as I think would convince all men, that the United States are bound to refuse them. If your Excellency should think it necessary for me to assign these reasons particularly, I will attempt some of them; but it is sufficient for me to say to your Excellency, that my positive instructions forbid me to agree either to the armistice, or _statu quo_.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 17th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 26th of June last, the Memorial of the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, of the 8th of June, has appeared entire, and is conceived in the following terms.

"Most Serene and Illustrious Prince and Lord,

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, in the name and by the order of the gentlemen, their constituents, have the honor to represent to your Most Serene Highness, that the said constituents having learnt, with much uneasiness the discontent, that your Highness had taken, on the subject of their last proposition, made in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, although it had been contrary to their intention to give your Highness the least offence, or to offer him any insult or displeasure, they have seized with great satisfaction, an opportunity to give your Highness the most sincere assurances of it; that they flatter themselves, that, from what they shall have the honor of laying before you your Highness will be able to deduce the reasons, for which they have not previously acquainted him with the contents of the said proposition, before it hath been remitted to the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses; that they should feel a real chagrin, if your Highness attributed this silence to any particular distrust towards his person; they declare, that they are absolutely divested of it, and that they have nothing so much at heart as to excite and cherish between your Highness and their City that confidence, that the well-being and advancement of the public cause render inevitably necessary; that by their proposition they have only wished to open a way to find out and carry into execution, such measures as the critical situation of affairs most pressingly requires for the safety and preservation of their dear country.

"That placed at the head of the government of a very populous city, in which the lower class of the people begin already to feel that indigence, which results from a want of business, they are obliged to show in effect, and in the best manner possible, that they desire not to let any opportunity escape of encouraging and promoting the well-being of the country, and of its good citizens, unless they would run the risk of entirely destroying the proper authority, and the good order, which in a popular government are founded only upon the confidence of the people, and of the Burgesses in its Regents, and of seeing in a little time a total anarchy, that they had thought that affairs had, for a long time, and particularly since the rupture with England, appeared in the eyes of the whole nation, and not without reason, to be administered in a strange and inconceivable manner, seeing, that notwithstanding the extreme condescendence to the wishes of England, we had only experienced from that kingdom, each year contempt, affronts, and insults, which have been lately crowned by an open war, commenced by the capture of a considerable number of our vessels, and the invasion of our foreign possessions, and that, nevertheless, we had remained in a defenceless state, and taken no sufficient steps to place the Republic in a situation to protect its liberty, its well acquired rights, its extensive navigation, and its lawful commerce.

"That, nevertheless, it is an incontestible truth, that the members of government have for a long time been of opinion, that it is principally by sea, that it is necessary to place themselves upon a respectable footing, as it evidently appears by the different resolutions taken in the year 1778, and following, by different reports, petitions, and assents to augment and reinforce the equipages of vessels of war, and particularly by the report of the 30th of March, 1779, that notwithstanding the said opinions and resolutions of the confederates, to equip all the vessels of war of the State, and to construct new ones, yet at this moment, after so much time has elapsed, and some things have taken so disadvantageous a turn, there hath not been put to sea the thirtytwo vessels stipulated in the month of April, 1779, much less still the fiftytwo, whose armament had been resolved upon the last year, so that to this moment none of the precautions proposed in the month of March, 1779, to the generality for the defence of our coasts, and the mouths of our rivers, have been taken.

"That the regency of our city, with all the good citizens of the Republic, who discover the best disposition possible to pay the ordinary and extraordinary imposts, has been much surprised at the little promptitude and at the slowness in the executions of resolutions so important for the Sovereign; for it is impossible to believe that the situation in which the respective admiralties found themselves, should be so bad that they could not effect in two years the equipments that they themselves had proposed; as they had no want of money, and as the necessity of them became more and more pressing daily; that in consequence, one could not conceive what were the causes of this slowness and inactivity no more than of the non-execution of the resolutions and orders to secure the coasts and harbors, and above all, one could not form an idea of the unforeseen obstacles and difficulties which have prevented the sailing of few vessels, which had been supposed perfectly in a state of putting to sea, even when your Highness after a suitable examination of things, had given the necessary orders to this effect.

"That seeing it is to this state of inactivity and incapacity of defending themselves, that it is necessary to attribute in the greatest measure the evils and calamities which have happened to the Republic, and which still threaten it, and that to this moment we have not been able to observe that any vigorous measures are taken to prevent future misfortunes, and to repair those already suffered, (without which we ought soon to expect the total ruin of the Republic,) we have judged it the indispensable duty of the brave regents, and that they cannot dispense themselves from searching out to what one ought to attribute this inexcusable negligence? And by what means one may remedy it, and direct and re-establish still affairs, as much as possible, for the safety of the State?

"That this having been attempted from time to time, privately, but in vain, and affairs becoming more and more disadvantageous and critical, it was so much the more necessary to take vigorous resolutions, and one could not longer defer the concerting of suitable measures; that from a mature and deliberate consideration of the whole of this had resulted the proposition, made by order of the Regency of Amsterdam the 18th of May last to the Assembly of Holland, and submitted to the judgment and deliberations of the other members, to the end that these deliberations might give rise to resolutions the most useful and the most salutary to the country; that the said Regency are still of opinion, that duty to themselves, to their country, and to its good citizens, who for a long time had expected a similar measure on their part, required them to make the said proposition.

"That, nevertheless, it was very far from their intention to give your Highness any uneasiness or discontent, or to introduce innovations, or to diminish and circumscribe in more narrow limits the authority lawfully acquired of my Lord the Stadtholder; that on the contrary, they could assure solemnly, that they would assist constantly with all their power, to maintain the present constitution of government with which they judge the well-being of the Republic is intimately connected; that they considered at the same time, that in the present circumstances of affairs nothing would be more necessary or more useful, for the direction and execution of the operations of the present war, and for to combine them with more secrecy and despatch than to form and establish a small council or committee, composed of the regencies of the respective Provinces, to assist your Highness with the advice and labors, and to co-operate conjointly to the preservation of the country.

"That this proposition, (founded perhaps upon former examples,) proceeded not from any motive of distrust of the good intentions and designs of your Serene Highness, of which there is no reason to suspect their purity, although according to the information of the Regency of that city, some evil minded persons have endeavored to insinuate the contrary to your Serene Highness.

"That such a distrust fell only upon him, whose influence over the mind of your Serene Highness is regarded as the first cause of the slowness and indolence in the administration of affairs, and as that cannot but be very prejudicial to the general good, one had in vain expected for a long time, that the dangerous circumstances in which the Republic finds itself at present, would at length have given rise to serious deliberations upon the measures necessary to be employed in future, and with more vigor than the past; but that this expectation having been vain to the present moment, and as the question in agitation was concerning the preservation of the country, of its dear bought liberty, of your Serene Highness, of his illustrious House, in one word, of everything dear and precious to the inhabitants of the Republic, it is for these reasons that the Regency of Amsterdam have judged that they could no longer by silence be wanting in their duty, but saw themselves forced, although with regret, to the present measure.

"It is therefore with all the respect that they owe to your Serene Highness, but at the same time with the candor and honest freedom that the importance of the affair requires, that they represent to your Serene Highness, and declare to him expressly, that, according to the general opinion, the Lord the Duke is regarded as the principal cause of the deplorable state of weakness in which the Republic finds itself at this day, of all the negligence which hath had place, of all the false measures that have been taken for a long time, and of all the fatal consequences that have resulted from them; that your Serene Highness may be assured that the aversion and hatred of the nation against the person and administration of the Duke, are arisen to such a degree that one ought to dread an event the most grievous and the most disagreeable for the public tranquillity.

"That without doubt your Serene Highness has been already informed by others of all these things; but in case your Serene Highness is still ignorant of them, it is necessary to attribute it solely to a fear of the effects of the resentment of the Duke. We dare, nevertheless, to appeal with confidence upon everything now advanced, to the testimony of all the honest and sincere members of the Regency, that your Serene Highness shall deign to interrogate, after granting them full liberty of speech, and summoning them to answer according to their duty and their conscience.

"That they had heard many times with much regret, M. the Counsellor Pensionary, complain, in presence of divers members of the Province of Holland, of the misunderstanding which existed between him and the Lord the Duke, as well as of the ascendancy that the said Lord has over the mind of your Serene Highness, whereby all his effects for the good of the country were rendered fruitless.

"That this disunion and this diversity of sentiments and views between the principal Counsellor of your Serene Highness and the first Minister of this Province must have not only consequences the most fatal, but furnished also a sufficient motive to make the strongest instances to remove the source of that distrust and of that discord; seeing it is only a previous re-establishment of confidence and concord that can save the Republic; that nothing is also more necessary for the happiness of your Most Serene House, for the support of your authority, the preservation of the esteem and confidence of the nation, and of your consideration among the neighboring powers; for we can assure your Serene Highness, and we are obliged to apprise him, that he might indeed lose one day the esteem and confidence of the people, instead of being and continuing the worthy object of the love and the veneration of this people, and of its Regents; which we pray and wish ardently that your Serene Highness may ever experience, seeing upon that depends, in a great measure, the preservation and the happiness of our dear country and of the House of Orange.

"That as well persuaded as we may be, that the members of the sovereignty have always the liberty, and that it is sometimes even their duty to communicate to your Serene Highness and to the other members, their sentiments upon the state and administration of public affairs, we should have preferred, nevertheless, to have abstained from the present measure, if we had been able to conceive any hope, amelioration, and change; but since we can no longer flatter ourselves with that, for the reasons above alleged, and the danger has arisen to its highest degree, there remains no other part to take than that of laying before your Serene Highness the true state of things, of praying him, in the most solemn manner, to reflect seriously upon them, and of no longer listening to the councils and insinuations of a man loaded as he is with the hatred of the great and the small, regarded as a stranger destitute of a sufficient knowledge of the form of our government, and not possessed of a true affection to our country.

"That we are very far from wishing to accuse this Lord of what he is but too openly charged, or of considering as founded, the suspicions circulated against him of an excessive and illicit attachment to the Court of England, or of bad faith and corruption; that we believe, that a Lord of so high a birth and so distinguished a rank, is incapable of such baseness, but that we think, that the unhappy ideas that have been unfortunately entertained of him, and which have caused a general distrust, render him totally unuseful and pernicious, even to the service of the State and of your Serene Highness, that he consequently be removed from the direction of affairs, and from the Court of your Serene Highness, as being a perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment of the good intelligence so necessary between your Serene Highness and the principal members of the State; seeing that on the contrary, his presence cannot but for the future, occasion the distrust conceived, whether with or without reason, of his counsels to fall upon your Serene Highness.

"That these representations do not spring from a principle of hatred or of ill will against the Lord, the Duke, who has formerly had occasion to be well satisfied, even with the benevolence and the real marks of affection of the Regency of Amsterdam, but that we protest before God and the whole world, that the only motives which have dictated them to us, are the preservation of the country and of the illustrious House of your Most Serene Highness, and to prevent their approaching total ruin; that the Regency of our city have seen themselves obliged to take this measure, both in quality of inhabitants of this country, and as a member of its sovereign Assembly; to the end to make by this means the last effort, and to point out, perhaps, yet in time, a means of saving, with the blessing of the Almighty, the vessel of State from the most imminent danger, and of conducting it into a safe port, or of acquitting themselves at least in every case of their duty, and of exculpating themselves in the eyes of their fellow citizens and posterity.

"That, in truth, it is not necessary to despair of the safety of the country; but that, nevertheless, affairs appear to have arrived to such an extremity, that it cannot be saved without the use of extraordinary means, and that for this reason, we ought still, with the approbation of your Serene Highness, to take the liberty to submit to his consideration, if the best means of managing hereafter affairs with success would not be, that your Serene Highness should associate to himself a small number of persons, chosen from among the most distinguished and the most experienced citizens born in the country, to concert assiduously with them everything which should be the most necessary or the most useful for the preservation and the service of the country during the present war, with such powers and such restrictions, as should be judged requisite to fulfil effectually the object of this commission; that we expect therefrom the two following effects, as important as useful.

"1st. That, in a conjuncture like the present, in which every moment is precious, no delay occasioned by deliberations of long duration shall take place, and the requisite despatch would be given to the execution of that which shall have been resolved.

"2dly. That thereby the confidence of the nation would be re-established, an universal tranquillity and content promoted, and each one would be encouraged and animated to contribute with joy everything in his power to the execution of the measures of the sovereign, whilst, that at present, we see the contrary take place, and hear everywhere of the general complaints of the division and of the inactivity of the government.

"That this proposition appears of the highest necessity, not only to the Regency of Amsterdam, but we have reason to think, that it is considered in the same point of light by the principal members of this Province, and of all the others.

"Besides, nothing is more necessary than to adopt a fixed system and plan of conduct, seeing that the Republic ought to choose between two conditions; either to re-establish the peace with England, or to prosecute the war with all our forces, to the end to accelerate by this means an honorable peace; which ought to be the sincere wish of every good citizen, and to which alone, without any further views, (as we can assure your Serene Highness in the most serious manner) has tended the overture made by our proposition of concerting with France the operations for this campaign. We desire nothing more ardently on our part, than to deliberate seriously with your Serene Highness upon the option between the two conditions alleged, and what means it will be necessary to employ to arrive at the end which shall be chosen; but we are absolutely of opinion, that above all things, we must never lose sight, although a reconciliation may be preferred, that nothing ought to be neglected or omitted, to place in every respect, the Republic in such a position that it has nothing to fear from its enemies, but, on the contrary, that it may be in a state to force them to wish the re-establishment of that peace, which, without any lawful cause, they have so unjustly and wickedly broken.

"That the above piece is word for word the same without any addition or omission, as that which has been read to his Serene Highness, the 8th of June, 1781, by the order of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, by the Pensionary Vischer, in presence of the Counsellor Pensionary of Holland, and which is written with the hand of the said Pensionary, is that which we attest.

"Amsterdam, June 12th, 1781.
E. DE VRY TEMMINCK, } _Reigning_
J. RENDORP, } _Burgomasters._
C. W. VISCHER, _Pensionary._

"Deposed in the cabinet of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, the said 12th of June, 1781."

"The original of this memorial, which after the reading has been put into the hands of his Most Serene Highness, but taken back during the audience, has been sent, the 14th of June, to the Counsellor Pensionary, accompanied with a letter in the name of the Burgomasters, written by the Burgomaster Rendorp to the said Counsellor Pensionary."

"By a resolution of the 6th of this month, the States-General have revoked the order, that their High Mightinesses had given, at the beginning of the war, to all captains or patrons of merchant-ships belonging to the subjects of this Republic, to remain in the ports where they found themselves, and not to make sail from them, either for their destination or to return into this country. Their High Mightinesses have this day given to the proprietors and captains of these vessels, the liberty of navigating and employing them in such a manner, and when they shall judge proper.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation

Versailles, July 18th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me the 13th instant. It was owing to the confidence I placed in your judgment and zeal for your country, that I intrusted to you the propositions of the two Imperial Courts, and requested that you would make such observations as you might think them susceptible of. Things are not yet sufficiently advanced to admit of communicating them to the two mediating Courts. As you have seen in the sketch of our answer, there are preliminaries to be adjusted with respect to the United States, and until they are adjusted you cannot appear, and consequently you cannot transact anything officially with respect to the two mediators. By so doing you would hazard and expose the dignity of the character with which you are invested.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 18th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write me this day. I assure your Excellency, I never had a thought of appearing upon the scene, or of taking ministerially or otherwise any step towards the two mediators. I must confess to your Excellency that I have too many jealousies of the motives, and too many apprehensions of the consequences of this negotiation to be willing to take any part in it, without an express vocation. The English are tottering on such a precipice, and are in such a temper, that they will not hesitate at any measure, which they think can move every latent passion, and awaken every dormant interest in Europe, in order to embroil all the world. Without looking much to consequences, or weighing whether the quarrels they wish to excite will be serviceable to them or not, they seem to think the more confusion they can make the better; for which reason my fears from the proposed mediation are greater than my hopes.

Nevertheless, if properly called upon, it will be my duty to attend to every step of it; but there are many questions arise in my mind, upon which in due time I should wish to know your Excellency's opinion.