Chapter V: Freethought in Greece (2)

Whether as teaching meant for public currency or as a philosophic message for the few, the pantheism of Xenophanes expressed itself in an attack on anthropomorphic religion, no less direct and much more ratiocinative than that of any Hebrew prophet upon idolatry. "Mortals," he wrote, in a famous passage, "suppose that the Gods are born, and wear man's clothing, [499] and have voice and body. But if cattle or lions had hands, so as to paint with their hands and make works of art as men do, they would paint their Gods and give them bodies like their own--horses like horses, cattle like cattle." And again: "Ethiopians make their Gods black and snub-nosed; the Thracians say theirs have reddish hair and blue eyes; so also they conceive the spirits of the Gods to be like themselves." [500] On Homer and Hesiod, the myth-singers, his attack is no less stringent: "They attributed to the Gods all things that with men are of ill-fame and blame; they told of them countless nefarious things--thefts, adulteries, and deception of each other." [501] It is recorded of him further that, like Epicurus, he absolutely rejected all divination. [502] And when the Eleans, perhaps somewhat shaken by such criticism, asked him whether they should sacrifice and sing a dirge to Leukothea, the child-bereft Sea-Goddess, he bade them not to sing a dirge if they thought her divine, and not to sacrifice if she were human. [503]

Beside this ringing radicalism, not yet out of date, the physics of the Eleatic freethinker is less noticeable. His resort to earth as a material first principle was but another guess or disguised theosophy added to those of his predecessors, and has no philosophic congruity with his pantheism. It is interesting to find him reasoning from fossil-marks that what was now land had once been sea-covered, and been left mud; and that the moon is probably inhabited. [504] Yet, with all this alertness of speculation, Xenophanes sounds the note of merely negative skepticism which, for lack of fruitful scientific research, was to become more and more common in Greek thought: [505] "no man," he avows in one verse, "knows truly anything, and no man ever will." [506] More fruitful was his pantheism or pankosmism. "The All (oulos)" he declared, "sees, thinks, and hears." [507] "It was thus from Xenophanes that the doctrine of Pankosmism first obtained introduction into Greek philosophy, recognizing nothing real except the universe as an indivisible and unchangeable whole." [508] His negative skepticism might have guarded later Hellenes against baseless cosmogony-making if they had been capable of a systematic intellectual development. His sagacity, too, appears in his protest [509] against that extravagant worship of the athlete which from first to last kept popular Greek life-philosophy unprogressive. But here least of all was he listened to.

It is after a generation of such persistent questioning of Nature and custom by pioneer Greeks that we find in Herakleitos of Ephesus (fl. 500 B.C.)--still in the Ionian culture-sphere--a positive and unsparing criticism of the prevailing beliefs. No sage among the Ionians (who had already produced a series of powerful thinkers) left a deeper impression than he of massive force and piercing intensity: above all of the gnomic utterances of his age, his have the ring of character and the edge of personality; and the gossiping Diogenes, after setting out by calling him the most arrogant of men, concedes that the brevity and weight of his expression are not to be matched. It was due rather to this, probably, than to his metaphysic--though that has an arresting quality--that there grew up a school of Herakliteans calling themselves by his name. And though doubt attaches to some of his sayings, and even to his date, there can be small question that he was mordantly freethinking, though a man of royal descent. He has stern sayings about "bringing forth untrustworthy witnesses to confirm disputed points," and about eyes and ears being "bad witnesses for men, when their souls lack understanding." [510] "What can be seen, heard, and learned, this I prize," is one of his declarations; and he is credited with contemning book-learning as having failed to give wisdom to Hesiod, Pythagoras, Xenophanes, and Hekataios. [511] The belief in progress, he roundly insists, stops progress. [512] From his cryptic utterances it maybe gathered that he too was a pantheist; [513] and from his insistence on the immanence of strife in all things, [514] as from others of his sayings, that he was of the Stoic mood. It was doubtless in resentment of immoral religion that he said [515] Homer and Archilochos deserved flogging; as he is severe on the phallic worship of Dionysos, [516] on the absurdity of prayer to images, and on popular pietism in general. [517] One of his sayings, êthos anthrôpô daimôn, [518] "character is a man's dæmon," seems to be the definite assertion of rationalism in affairs as against the creed of special providences.

A confusion of tradition has arisen between the early Herakleitos,
"the Obscure," and the similarly-named writer of the first century
of our era, who was either one Herakleides or one using the
name of Herakleitos. As the later writer certainly allegorized
Homer--reducing Apollo to the Sun, Athenê to Thought, and so
on--and claimed thus to free him from the charge of impiety,
it seems highly probable that it is from him that the scholiast
on the Iliad, xv, 18, cites the passage scolding the atheists
who attacked the Homeric myths. The theme and the tone do not
belong to 500 B.C., when only the boldest--as Herakleitos--would
be likely to attack Homer, and when there is no other literary
trace of atheism. Grote, however (i, 374, note), cites the
passages without comment as referring to the early philosopher,
who is much more probably credited, as above, with denouncing
Homer himself. Concerning the later Herakleitos or Herakleides,
see Dr. Hatch's Hibbert Lectures on The Influence of Greek Ideas
and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890, pp. 61, 62.

But even apart from the confusion with the late Herakleides,
there is difficulty in settling the period of the Ephesian
thinker. Diogenes Laërtius states that he flourished about
the 69th Olympiad (504-500 B.C.). Another account, preserved by
Eusebius, places him in the 80th or 81st Olympiad, in the infancy
of Sokrates, and for this date there are other grounds (Ueberweg,
i, 40); but yet other evidences carry us back to the earlier. As
Diogenes notes five writers of the name--two being poets, one a
historian, and one a "serio-comic" personage--and there is record
of many other men named Herakleitos and several Herakleides,
there is considerable room for false attributions. The statement
of Diogenes that the Ephesian was "wont to call opinion the
sacred disease" (i, 6, § 7) is commonly relegated to the spurious
sayings of Herakleitos, and it suggests the last mentioned of his
namesakes. But see Max Müller, Hibbert Lectures on Indian Religion,
p. 6, for the opinion that it is genuine, and that by "opinion"
was meant "religion." The saying, says Dr. Müller, "seems to me
to have the massive, full, and noble ring of Herakleitos." It is
hardly for rationalists to demur.

Much discussion has been set up by the common attribution to Herakleitos in antiquity of the doctrine of the ultimate conflagration of all things. But for this there is no ground in any actual passage preserved from his works; and it appears to have been a mere misconception of his doctrine in regard to Fire. His monistic doctrine was, in brief, that all the opposing and contrasted things in the universe, heat and cold, day and night, evil and good, imply each other, and exist only in the relation of contrast; and he conceived fire as something in which opposites were solved. [519] Upon this stroke of mysticism was concentrated the discussion which might usefully have been turned on his criticism of popular religion; his negative wisdom was substantially ignored, and his obscure speculation, treated as his main contribution to thought, was misunderstood and perverted.

A limit was doubtless soon set to free speech even in Elea; and the Eleatic school after Xenophanes, in the hands of his pupil Parmenides (fl. 500 B.C.), Zeno (fl. 464), Melissos of Samos (fl. 444), and their successors, is found turning first to deep metaphysic and then to verbal dialectic, to discussion on being and not being, the impossibility of motion, and the trick-problem of Achilles and the tortoise. It is conceivable that thought took these lines because others were socially closed. Parmenides, a notably philosophic spirit (whom Plato, meeting him in youth, felt to have "an exceptionally wonderful depth of mind," but regarded as a man to be feared as well as reverenced), [520] made short work of the counter-sense of not being, but does not seem to have dealt at close quarters with popular creeds. Melissos, a man of action, who led a successful sally to capture the Athenian fleet, [521] was apparently the most pronounced freethinker of the three named, [522] in that he said of the Gods "there was no need to define them, since there was no knowledge of them." [523] Such utterance could not be carried far in any Greek community; and there lacked the spirit of patient research which might have fruitfully developed the notable hypothesis of Parmenides that the earth is spherical in form. [524] But he too was a loose guesser, adding categories of fire and earth and heat and cold to the formative and material "principles" of his predecessors; and where he divagated weaker minds could not but lose themselves. From Melissos and Parmenides there is accordingly a rapid descent in philosophy to professional verbalism, popular life the while proceeding on the old levels.

It was in this epoch of declining energy and declining freedom that there grew up the nugatory doctrine, associated with the Eleatic school, [525] that the only realities are mental, [526] a formula which eluded at once the problems of Nature and the crudities of religion, and so made its fortune with the idle educated class. Meant to support the cause of reason, it was soon turned, as every slackly-held doctrine must be, to a different account. In the hands of Plato it developed into the doctrine of ideas, which in the later Christian world was to play so large a part, as "Realism," in checking scientific thought; and in Greece it fatally fostered the indolent evasion of research in physics. [527] Ultimately this made for supernaturalism, which had never been discarded by the main body even of rationalizing thinkers. [528] Thus the geographer and historian Hekataios of Miletos (fl. 500 B.C.), living at the great centre of rationalism, while rejecting the mass of Greek fables as "ridiculous," and proceeding in a fashion long popular to translate them into historical facts, yet affected, in the poetic Greek fashion, to be of divine descent. [529] At the same time he held by such fables as that of the floating island in the Nile and that of the supernormal Hyperboreans. This blending of old and new habits of mind is indeed perhaps the strongest ground for affirming the genuineness of his fragments, which has been disputed. [530] But from his time forward there are many signs of a broad movement of criticism, doubt, inquiry, and reconstruction, involving an extensive discussion of historical as well as religious tradition. [531] There had begun, in short, for the rapidly-developing Greeks, a "discovery of man" such as is ascribed in later times to the age of the Italian Renaissance. In the next generation came the father of humanists, Herodotos, who implicitly carries the process of discrimination still further than did Hekataios; while Sophocles [496-405 B.C.], without ever challenging popular faith, whether implicitly as did Æschylus, or explicitly as did Euripides, "brought down the drama from the skies to the earth; and the drama still follows the course which Sophocles first marked out for it. It was on the Gods, the struggles of the Gods, and on destiny that Æschylus dwelt; it is with man that Sophocles is concerned." [532]

Still, there was only to be a partial enlightenment of the race, such as we have seen occurring, perhaps about the same period, in India. Sophocles, even while dramatizing the cruel consequences of Greek religion, never made any sign of being delivered from the ordinary Greek conceptions of deity, or gave any help to wiser thought. The social difference between Greece and the monarchic civilizations was after all only one of degree: there, as elsewhere, the social problem was finally unsolved; and the limits to Greek progress were soon approached. But the evolution went far in many places, and it is profoundly interesting to trace it.

§ 5

Compared with the early Milesians and with Xenophanes, the elusive Pythagoras (fl. 540-510 B.C.) is not so much a rationalistic as a theosophic freethinker; but to freethought his name belongs insofar as the system connected with it did rationalize, and discarded mythology. If the biographic data be in any degree trustworthy, it starts like Milesian speculation from oriental precedents. [533] Pythagoras was of Samos in the Ægean; and the traditions have it that he was a pupil of Pherekydes the Syrian, and that before settling at Krôton, in Italy, he travelled in Egypt, and had intercourse with the Chaldean Magi. Some parts of the Pythagorean code of life, at least, point to an eastern derivation.

The striking resemblance between the doctrine and practice of the
Pythagoreans and those of the Jewish Essenes has led Zeller to
argue (Philos. der Griechen, Th. iii, Abth. 2) that the latter were
a branch of the former. Bishop Lightfoot, on the other hand, noting
that the Essenes did not hold the specially prominent Pythagorean
doctrines of numbers and of the transmigration of souls, traces
Essenism to Zoroastrian influence (Ed. of Colossians, App. on
the Essenes, pp. 150-51; rep. in Dissertations on the Apostolic
Age, 1892, pp. 369-72). This raises the issue whether both
Pythagoreanism and Essenism were not of Persian derivation; and
Dr. Schürer (Jewish People in the Time of Jesus, Eng. tr. Div. II,
vol. ii, p. 218) pronounces in favour of an oriental origin for
both. The new connection between Persia and Ionia just at or before
the time of Pythagoras (fl. 530 B.C.) squares with this view;
but it is further to be noted that the phenomenon of monasticism,
common to Pythagoreans and Essenes, arises in Buddhism about the
Pythagorean period; and as it is hardly likely that Buddhism
in the sixth century B.C. reached Asia Minor, there remains
the possibility of some special diffusion of the new ideal
from the Babylonian sphere after the conquest by Cyrus, there
being no trace of a Persian monastic system. The resemblances
to Orphicism likewise suggest a Babylonian source, as does the
doctrine of numbers, which is not Zoroastrian. As to Buddhism,
the argument for a Buddhist origin of Essenism shortly before our
era (cp. A. Lillie, Buddhism in Christendom and The Influence of
Buddhism on Primitive Christianity; E. Bunsen, The Angel-Messiah;
or, Buddhists, Essenes, and Christians--all three to be read
with much caution) does not meet the case of the Pythagorean
precedents for Essenism. Prof. Burnet (Early Greek Philos. 2nd
ed. p. 102) notes close Indian parallels to Pythagoreanism,
but overlooks the intermediate Persian parallels, and falls back
very unnecessarily on the bald notion that "the two systems were
independently evolved from the same primitive systems."

As regards the mystic doctrine that numbers are, as it were, the moving principle in the cosmos--another thesis not unlikely to arise in that Babylonian world whence came the whole system of numbers for the later ancients [534]--we can but pronounce it a development of thought in vacuo, and look further for the source of Pythagorean influence in the moral and social code of the movement, in its science, in its pantheism, [535] its contradictory dualism, [536] and perhaps in its doctrine of transmigration of souls. On the side of natural science, its absurdities [537] point to the fatal lack of observation which so soon stopped progress in Greek physics and biology. [538] Yet in the fields of astronomy, mathematics, and the science of sound the school seems to have done good scientific work; being indeed praised by the critical Aristotle for doing special service in that way. [539] It is recorded that Philolaos, the successor of Pythagoras, was the first to teach openly (about 460 B.C.) the doctrine of the motion of the earth [540]--which, however, as above noted, was also said to have been previously taught by Anaximandros [541] (from whom some incline to derive the Pythagorean theory of numbers in general [542]) and by Hiketas or Iketas (or Niketas) of Syracuse. [543] Ekphantos, of that city, is also credited with asserting the revolution of the earth on its axis; and he too is grouped with the Pythagoreans, though he seems to have had a pantheism of his own. [544] Philolaos in particular is said to have been prosecuted for his teaching, [545] which for many was a blasphemy; and it may be that this was the reason of its being specially ascribed to him, though current in the East long before his day. In the fragments ascribed to him is affirmed, in divergence from other Pythagoreans, the eternity of the earth; and in other ways he seems to have been an innovator. [546] In any case, the Pythagorean conception of the earth's motion was a speculative one, wide of the facts, and not identical with the modern doctrine, save insofar as Pythagoras--or Philolaos--had rightly conceived the earth as a sphere. [547]

It is noteworthy, however, that in conjecturing that the whole
solar system moves round a "central fire," Pythagoras carried his
thought nearly as far as the moderns. The fanciful side of his
system is seen in his hypothesis of a counter-earth (Anti-chthon)
invented to bring up the number of celestial bodies in our system
to ten, the "complete" number. (Berry, as cited.) Narrien (p. 163)
misses this simple explanation of the idea.

As to politics, finally, it seems hard to solve the anomaly that Pythagoras is pronounced the first teacher of the principle of community of goods, [548] and that his adherents at Krôton formed an aristocratic league, so detested by the people for its anti-democratism that its members were finally massacred in their meeting-place, their leader, according to one tradition, being slain with them, while according to a better grounded account he had withdrawn and died at Metapontion. The solution seems to be that the early movement was in no way monastic or communistic; that it was, however, a secret society; that it set up a kind of puritanism or "methodism" which repelled conservative people; and that, whatever its doctrines, its members were mostly of the upper class. [549] If they held by the general rejection of popular religion attributed to Pythagoras, they would so much the more exasperate the demos; for though at Krôton, as in the other Grecian colonial cities, there was considerable freedom of thought and speech, the populace can nowhere have been freethinking. [550] In any case, it was after its political overthrow, and still more in the Italian revival of the second century B.C., that the mystic and superstitious features of Pythagoreanism were most multiplied; and doubtless the master's teachings were often much perverted by his devotees. It was only too easy. He had laid down, as so many another moralist, that justice consisted in reciprocity; but he taught of virtue in terms of his theory of numbers [551]--a sure way of putting conduct out of touch with reality. Thus we find some of the later Pythagoreans laying it down as a canon that no story once fully current concerning the Gods was to be disbelieved [552]--the complete negation of philosophical freethought and a sharp contradiction of the other view which represented the shade of Pythagoras as saying that he had seen in Tartaros the shade of Homer hanged to a tree, and that of Hesiod chained to a pillar of brass, for the monstrous things they had ascribed to the Gods. [553] It must have taken a good deal of decadence to bring an innovating sect to that pass; and even about 200 B.C. we find the freethinking Ennius at Rome calling himself a Pythagorean; [554] but the course of things in Magna Graecia was mostly downward after the sixth century; the ferocious destruction of Sybaris by the Krotoniates helping to promote the decline. [555] Intellectual life, in Magna Graecia as in Ionia, obeyed the general tendency.

An opposite view of the Pythagorean evolution is taken by
Professor Burnet. He is satisfied that the long list of the
Pythagorean taboos, which he rightly pronounces to be "of a
thoroughly primitive type" (p. 105), and not at all the subtle
"symbols" which they were latterly represented to be, were
really the lore of Pythagoras. It is not easy thus to conceive a
thinker of the great Ionian age as holding by thoroughly primitive
superstitions. Perhaps the solution lies in Aristotle's statement
that Pythagoras was first a mathematician, and only in later
life a Pherekydean miracle-monger (Burnet, p. 107, note 3). He
may actually have started the symbolic view of the taboos which
he imposed.

Before the decadence comes, however, the phenomenon of rationalism occurs on all sides in the colonial cities, older and younger alike; and direct criticism of creed kept pace with the indirect. About 520 B.C. Theagenes of Rhegion, in Southern Italy, had begun for the Greeks the process of reducing the unacceptable God-stories in Homer and Hesiod--notably the battle of the Gods in the Iliad--to mere allegories of the cosmic elements [556]--a device natural to and practised by liberal conservatives in all religious systems under stress of skeptical attack, and afterwards much employed in the Hellenic world. [557] Soon the attack became more stringent. At Syracuse we find the great comic dramatist Epicharmos, about 470 B.C., treating the deities on the stage in a spirit of such audacious burlesque [558] as must be held to imply unbelief. Aristophanes, at Athens, indeed, shows a measure of the same spirit while posing as a conservative in religion; but Epicharmos was professedly something of a Pythagorean and philosopher, [559] and was doubtless protected by Hiero, at whose court he lived, against any religious resentment he may have aroused. The story of Simonides's answer to Hiero's question as to the nature of the Gods--first asking a day to think, then two days, then four, then avowing that meditation only made the problem harder [560]--points to the prevalent tone among the cultured.

§ 6

At last the critical spirit finds utterance, in the great Periklean period, at Athens, but first by way of importation from Ionia, where Miletos had fallen in the year 494. Anaxagoras of Klazomenai (fl. 480-450 B.C.; d. 428) is the first freethinker historically known to have been legally prosecuted and condemned [561] for his freethought; and it was in the Athens of Perikles, despite Perikles's protection, that the attack was made. Coming of the Ionian line of thinkers, and himself a pupil of Anaximenes of Miletos, he held firmly by the scientific view of the cosmos, and taught that the sun, instead of being animated and a deity as the Athenians believed, was "a red-hot mass many times larger than the Peloponnesos" [562]--and the moon a fiery (or earthy) solid body having in it plains and mountains and valleys--this while asserting that infinite mind was the source and introducer of all the motion in the infinite universe; [563] infinite in extent and infinitely divisible. This "materialistic" doctrine as to the heavenly bodies was propounded, as Sokrates tells in his defence, in books that in his day anyone could buy for a drachma; and Anaxagoras further taught, like Theagenes, that the mythical personages of the poets were mere abstractions invested with name and gender. [564] Withal he was no brawler; and even in pious Athens, where he taught in peace for many years, he might have died in peace but for his intimacy with the most renowned of his pupils, Perikles.

The question of the deity of the sun raised an interesting
sociological question. Athenians saw no blasphemy in saying that
Gê (Gaia) or Dêmêter was the earth: they had always understood as
much; and the earth was simply for them a Goddess; a vast living
thing containing the principle of life. They might similarly have
tolerated the description of the sun as a kind of red-hot earth,
provided that its divinity were not challenged. The trouble lay
rather in the negative than in the positive assertion, though
the latter must for many have been shocking, inasmuch as they had
never been wont to think about the sun as they did about the earth.

It is told of Perikles (499-429 B.C.) by the pious Plutarch, himself something of a believer in portents, that he greatly admired Anaxagoras, from whom he "seems to have learned to despise those superstitious fears which the common phenomena of the heavens produce in those who, ignorant of their cause, and knowing nothing about them, refer them all to the immediate action of the Gods." [565] And even the stately eloquence and imperturbable bearing of the great statesman are said to have been learned from the Ionian master, whom he followed in "adorning his oratory with apt illustrations from physical science." [566] The old philosopher, however, whom men called "Nous" or Intelligence because of the part the name played in his teaching, left his property to go to ruin in his devotion to ideas; and it is told, with small probability, that at one time, old and indigent, he covered his head with his robe and decided to starve to death; till Perikles, hearing of it, hastened to beseech him to live to give his pupil counsel. [567]

At length it occurred to the statesman's enemies to strike at him through his guide, philosopher, and friend. They had already procured the banishment of another of his teachers, Damon, as "an intriguer and a friend of despotism"; [568] and one of their fanatics, Diopeithes, a priest and a violent demagogue, [569] laid the way for an attack on Anaxagoras by obtaining the enactment of a law that "prosecutions should be laid against all who disbelieved in religion and held theories of their own about things on high." [570] Anaxagoras was thus open to indictment on the score alike of his physics and of his mythology; though, seeing that his contemporary Diogenes of Apollonia (who before Demokritos taught "nothing out of nothing: nothing into nothing," and affirmed the sphericity of the earth) was also in some danger of his life at Athens, [571] it is probable that the prosecution was grounded on his physicist teaching. Saved by Perikles from the death punishment, but by one account fined five talents, [572] he either was exiled or chose to leave the intolerant city; and he made his home at Lampsakos, where, as the story runs, he won from the municipality the favour that every year the children should have a holiday in the month in which he died. [573] It is significant of his general originality that he was reputed the first Greek who wrote a book in prose. [574]

Philosophically, however, he counted for less than he did as an innovating rationalist. His doctrine of Nous amounted in effect to a reaffirmation of deity; and he has been not unjustly described [575] as the philosophic father of the dualistic deism or theism which, whether from within or from without the Christian system, has been the prevailing form of religious philosophy in the modern world. It was, in fact, the only form of theistic philosophy capable of winning any wide assent among religiously biassed minds; and it is the more remarkable that such a theist should have been prosecuted because his notion of deity was mental, and excluded the divinization of the heavenly bodies.

In the memorable episode of his expulsion from Athens we have a finger-post to the road travelled later by Greek civilization. At Athens itself the bulk of the free population was ignorant and bigoted enough to allow of the law being used by any fanatic or malignant partisan against any professed rationalist; and there is no sign that Perikles dreamt of applying the one cure for the evil--the systematic bestowal of rationalistic instruction on all. The fatal maxim of ancient skepticism, that religion is a necessary restraint upon the multitude, brought it about that everywhere, in the last resort, the unenlightened multitude became a restraint upon reason and freethought. [576] In the more aristocratically ruled colonial cities, as we have seen, philosophic speech was comparatively free: it was the ignorant Athenian democracy that brought religious intolerance into Greek life, playing towards science, in form of law, the part that the fanatics of Egypt and Palestine had played towards the worshippers of other Gods than their own.

With a baseness of which the motive may be divided between the instincts of faction and of faith, the anti-Periklean party carried their attack yet further; and on their behalf a comic playwright, Hermippos, brought a charge of impiety against the statesman's unwedded wife, Aspasia. [577] There can be no doubt that that famous woman cordially shared the opinions and ideals of her husband, joining as she habitually did in the philosophic talk of his home circle. As a Milesian she was likely enough to be a freethinker; and all that was most rational in Athens acknowledged her culture and her charm. [578] Perikles, who had not taken the risk of letting Anaxagoras come to trial, himself defended Aspasia before the dikastery, his indignation breaking through his habitual restraint in a passion of tears, which, according to the jealous Æschines, [579] won an acquittal.

Placed as he was, Perikles could but guard his own head and heart, leaving the evil instrument of a religious inquisition to subsist. How far he held with Anaxagoras we can but divine. [580] There is probably no truth in Plutarch's tale that "whenever he ascended the tribune to speak he used first to pray to the Gods that nothing unfitted for the occasion might fall from his lips." [581] But as a party leader he, as a matter of course, observed the conventions; and he may have reasoned that the prosecutions of Anaxagoras and Aspasia, like that directed against Pheidias, stood merely for contemporary political malice, and not for any lasting danger to mental freedom. However that might be, Athens continued to remain the most aggressively intolerant and tradition-mongering of Hellenic cities. So marked is this tendency among the Athenians that for modern students Herodotos, whose history was published in 445 B.C., is relatively a rationalist in his treatment of fable, [582] bringing as he did the spirit of Ionia into things traditional and religious. But even Herodotos remains wedded to the belief in oracles or prophecies, claiming fulfilment for those said to have been uttered by Bakis; [583] and his small measure of spontaneous skepticism could avail little for critical thought. To no man, apparently, did it occur to resist the religious spirit by systematic propaganda: that, like the principle of representative government, was to be hit upon only in a later age. [584] Not by a purely literary culture, relating life merely to poetry and myth, tradition and superstition, were men to be made fit to conduct a stable society. And the spirit of pious persecution, once generated, went from bad to worse, crowning itself with crime, till at length the overthrow of Athenian self-government wrought a forlorn liberty of scientific speech at the cost of the liberty of political action which is the basis of all sound life.

Whatever may have been the private vogue of freethinking at Athens in the Periklean period, it was always a popular thing to attack it. Some years before or after the death of Perikles there came to Athens the alien Hippo, the first specifically named atheist [585] of Greek antiquity. The dubious tradition runs that his tomb bore the epitaph: "This is the grave of Hippo, whom destiny, in destroying him, has made the equal of the immortal Gods." [586] If, as seems likely, he was the Hippo of Rhegion mentioned by Hippolytos, [587] he speculated as to physical origins in the manner of Thales, making water generate fire, and that in turn produce the world. [588] But this is uncertain. Upon him the comic muse of Athens turned its attacks very much as it did upon Socrates. The old comic poet Kratinos, a notorious wine-bibber, produced a comedy called The Panoptai (the "all-seers" or "all eyes"), in which it would appear that the chorus were made to represent the disciples of Hippo, and to wear a mask covered with eyes. [589] Drunkenness was a venial fault in comparison with the presumption to speculate on physics and to doubt the sacred lore of the populace. The end of the rule of ignorance was that a theistic philosopher who himself discouraged scientific inquiry was to pay a heavier penalty than did the atheist Hippo.

§ 7

While Athens was gaining power and glory and beauty without popular wisdom, the colonial city of Abdera, in Thrace, founded by Ionians, had like others carried on the great impulse of Ionian philosophy, and had produced in the fifth century some of the great thinkers of the race. Concerning the greatest of these, Demokritos, and the next in importance, Protagoras, we have no sure dates; [590] but it is probable that the second, whether older or younger, was influenced by the first, who indeed has influenced all scientific philosophy down to our own day. How much he learned from his master Leukippos cannot now be ascertained. [591] The writings which went under his name appear to have been the productions of the whole Abderite school; [592] and Epicurus declared that Leukippos was an imaginary person. [593] What passes for his teaching was constructive science of cardinal importance; for it is the first clear statement of the atomic theory; the substitution of a real for an abstract foundation of things. Whoever were the originator of the theory, there is no doubt as to the assimilation of the principle by Demokritos, who thus logically continued the non-theistic line of thought, and developed one of the most fruitful of all scientific principles. That this idea again is a direct development from Babylonian science is not impossible; at least there seems to be no doubt that Demokritos had travelled far and wide, [594] whether or not he had been brought up, as the tradition goes, by Persian magi; [595] and that he told how the cosmic views of Anaxagoras, which scandalized the Athenians, were current in the East. [596] But he stands out as one of the most original minds in the whole history of thought. No Greek thinker, not Aristotle himself, has struck so deep as he into fundamental problems; though the absurd label of "the laughing philosopher," bestowed on him by some peculiarly unphilosophic mind, has delayed the later recognition of his greatness, clear as it was to Bacon. [597] The vital maxim, "Nothing from nothing: nothing into nothing," derives substantially from him. [598]

His atomic theory, held in conjunction with a conception of "mind-stuff" similar to that of Anaxagoras, may be termed the high-water mark of ancient scientific thought; and it is noteworthy that somewhat earlier in the same age Empedokles of Agrigentum, another product of the freer colonial life, threw out a certain glimmer of the Darwinian conception--perhaps more clearly attained by Anaximandros--that adaptations prevail in nature just because the adaptations fit organisms to survive, and the non-adapted perish. [599] In his teaching, too, the doctrine of the indestructibility of matter is clear and firm; [600] and the denial of anthropomorphic deity is explicit. [601] But Empedokles wrought out no solid system: "half-mystic and half-rationalist, he made no attempt to reconcile the two inconsistent sides of his intellectual character"; [602] and his explicit teaching of metempsychosis [603] and other Pythagoreanisms gave foothold for more delusion than he ever dispelled. [604] On the whole, he is one of the most remarkable personalities of antiquity, moving among men with a pomp and gravity which made them think of him as a God, denouncing their sacrifices, and no less their eating of flesh; and checking his notable self-exaltation by recalling the general littleness of men. But he did little to enlighten them; and Aristotle passed on to the world a fatal misconception of his thought by ascribing to him the notion of automatism where he was asserting a "necessity" in terms of laws which he avowedly could not explain. [605] Against such misconception he should have provided. Demokritos, however, shunned dialectic and discussion, and founded no school; [606] and although his atomism was later adopted by Epicurus, it was no more developed on a basis of investigation and experiment than was the biology of Empedokles. His ethic, though wholly rationalistic, leant rather to quietism and resignation than to reconstruction, [607] and found its application only in the later static message of Epicurus. Greek society failed to set up the conditions needed for progress beyond the point gained by its unguided forces.

Thus when Protagoras ventured to read, at the house of the freethinking Euripides, a treatise of his own, beginning with the avowal that he offered no opinion as to the existence of the Gods, life being too short for the inquiry, [608] the remark got wind, and he had to fly for his life, though Euripides and perhaps most of the guests were very much of the same way of thinking. [609] In the course of his flight, the tradition goes, the philosopher was drowned; [610] and his book was publicly burned, all who possessed copies being ordered by public proclamation to give them up--the earliest known instance of "censorship of the press." [611] Partisan malice was doubtless at work in his case as in that of Anaxagoras; for the philosophic doctrine of Protagoras became common enough. It is not impossible, though the date is doubtful, that the attack on him was one of the results of the great excitement in Athens in the year 415 B.C. over the sacrilegious mutilation of the figures of Hermes, the familial or boundary-God, in the streets by night. It was about that time that the poet Diagoras of Melos was proscribed for atheism, he having declared that the non-punishment of a certain act of iniquity proved that there were no Gods. [612] It has been surmised, with some reason, that the iniquity in question was the slaughter of the Melians by the Athenians in 416 B.C., [613] and the Athenian resentment in that case was personal and political rather than religious. [614] For some time after 415 the Athenian courts made strenuous efforts to punish every discoverable case of impiety; and parodies of the Eleusinian mysteries (resembling the mock Masses of Catholic Europe) were alleged against Alkibiades and others. [615] Diagoras, who was further charged with divulging the Eleusinian and other mysteries, and with making firewood of an image of Herakles, telling the God thus to perform his thirteenth labour by cooking turnips, [616] became thenceforth one of the proverbial atheists of the ancient world, [617] and a reward of a silver talent was offered for killing him, and of two talents for his capture alive; [618] despite which he seems to have escaped. But no antidote to the bane of fanaticism was found or sought; and the most famous publicist in Athens was the next victim.

The fatality of the Athenian development is seen not only in the direct hostility of the people to rational thought, but in their loss of their hold even on their public polity. For lack of political judgment, moved always by the passions which their literary culture cherished, they so mishandled their affairs in the long and demoralizing Peloponnesian war that they were at one time cowed by their own aristocracy, on essentially absurd pretexts, into abandoning the democratic constitution. Its restoration was followed at the final crisis by another tyranny, also short-lived, but abnormally bloody and iniquitous; and though the people at its overthrow showed a moderation in remarkable contrast to the cruelty and rapacity of the aristocrats, the effect of such extreme vicissitude was to increase the total disposition towards civic violence and coercion. And while the people menaced freethinking in religion, the aristocracies opposed freethinking in politics. Thus under the Thirty Tyrants all intellectual teaching was forbidden; and Kritias, himself accused of having helped Alkibiades to parody the mysteries, sharply interdicted the political rationalism of Sokrates, [619] who according to tradition had been one of his own instructors.

It was a result of the general movement of mind throughout the rest of the Hellenic world that freethinkers of culture were still numerous. Archelaos of Miletos, the most important disciple of Anaxagoras; according to a late tradition, the master of Sokrates; and the first systematic teacher of Ionic physical science in Athens, taught the infinity of the universe, grasped the explanation of the nature of sound, and set forth on purely rationalistic lines the social origin and basis of morals, thus giving Sokrates his practical lead. [620] Another disciple of Anaxagoras, Metrodoros of Lampsakos (not to be confounded with Metrodoros of Chios, and the other Metrodoros of Lampsakos who was the friend of Epicurus, both also freethinkers), carried out zealously his master's teaching as to the deities and heroes of Homer, resolving them into mere elemental combinations and physical agencies, and making Zeus stand for mind, and Athenê for art. [621] And in the belles lettres of Athens itself, in the dramas of Euripides [480-406 B.C.], who is said to have been the ardent disciple of Anaxagoras, [622] to have studied Herakleitos, [623] and to have been the friend of Sokrates and Protagoras, there emerge traces enough of a rationalism not to be reconciled with the old belief in the Gods. If Euripides has nowhere ventured on such a terrific paradox as the Prometheus, he has in a score of passages revealed a stress of skepticism which, inasmuch as he too uses all the forms of Hellenic faith, [624] deepens our doubt as to the beliefs of Æschylus. Euripides even gave overt proof of his unbelief, beginning his Melanippe with the line: "Zeus, whoever Zeus be, for I know not, save by report," an audacity which evoked a great uproar. In a later production the passage was prudently altered; [625] but he never put much check on his native tendency to analyse and criticize on all issues--a tendency fostered, as we have seen, [626] by the constant example of real and poignant dialectic in the Athenian dikastery, and the whole drift of the Athenian stage. In his case the tendency even overbalances the artistic process; [627] but it has the advantage of involving a very bold handling of vital problems. Not satisfied with a merely dramatic presentment of lawless Gods, Euripides makes his characters impeach them as such, [628] or, again, declare that there can be no truth in the "miserable tales of poets" which so represent them. [629] Not content with putting aside as idle such a fable as that of the sun's swerving from his course in horror at the crime of Atreus, [630] and that of the Judgment of Paris, [631] he attacks with a stringent scorn the whole apparatus of oracles, divination, and soothsaying. [632] And if the Athenian populace cried out at the hardy opening of the Melanippe, he nonetheless gave them again and again his opinion that no man knew anything of the Gods. [633] Of orthodox protests against freethinking inquiry he gives a plainly ironical handling. [634] As regards his constructive opinions, we have from him many expressions of the pantheism which had by his time permeated the thought of perhaps most of the educated Greeks. [635]

Here again, as in the case of Æschylus, there arises the problem of contradiction; for Euripides, too, puts often in the mouths of his characters emphatic expressions of customary piety. The conclusion in the two cases must be broadly the same--that whereas an unbelieving dramatist may well make his characters talk in the ordinary way of deity and of religion, it is unintelligible that a believing one should either go beyond the artistic bounds of his task to make them utter an unbelief which must have struck the average listener as strange and noxious, or construct a drama of which the whole effect is to insist on the odiousness of the action of the Supreme God. And the real drift of Euripides is so plain that one modern and Christian scholar has denounced him as an obnoxious and unbelieving sophist who abused his opportunity as a producer of dramas under religious auspices to "shake the ground-works of religion" [636] and at the same time of morals; [637] while another and a greater scholar, less vehement in his orthodoxy, more restrainedly condemns the dramatist for employing myths in which he did not believe, instead of inventing fresh plots. [638] Christian scholars are thus duly unready to give him credit for his many-sided humanity, nobly illustrated in his pleas for the slave and his sympathy with suffering barbarians. [639] Latterly the recognition of Euripides's freethinking has led to the description of him as "Euripides the Rationalist," in a treatise which represents him as a systematic assailant of the religion of his day. Abating somewhat of that thesis, which imputes more of system to the Euripidean drama than it possesses, we may sum up that the last of the great tragedians of Athens, and the most human and lovable of the three, was assuredly a rationalist in matters of religion. It is noteworthy that he used more frequently than any other ancient dramatist the device of a deus ex machina to end a play. [640] It was probably because for him the conception had no serious significance. [641] In the Alkestis its [non-mechanical] use is one of the most striking instances of dramatic irony in all literature. The dead Alkestis, who has died to save the life of her husband, is brought back from the Shades by Herakles, who figures as a brawling bully. Only the thinkers of the time could realize the thought that underlay such a tragi-comedy.

Dr. Verrall's Euripides the Rationalist, 1897, is fairly summed up
by Mr. Haigh (Tragic Drama of the Greeks, pp. 262, 265, notes):
"He considers that Euripides was a skeptic of the aggressive
type, whose principal object in writing tragedy was to attack the
State religion, but who, perceiving that it would be dangerous
to pose as an open enemy, endeavoured to accomplish his ends by
covert ridicule.... His plays ... contain in reality two separate
plots--the ostensible and superficial plot, which was intended
to satisfy the orthodox, and the rationalized modification which
lay half concealed beneath it, and which the intelligent skeptic
would easily detect." For objections to this thesis see Haigh, as
cited; Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. p. 222, note; and Dr. Mozley's
article in the Classical Review, Nov. 1895, pp. 407-13. As to the
rationalism of Euripides in general see many of the passages cited
by Bishop Westcott in his Essays in the Hist. of Relig. Thought
in the West, 1891, pp. 102-27. And cp. Dickinson, The Greek View
of Life, pp. 46-49; Grote, Hist. i, 346-48; Zeller, Socrates and
the Socratic Schools, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. p. 231; Murray, Anc. Greek
Lit. pp. 256, 264-66.

Over the latest play of Euripides, the Bacchæ, as over one
of the last plays of Æschylus, the Prometheus, there has been
special debate. It was probably written in Macedonia (cp. ll.,
408, 565), whither the poet had gone on the invitation of King
Archelaos, when, according to the ancient sketch of his life,
"he had to leave Athens because of the malicious exultation over
him of nearly all the city." The trouble, it is conjectured, "may
have been something connected with his prosecution for impiety,
the charge on which Socrates was put to death a few years after"
(Murray, Euripides translated into English Rhyming Verse, 1902,
introd. essay, p. lii). Inasmuch as the play glorifies Dionysos,
and the "atheist" Pentheus (l. 995) who resists him is slain by the
maddened Bacchantes, led by his own mother, it is seriously argued
that the drama "may be regarded as in some sort an apologia and
an eirenicon, or as a confession on the part of the poet that
he was fully conscious that in some of the simple legends of
the popular faith there was an element of sound sense (!) which
thoughtful men must treat with forbearance, resolved on using it,
if possible, as an instrument for inculcating a truer morality,
instead of assailing it with a presumptuous denial" (J. E. Sandys,
The Bacchæ of Euripides, 1880, introd. pp. lxxv-vi). Here we have
the conformist ethic of the average English academic brought to
bear on, and ascribed to, the personality of the Greek dramatist.

An academic of the same order, Prof. Mahaffy, similarly
suggests that "among the half-educated Macedonian youth, with
whom literature was coming into fashion, the poet may have
met with a good deal of that insolent second-hand skepticism
which is so offensive to a deep and serious thinker, and he
may have wished to show them that he was not, as they doubtless
hailed him, the apostle of this random speculative arrogance"
(Euripides in Class. Writ. Ser. 1879, p. 85). As against the
eminently "random" and "speculative arrogance" of this particular
passage--a characteristic product of the obscurantist functions
of some British university professors in matters of religion,
and one which may fitly be pronounced offensive to honest men--it
may be suggested on the other hand that, if Euripides got into
trouble in Athens by his skepticism, he would be likely in
Macedonia to encounter rather a greater stress of bigotry than
a freethinking welcome, and that a non-critical presentment of
the savage religious legend was forced on him by his environment.

Much of the academic discussion on the subject betrays a singular
slowness to accept the dramatic standpoint. Even Prof. Murray,
the finest interpreter of Euripides, dogmatically pronounces
(introd. cited p. lvii) that "there is in the Bacchæ real
and heartfelt glorification of Dionysus," simply because of
the lyrical exaltation of the Bacchic choruses. But lyrical
exaltation was in character here above all other cases; and it
was the dramatist's business to present it. To say that "again
and again in the lyrics you feel that the Mænads are no longer
merely observed and analysed: the poet has entered into them
and they into him," is nothing to the purpose. That the words
which fall from the Chorus or its Leader are at times "not the
words of a raving Bacchante, but of a gentle and deeply musing
philosopher," is still nothing to the purpose. The same could
be said of Shakespeare's handling of Macbeth. What, in sooth,
would the real words of a raving Bacchante be like? If Milton lent
dignity to Satan in Puritan England, was Euripides to do less for
Dionysos in Macedonia? That he should make Pentheus unsympathetic
belongs to the plot. If he had made a noble martyr of the victim
as well as an impassive destroyer of the God, he might have had
to leave Macedonia more precipitately than he left Athens.

Prof. Murray recognizes all the while that "Euripides never
palliates things. He leaves this savage story as savage as he
found it"; that he presents a "triumphant and hateful Dionysus,"
who gives "a helpless fatalistic answer, abandoning the moral
standpoint," when challenged by the stricken Agavê, whom the
God has moved to dismember her own son; and that, in short,
"Euripides is, as usual, critical or even hostile to the myth that
he celebrates" (as cited, pp. liv-lvi). To set against these solid
facts, as does Mr. Sandys (as cited, pp. lxxiii-iv), some passages
in the choruses (ll. 395, 388, 427, 1002), and in a speech of
Dionysos (1002), enouncing normal platitudes about the wisdom of
thinking like other people and living a quiet life, is to strain
very uncritically the elastic dramatic material. So far from being
"not entirely in keeping" with the likely sentiments of a chorus of
Asiatic women, the first-cited passages--telling that cleverness
is not wisdom, and that true wisdom acquiesces in the opinions
of ordinary people--are just the kind of mock-modest ineptitudes
always current among the complacent ignorant; and the sage language
ascribed to the heartless God is simply a presentment of deity
in the fashion in which all Greeks expected to have it presented.