Chapter VIII: Gods, Supernatural Beings, and Worship (3)

These four days over, the festival was come, and every man began it by eating _etzalli_, a kind of maize porridge, in his own house. For those that wished it there was general dancing and rejoicing. Many decked themselves out like merry-andrews and went about in parties carrying pots, going from house to house, demanding etzalli. They sang and danced before the door, and said, "If you do not give me some porridge, I will knock a hole in your house;" whereupon the etzalli was given. These revels began at midnight and ceased at dawn. Then indeed did the priests array themselves in all their glory: underneath was a jacket, over that a thin transparent mantle called _aiauhquemitl_, decorated with parrot-feathers set cross-wise. Between the shoulders they fastened a great round paper flower, like a shield. To the nape of the neck they attached other flowers of crumpled paper of a semi-circular shape; these hung down on both sides of the head like ears. The forehead was painted blue and over the paint was dusted powder of marcasite. In the right hand was carried a bag made of tiger-skin, and embroidered with little white shells which clattered as one walked. The bag seems to have been three-cornered; from one angle hung down the tiger's tail, from another his two fore feet, from another his two hind feet. It contained incense made from a certain herb called _yiauhtli_.[VIII-29] There went one priest bearing a hollow board filled with wooden rattles, as before described. In advance of this personage there marched a number of others, carrying in their arms images of the gods made of that gum that is black and leaps, called _ulli_ (india-rubber), these images were called _ulteteu_, that is to say 'gods of ulli.' Other ministers there were carrying in their arms lumps of copal, shaped like sugar loaves; each pyramid having a rich feather, called quetzal, stuck in the peak of it like a plume. In this manner went the procession with the usual horns and shells, and the purpose of it was to lead to punishment those that had transgressed in any of the points we have already discussed. The culprits were marched along, some held by the hair at the nape of the neck, others by the breech-clout; the boy offenders were held by the hand, or, if very small, were carried. All these were brought to a place called Totecco, where water was. Here certain ceremonies were performed, paper was burned in sacrifice, as were also the pyramids of copal and images of ulli, incense being thrown into the fire and other incense scattered over the rush mats with which the place was adorned. While this was going on those in charge of the culprits had not been idle, but were flinging them into the water. Great was the noise, it is said, made by the splash of one tossed in, and the water leaped high with the shock. As any one came to the surface or tried to scramble out he was pushed in or pushed down again--well was it then for him who could swim, and by long far diving keep out of the reach of his tormentors. For the others they were so roughly handled that they were often left for dead on the water's edge, where their relatives would come and hang them up by the feet to let the water they had swallowed run out of them; a method of cure surely as bad as the malady.

[Sidenote: THE FOUR BALLS.]

The shrill music struck up again and the procession returned by the way it had come; the friends of the punished ones carrying them. The monastery or calmecac reached, there began another four days' fast, called _netlacacaoaliztli_; but in this the sharp religious etiquette of the first four days' fast was not observed, or at least one was not liable to be informed upon or punished for a breach of such etiquette. The conclusion of this fast was celebrated by feasting. Again the priests decorated themselves in festal array. All the head was painted blue, the face was covered with honey (miel) mixed with a black dye. Over the shoulders were carried the incense-bags embroidered with little white shells--bags made of tiger-skins, as before described, for the chief priests, and of paper painted to imitate tiger-skin in the case of the inferior priests. Some of these satchels were fashioned to resemble the bird called _atzitzicuilotl_, others to resemble ducks. The priests marched in procession to the temple, and before all marched the priest of Tlaloc. He had on his head a crown of basketwork, fitting close to the temples below and spreading out above, with many plumes issuing from the middle of it. His face was anointed with melted india-rubber gum, black as ink, and concealed by an ugly mask with a great nose, and a wig attached which fell as low as the waist. All went along mumbling to themselves as if they prayed, till they came to the cu of Tlaloc. There they stopped and spread tule mats on the ground, and dusted them over with powdered tule-leaves mixed with yiauhtli incense. Upon this the acting priest placed four round chalchiuites, like little balls; then he took a small hook painted blue, and touched each ball with it; and as he touched each he made a movement as if drawing back his hand, and turned himself completely round. He scattered more incense on the mats, then he took the board with the rattles inside and sounded with it--perhaps a kind of religious stage thunder in imitation of the thunder of his god. Upon this every one retired to his house or to his monastery and put off his ornaments; and the unfortunates who had been ducked were carried at last to their own dwellings for the rest and recovery that they so sorely needed. That night the festivities burst out with a new glory, the musical instruments of the cu itself were sounded, the great drums and the shrill shells. Well watched that night were the prisoners who were doomed to death on the morrow. When it came they were adorned with the trappings of the Tlaloc gods--for it was said they were the images of these gods--and those that were killed first were said to be the foundation of the others, which seemed to be symbolized by those who had to die last being made to seat themselves on those who had been first killed.[VIII-30]

The slaughter over, the hearts of the victims were put into a pot that was painted blue and stained with ulli in four places. Together with this pot offerings were taken of paper and feathers and precious stones and chalchiuites, and a party set out with the whole for that part of the lake where the whirlpool is, called Pantitlan. All who assisted at this offering and sacrifice were provided with a supply of the herb called _iztauhiatl_, which is something like the incense used in Spain, and they puffed it with their mouths over each other's faces and over the faces of their children. This they did to hinder maggots getting into the eyes, and also to protect against a certain disease of the eyes called _exocuillo-o-alixtli_; some also put this herb into their ears, and others for a certain superstition they had held a handful of it clutched in the hand. The party entered a great canoe belonging to the king, furnished with green oars, or paddles, spotted with ulli, and rowed swiftly to the place Pantitlan, where the whirlpool was. This whirlpool was surrounded by logs driven into the bottom of the lake like piles--probably to keep canoes from being drawn into the sink. These logs being reached, the priests, standing in the bows of the royal vessel, began to play on their horns and shells. Conspicuous among them stood their chief holding the pot containing the hearts; he flung them far into the whirling hollow of water, and it is said that when the hearts plunged in, the waters were strangely moved and stirred into waves and foam. The precious stones were also thrown in, and the papers of the offering were fastened to the stakes with a number of the chalchiuites and other stones. A priest took a censer and put four papers called _telhuitl_ into it, and burned them, offering them toward the whirlpool; then he threw them, censer and all, still burning into the sink. That done, the canoe was put about and rowed to the landing of Tetamacolco, and every one bathed there.

All this took place between midnight and morning, and when the light began to break the whole body of the priests went to bathe in the usual place. They washed the blue paint off their heads, save only on the forehead; and if there were any offences of any priest to be punished he was here ducked and half drowned as described above. Lastly all returned to their monasteries, and the green rush mats spread there were thrown out behind each house.[VIII-31]

We have given the description of two great festivals of the Tlalocs--two being all that are mentioned by many authorities--there still remain, however, two other notable occasions on which they were propitiated and honored.

[Sidenote: IMAGES OF THE MOUNTAINS.]

In the thirteenth month, which was called Tepeilhuitl, and which began, according to Clavigero, on the 24th of October, it was the custom to cut certain sticks into the shape of snakes. Certain images as of children were also cut out of wood, and these dolls, called _hecatotonti_, together with the wooden snakes, were used as a foundation or centre round which to build up little effigies of the mountains; wherein the Tlalocs were honored as gods of the mountains, and wherein memorial was had of those that had been drowned, or killed by thunderbolts, or whose bodies had been buried without cremation--the dolls perhaps representing the bodies of these, and the snakes the thunderbolts. Having then these wooden dolls and snakes as a basis, they were covered with dough mixed from the seeds of the wild amaranth; over each doll certain papers were put; round one snake and one doll, set back to back, there appears next to have been bound a wisp of hay, (which wisp was kept from year to year and washed on the vigil of every feast), till the proper shape of a mountain was arrived at; over the whole was then daubed a layer of dough, of the kind already mentioned. We have now our image of the mountain with two heads looking opposite ways, sticking out from its summit. Round this summit there seem to have been stuck rolls of dough representing the clouds usually formed about the crests of high mountains. The face of the human image that looked out over these dough clouds was daubed with melted ulli; and to both cheeks of it were stuck little tortillas, or cakes of the everywhere-present dough of wild amaranth seeds. On the head of this same image was put a crown with feathers issuing from it.[VIII-32] These images were made at night, and in the morning they were carried to their 'oratories,' and laid down on beds of rushes or reeds; then food was offered to them, small pies or tarts, a porridge of maize-flour and sugar, and the stewed flesh of fowls or of dogs. Incense was burned before them, being thrown into a censer shaped like a hand, as it were a great spoon full of burning coals. Those who could afford it sang and drank pulque in honor of their dead ones and of these gods.

[Sidenote: SACRIFICES TO TLALOC.]

In this feast four women and a man were killed in honor of the Tlalocs and of the mountains. The four women were named respectively, Tepoxch, Matlalquac, Xochetecatl, and Mayavel--this last was decorated to appear as the image of the magueyes. The man was called Milnaoatl; he stood for an image of 'the snakes.' These victims, adorned with crowns of paper stained with ulli, were borne to their doom in litters. Being carried to the summit of the cu, they were thrown one by one on the sacrificial stone, their hearts taken out with the flint and offered to Tlaloc, and their bodies allowed to slide slowly down the temple-steps to the earth--a too rapid descent being hindered by the priests. The corpses were carried to a place where the heads were cut off and preserved, spitted on poles thrust through the temples of each skull. The bodies were lastly carried to the wards from which they had set out alive, and there cut in pieces and eaten. At the same time the images of the mountains, which we have attempted to describe, were broken up, the dough with which they were covered was set out to dry in the sun, and was eaten, every day a piece. The papers with which the said images had been adorned were then spread over the wisps of hay, above mentioned, and the whole was fastened up in the rafters of the oratory that every one had in his house; there to remain till required for the next year's feast of the same kind; on which occasion, and as a preliminary to the other ceremonies which we have already described in the first part of this feast, the people took down the paper and the wisp from their private oratories, and carried them to the public oratory called the _acaucalli_, left the paper there, and returned with the wisp to make of it anew the image of a mountain.[VIII-33]

[Sidenote: KILLING IMAGES OF THE MOUNTAINS.]

The fourth and last festival of Tlaloc which we have to describe, fell in our December and in the sixteenth Aztec month, called the month Atemuztli. About this time it began to thunder round the mountain-tops, and the first rains to fall there; the common people said, "Now come the Tlalocs," and for love of the water they made vows to make images of the mountains--not, however, as it would appear, such images as have been described as appertaining to the preceding festival. The priests were very devout at this season and very earnest in prayer, expecting the rain. They took each man his incense-pan or censer, made like a great spoon with a long round hollow handle filled with rattles and terminating in a snake's head, and offered incense to all the idols. Five days before the beginning of the feast the common people bought paper and ulli and flint knives and a kind of coarse cloth called _nequen_, and devoutly prepared themselves with fasting and penance to make their images of the mountains and to cover them with paper. In this holy season, although every one bathed, he washed no higher than the neck, the head was left unwashed; the men, moreover, abstained from their wives. The night preceding the great feast-day was spent wholly, flint knife in hand, cutting out paper into various shapes. These papers called _tetevitl_, were stained with ulli; and every householder got a long pole, covered it with pieces of this paper, and set it up in his court-yard, where it remained all the day of the festival. Those that had vowed to make images of the mountains invited priests to their houses to do it for them. The priests came, bearing their drums and rattles and instruments of music of tortoise-shell. They made the images--apparently like human figures--out of the dough of wild amaranth seed, and covered them with paper. In some houses there were made five of such images, in others ten, in others fifteen; they were figures that stood for such mountains as the clouds gather round, such as the volcano of the Sierra Nevada or that of the Sierra of Tlascala. These images being constructed, they were set in order in the oratory of the house, and before each one was set food--very small pies, on small platters, proportionate to the little image, small boxes holding a little sweet porridge of maize, little calabashes of cacao, and other small green calabashes containing pulque. In one night they presented the figures with food in this manner four times. All the night too they sang before them, and played upon flutes; the regular flutists not being employed on this occasion, but certain small boys who were paid for their trouble with something to eat. When the morning came, the ministers of the idols asked the master of the house for his _tzotzopaztli_, a kind of broad wooden knife used in weaving,[VIII-34] and thrust it into the breasts of the images of the mountains, as if they were living men, and cut their throats and drew out the hearts, which they put in a green cup and gave to the owner of the house. This done, they took all the paper with which these images had been adorned, together with certain green mats that had been used for the same purpose, and the utensils in which the offering of food had been put, and burned all in the court-yard of the house. The ashes and the mutilated images seem then to have been carried to a public oratory called Aiauhcalco, on the shore of the lake. Then all who assisted at these ceremonies joined themselves to eat and drink in honor of the mutilated images, which were called _tepieme_. Women were allowed to join in this banquet provided they brought fifteen or twenty heads of maize with them; they received every one his or her share of food and pulque. The pulque was kept in black jars and lifted out to be drunk with black cups. This banquet over, the paper streamers were taken down from the poles set up in the court-yards of the houses and carried to certain places in the water that were marked out by piles driven in--we may remember that our whirlpool of Pantitlan, in the lake of Mexico, was one place so marked--and to the tops of the mountains, and left there as it would appear.[VIII-35]

In taking leave here of Tlaloc I may draw attention to the prominence in his cult of the number four, the cross, and the snake; and add that as lord of one of the three Aztec divisions of the future world, lord of the terrestrial paradise, we shall meet with him again in our examination of the Mexican ideas of a future life.

FOOTNOTES:

[VIII-1] Huitzilopochtli is derived from two words: _huitzilin_, the humming-bird, and _opochtli_, left--so called from the left foot of his image being decorated with humming-bird feathers. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 17-19.

[VIII-2] _Boturini_, _Idea de una Hist._, pp. 60-1.

[VIII-3] _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, pp. 352-3, 361-3. Acosta gives a description of the wanderings of the Mexicans and how their god Vitziliputzli, directed and guided them therein, much as the God of Israel directed his people, across the wilderness to the Promised Land. Tradition also tells, how he himself revealed that manner of sacrifice most acceptable to his will:--some of the priests having overnight offended him, lo, in the morning, they were all dead men; their stomachs being cut open, and their hearts pulled out; which rites in sacrifice were thereupon adopted for the service of that deity, and retained until their rooting out by the stern Spanish husbandry, so well adapted to such foul and bloody tares. _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1002-3.

[VIII-4] _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 396-8. This writer says: 'The Spanish soldiers called this idol _Huchilobos_, a corrupt pronunciation: so too Bernal Diaz del Castillo writes it. Authors differ much in describing this magnificent building. Antonio de Herrera follows Francisco Lopez de Gómara too closely. We shall follow Father Josef de Acosta and the better informed authors.' _Id._, p. 395.

[VIII-5] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. i.

[VIII-6] _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 116-7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii.

[VIII-7] 'Pero los mismos Naturales afirman, que este Nombre tomaron de el Dios Principal, que ellos traxeron, el qual tenia dos Nombres, el uno Huitzilopuchtli, y el otro Mexitly, y este segundo, quiere decir Ombligo de Maguey.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293.

[VIII-8] 'Aconteciò, pues, vn dia, que estando barriendo, come acostumbraba, viò bajar por el Aire, una pelota pequeña, hecha de plumas, à manera de ovillo, hecho de hilado, que se le vino à los manos, la qual tomò, y metiò entre los Nahuas, ò Faldellin, y la carne, debajo de la faja que le ceñia el cuerpo (porque siempre traen fajado este genero de vestido) no imaginando ningun misterio, ni fin de aquel caso. Acabo de barrer, y buscò la pelota de pluma, para vèr de què podria aprovecharla en servicio de sus Dioses, y no la hallò. Quedò de esto admirada, y mucho mas de conocer en sì, que desde aquel punto se avia hecho preñada.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 41-2.

[VIII-9] This Paynalton, or Paynal, was a kind of deputy-god, or substitute for Huitzilopochtli; used in cases of urgent haste and immediate emergency, where perhaps it might be thought there was not time for the lengthened ceremonies necessary to the invocation of the greater war deity. Sahagun's account of Paynal is concise, and will throw light on the remarks of Torquemada, as given above in the text. Sahagun says, in effect: This god Paynal was a kind of sub-captain to Huitzilopochtli. The latter, as chief-captain, dictated the deliberate undertaking of war against any province; the former, as vicar to the other, served when it became unexpectedly necessary to take up arms and make front hurriedly against an enemy. Then it was that Paynal--whose name means 'swift, or hurried,'--when living on earth set out in person to stir up the people to repulse the enemy. Upon his death he was deified and a festival appointed in his honor. In this festival, his image, richly decorated, was carried in a long procession, every one, bearer of the idol or not, running as fast as he could; all of which represented the promptness that is many times necessary to resist the assault of a foe attacking by surprise or ambuscade. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., p. 2.

[VIII-10] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293, tom. ii., pp. 41-3, 71-3.

[VIII-11] See this vol., p. 69, note.

[VIII-12] See this vol. p. 67.

[VIII-13] See this vol. p. 134.

[VIII-14] If some of the names and myths, mentioned or alluded to from time to time, by Müller and others, are yet unknown to the reader, he will remember the impossibility of any arrangement of these mixed and far-involved legends by which, without infinite verbiage, this trouble could be wholly obviated. In good time, and with what clearness is possible, the list of gods and legends will be made as nearly as may be complete.

[VIII-15] _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 591-612.

[VIII-16] _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., p 279.

[VIII-17] _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. lxxi.-ii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 195-6.

[VIII-18] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 14; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 101, pt ii., pp. 76-9.

[VIII-19] _Sahagun_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 372-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, vol. ii., pp. 64-70.

[VIII-20] _Camargo_, _Hist. de Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. 99, pp. 133, 135-7. Camargo, being a Tlascaltec, most of his writings have particular reference to his own province, but in this as in other places he seems to be describing general Mexican customs.

[VIII-21] The text, without saying directly that these unfortunate children were closed there alive, appears to infer it: 'Cuando el maiz estaba á la rodilla, para un dia repartian y echaban pecho, con que compraban cuatro niños esclavos de edad de cinco á seis años, y sacrificábanlos á Tlaloc, dios del agua, poniéndolos en una cueva, y cerrábanla hasta otro año que hacian lo mismo. Este cruel sacrificio.' _Motolinia_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 45.

[VIII-22] 'Tambien tenian ídolos junto á los aguas, mayormente cerca de las fuentes, á do hacian sus altares con sus gradas cubiertas por encima, y en muchas principales fuentes cuatro altares de estos á manera de cruz unos enfrente de otros, y allí en el agua echaban mucho encienso ofrecido y papel.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 87, 102.

[VIII-23] 'In questo mese ritornavano ad ornare li tempj, e le immagini come nello passato, ed in fine delli venti dí sacrificavano un putto al Dio dell' acqua, e lo mettevano infra il maiz, a fine che non si guastasse la provisione di tutto l' anno.' _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. lx., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 191.

[VIII-24] 'Whence is derived the name _cocoles_, by which the boys of the choir of the cathedral of Mexico are now known.' _Bustamante_, note to _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 85.

[VIII-25] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 37-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 84-7.

[VIII-26] 'En aquellas talegas llevaban una manera de harina hecha á la manera de estiercol de ratones, que ellos llamaban yyaqualli, que era conficionada con tinta y con polvos de una yerva que ellos llaman yietll; és como veleños de Castilla.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 51.

[VIII-27] Sahagun gives two different accounts of this instrument: 'Una tabla tan larga como dos varas, y ancha como un palmo ó poco mas. Yvan dentro de estas tablas unas sonajas, y el que le llevaba iva sonando con ellas. Llamaban á esta tabla Axochicaoaliztli, ó Nacatlquoavitl.' The second description is: 'Una tabla de anchura de un palmo y de largura de dos brazas; á trechos ivan unos sonajas en esta tabla unos pedazuelos de madero rollizos y atados á la misma tabla, y dentro de ella ivan sonando los unos con los otros. Esta tabla se llamaba aiauhchicaoaztli.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 51 and 53.

[VIII-28] 'Comenzaban á vocear y á gritar y a contrahacer las aves del agua, unos á los anades, otros á unas aves zancudas del agua que llama pipititi, otros á los cuervos marinos, otros á las garzotas blancas, otros á las garzas. Aquellas palabras que decia el satrapa parece que eran invocacion del Demonio para hablar aquellos lenguages de aves en al agua.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 51.

[VIII-29] 'Yauhtlaulli or Yauitl, mayz moreno o negro.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.

[VIII-30] 'Comenzaban luego á matar á los captivos; aquellos que primero mataban decian que eran el fundamento de los que eran imagen de los Tlaloques, que ivan aderezados con los ornamentos de los mismos Tlaloques que (ivan aderezados) decian eran sus imagenes, y asi los que morian á la postre ivanse á sentar sobre los que primero habian muerto.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., p. 54.

[VIII-31] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 49-55; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 111-124.

[VIII-32] This passage relating to the making of images of the mountains is such a chaotic jumble in the original that one is forced to use largely any constructive imagination one may possess to reproduce even a comprehensible description. I give the original; if any one can make rhyme or reason out of it by a closer following of the words of Sahagun, he shall not want the opportunity: 'Al trece mes llamaban Tepeilhuitl. En la fiesta que se hacia en este mes cubrian de masa de bledos unos palos que tenian hechos como culebras, y hacian imagenes de montes fundadas sobre unos palos hechos á manera de niños que llamaban Hecatotonti: era la imagen del monte de masa de bledos. Ponianle delante junto unas masas rollizas y larguillas de masa de bledos á manera de bezos, y estos llamaban Yomiio. Hacian estas imagenes á honra de los montes altos donde se juntan las nubes, y en memoria de los que habian muerto en agua ó heridos de rayo, y de los que no se quemaban sus cuerpos sino que los enterraban. Estos montes hacianlos sobre unos rodeos ó roscas hechas de heno atadas con zacate, y guardabanlas de un año para otro. La vigilia de esta fiesta llevaban á lavar estas roscas al rio ó á la fuente, y quando las llevaban ivanlas tañendo con unos pitos hechos de barro cocido ó con unos caracoles mariscos. Lavabanlas en unas casas ú oratorias que estaban hechos á la orilla del agua que se llama Ayauh calli. Lavabanlas con unas ojas de cañas verdes; algunos con el agua que pasaba por su casa las lavaban. En acabandolas de lavar volvianlas á su casa con la misma musica; luego hacian sobre ellas las imagenes de los montes como está dicho. Algunos hacian estas imagenes de noche antes de amanecer cerca del dia; la cabeza de cada un monte, tenia dos caras, una de persona y otra de culebra, y untaban la cara de persona con ulli derretido, y hacian unas tortillas prequeñuelas de masa de bledos amarillos, y ponianlas en las mexillas de la cara de persona de una parte y de otra; cubrianlos con unos papeles que llamaban Tetcuitli; ponianlos unas coronas en las cabezas con sus penachos. Tambien á los imagenes de los muertos las ponian sobre aquellas roscas de zacate, y luego en amaneciendo ponian estas imagenes en sus oratorios, sobre unos lechos de espadañas ó de juncias ó juncos.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 71-2.

[VIII-33] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 71-3; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 159-162.

[VIII-34] 'Tzotzopaztli, palo ancho como cuchilla con que tupen y aprietan la tela que se texe.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_.

[VIII-35] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 80-1; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 176-9, 198, 210. Farther notice of Tlaloc and his worship will be found in the _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_, tav. xxviii., lvii., lx., lxii., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 179, 190-2; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 12-3, 99, 101; _Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 305; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ind._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 32, 39, 42, 44-5; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 290, and tom. ii., pp. 45-6, 119, 121, 147, 151, 212, 251-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, fol. 216; _Tylor's Prim. Cult._, vol. ii., pp. 235, 243; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 500-4 et passim.