Chapter VI: Freethought in Ancient Rome

§ 1

The Romans, so much later than the Greeks in their intellectual development, were in some respects peculiarly apt--in the case of their upper class--to accept freethinking ideas when Greek rationalism at length reached them. After receiving from their Greek neighbours in Southern Italy, in the pre-historic period, the germs of higher culture, in particular the alphabet, they rather retrograded than progressed for centuries, the very alphabet degenerating for lack of literary activity [762] in the absence of any culture class, and under the one-idea'd rule of the landowning aristocracy, whose bent to military aggression was correlative to the smallness of the Roman facilities for commerce. In the earlier ages nearly everything in the nature of written lore was a specialty of a few priests, and was limited to their purposes, which included some keeping of annals. [763] The use of writing for purposes of family records seems to have been the first literary development among the patrician laity. [764] In the early republican period, however, the same conditions of relative poverty, militarism, and aristocratic emulation prevented any development even of the priesthood beyond the rudimentary stage of a primitive civic function; and the whole of these conditions in combination kept the Roman Pantheon peculiarly shadowy, and the Roman mythology abnormally undeveloped.

The character of the religion of the Romans has been usually
explained in the old manner, in terms of their particular "genius"
and lack of genius. On this view the Romans primordially tended
to do whatever they did--to be slightly religious in one period,
and highly so in another. Teuffel quite unconsciously reduces
the theorem to absurdity in two phrases: "As long as the peculiar
character of the Roman nation remained unaltered" ... (Hist. of
Roman Lit. ed. Schwabe, Eng. tr. 1900, i, 2): "the peculiar Roman
character had now come to an end, and for ever" (id. p. 123). By
no writer has the subject been more unphilosophically treated than
by Mommsen, whose chapter on Roman religion (vol. i, ch. xii) is
an insoluble series of contradictions. (See the present writer's
Christianity and Mythology, pp. 115-17.) M. Boissier contradicts
himself hardly less strangely, alternately pronouncing the Latin
religion timid and confident, prostrate and dignified (La religion
romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins, 4e édit. i, 7, 8, 26, 28). Both
writers ascribe every characteristic of Roman religion to the
character of "the Romans" in the lump--a method which excludes
any orderly conception. It must be abandoned if there is to be
any true comprehension of the subject.

Other verdicts of this kind by Ihne, Jevons, and others, will no
better bear examination. (See Christianity and Mythology, pt. i,
ch. iii, § 3.) Dr. Warde Fowler, the latest English specialist
to handle the question, confidently supports the strange thesis
(dating from Schwartz) that the multitude of deities and daimons
of the early Latins were never thought of as personal, or as
possessing sex, until Greek mythology and sculpture set the
fashion of such conceptions, whereupon "this later and foreign
notion of divinity so completely took possession of the minds of
the Romans of the cosmopolitan city that Varro is the only writer
who has preserved the tradition of the older way of thinking"
(The Religious Experience of the Roman People, 1911, p. 147). That
is to say, the conception of the Gods in the imageless period was
an "older way of thinking," in which deities called by male and
female names, and often addressed as Pater and Mater, were not
really thought of as anthropomorphic at all! How the early Romans
conceived their non-imaged deities Dr. Fowler naturally does not
attempt to suggest. We get merely the unreasoned and unexplained
negative formula that "we may take it as certain that even the
greater deities of the calendar, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus,
and Vesta, were not thought of as existing in any sense in human
form, nor as personal beings having any human characteristics. The
early Romans were destitute of mythological fancy...."

Either, then, the early Romans were psychologically alien to
every other primitive or barbaric people, as known to modern
anthropology, or, by parity of reasoning, all anthropomorphism
is the spontaneous creation of sculptors, who had no ground
whatever in previous psychosis for making images of Gods. The
Greeks, on this view, had no anthropomorphic notion of their
deities until suddenly sculptors began to make images of them,
whereupon everybody promptly and obediently anthropomorphized!

The way out of this hopeless theorem is indicated for Dr. Fowler
by his own repeated observation that the Roman jus divinum, in
which he finds so little sign of normal "mythological fancy,"
represented the deliberately restrictive action of an official
priesthood for whom all religio was a kind of State magic or
"medicine." He expressly insists (p. 24) on "the wonderful work
done by the early authorities from the State in eliminating from
their rule of worship (jus divinum) almost all that was magical,
barbarous, or, as later Romans would have called it, superstitious"
(Lect. ii, p. 24; cp. Lect. iii.). He even inclines to the view
that the patrician religion "was really the religion of an
invading race, like that of the Achæans in Greece, engrafted
on the religion of a primitive and less civilized population"
(pp. viii, 23). This thesis is not necessary to the rebuttal of
his previous negation; but it obviously resists it, unless we are
to make the word "Roman" apply only to patricians. An invading
tribe might, in the case of Rome as in that of the Homeric Greeks,
abandon ordinary and localized primitive beliefs which it had held
in its previous home, and thereafter be officially reluctant to
recognize the local superstitions of its conquered plebs.

But the Roman case can be understood without assuming any
continuity of racial divergence. Livy shows us that the Latin
peasantry were, if possible, more given to superstitious fears and
panics than any other, constantly reporting portents and prodigia
which called for State ritual, and embarrassing military policy by
their apprehensions. A patrician priesthood, concerned above all
things for public polity, would in such circumstances naturally
seek to minimize the personal side of the popular mythology,
treating all orders of divinity as mere classes of powers to be
appeased. The fact (id. p. 29) that among the early Romans, as
among other primitives, women were rigidly excluded from certain
sacra points to a further ground for keeping out of official
sight the sex life of the Gods. But the very ritual formula of
the Fratres Arvales, Sive deus sive dea (p. 149), proves that the
deities were habitually thought of as personal, and male or female.

Dr. Fowler alternately and inconsistently argues that the
"vulgar mind was ready to think of God-couples" (p. 152), and
that the conjunctions of masculine and feminine names in the
Roman Pantheon "do not represent popular ideas of the deities,
but ritualistic forms of invocation" (p. 153). The answer is that
the popular mind is the matrix of mythology, and that if a State
ritual given to minimizing mythology recognized a given habit
of myth-making it was presumably abundant outside. In short,
the whole academic process of reducing early Roman religion to
something unparalleled in anthropology is as ill-founded in the
data as it is repugnant to scientific thought.

The differentiation of Greek and Roman religion is to be explained
by the culture-history of the two peoples; and that, in turn,
was determined by their geographical situation and their special
contacts. Roman life was made systematically agricultural and
militarist by its initial circumstances, where Greek life in
civilized Asia Minor became industrial, artistic, and literary. The
special "genius" of Homer, or of various members of an order of
bards developed by early colonial-feudal Grecian conditions, would
indeed count for much by giving permanent artistic definiteness
of form to the Greek Gods, where the early Romans, leaving all
the vocal arts mainly to the conservative care of their women
and children as something beneath adult male notice, missed the
utilization of poetic genius among them till they were long past
the period of romantic simplicity (cp. Mommsen, bk. i, ch. 15;
Eng. tr. 1894, vol. i, pp. 285-300). Hence the comparative
abstractness of their unsung Gods (cp. Schwegler, Römische
Geschichte, i, 225-28, and refs.; Boissier, La religion romaine,
as cited, i, 8), and the absence of such a literary mythology as
was evolved and preserved in Greece by local patriotisms under
the stimulus of the great epopees and tragedies. The doctrine that
"the Italian is deficient in the passion of the heart," and that
therefore "Italian" literature has "never produced a true epos
or a genuine drama" (Mommsen, ch. 15, vol. i, p. 284), is one of
a thousand samples of the fallacy of explaining a phenomenon in
terms of itself. Teuffel with equal futility affirms the contrary:
"Of the various kinds of poetry, dramatic poetry seems after all
to be most in conformity with the character of the Roman people"
(as cited, p. 3; cp. p. 28 as to the epos). On the same verbalist
method, Mommsen decides as to the Etruscan religion that "the
mysticism and barbarism of their worship had their foundation
in the essential character of the Etruscan people" (ch. 12,
p. 232). Schwegler gives a more objective view of the facts, but,
like other German writers whom he cites, errs in speaking of early
deities like Picus as "only aspects of Mars," not realizing that
Mars is merely the surviving or developed deity of that type. He
also commits the conventional error of supposing that the early
Roman religion is fundamentally monotheistic or pantheistic,
because the multitudinous "abstract" deities are "only" aspects
of the general force of Nature. The notion that the Romans did
not anthropomorphize their deities like all other peoples is a
surprising fallacy.

Thus when Rome, advancing in the career of conquest, had developed a large aristocratic class, living a city life, with leisure for intellectual interests, and had come in continuous contact with the conquered Grecian cities of Southern Italy, its educated men underwent a literary and a rationalistic influence at the same time, and were the more ready to give up all practical belief in their own slightly-defined Gods when they found Greeks explaining away theirs. Here we see once more the primary historic process by which men are led to realize the ill-founded character of their hereditary creeds: the perception is indirectly set up by the reflective recognition of the creeds of others, and all the more readily when the others give a critical lead. Indeed, Greek rationalism was already old when the Romans began to develop a written and artistic literature: it had even taken on the popular form given to it by Evêmeros a century before the Romans took it up. Doubtless there was skepticism among the latter before Ennius: such a piece of religious procedure as the invention of a God of Silver (Argentinus), son of the God of Copper (Æsculanus), on the introduction of a silver currency, 269 B.C., must have been smiled at by the more intelligent. [765]

Mommsen states (ii, 70) that at this epoch the Romans kept
"equally aloof from superstition and unbelief," but this is
inaccurate on both sides. The narrative of Livy exhibits among
the people a boundless and habitual superstition. The records
of absurd prodigies of every sort so throng his pages that he
himself repeatedly ventures to make light of them. Talking oxen,
skies on fire, showers of flesh, crows and mice eating gold, rivers
flowing blood, showers of milk--such were the reports chronically
made to the Roman government by its pious subjects, and followed
by anxious religious ceremonies at Rome (cp. Livy, iii, 5, 10; x,
27; xi, 28-35; xxiv, 44; xxvii, 4, 11, 23, etc., etc. In the index
to Drakenborch's Livy there are over five columns of references
to prodigia). On the other hand, though superstition was certainly
the rule, there are traces of rationalism. On the next page after
that cited, Mommsen himself admits that the faith of the people had
already been shaken by the interference allowed to the priestly
colleges in political matters; and in another chapter (bk. ii,
ch. 13; vol. ii, 112) he recalls that a consul of the Claudian
gens had jested openly at the auspices in the first Punic war,
249 B.C. The story is told by Cicero, De natura Deorum, ii, 3,
and Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 2. The sacred poultry, on being let
out of their coop on board ship, would not feed, so that the
auspices could not be taken; whereupon the consul caused them to
be thrown into the water, etiam per jocum Deos inridens, saying
they might drink if they would not eat. His colleague Junius in
the same war also disregarded the auspices; and in both cases,
according to Balbus the Stoic in Cicero's treatise, the Roman
fleets were duly defeated; whereupon Claudius was condemned by
the people, and Junius committed suicide. Cp. Valerius Maximus,
l. i, c. iv, § 3.

Such stories would fortify the age-long superstition as to auspices
and omens, which was in full force among Greek commanders as late
as Xenophon, when many cultured Greeks were rationalists. But it
was mainly a matter of routine, in a sphere where freethought
is slow to penetrate. There was probably no thought of jesting
when, in the year 193 B.C., after men had grown weary alike of
earthquakes and of the religious services prescribed on account
of them; and after the consuls had been worn out by sacrifices and
expiations, it was decreed that "if on any day a service had been
arranged for a reported earthquake, no one should report another
on that day" (Livy, xxxiv, 55). Cato, who would never have dreamt
of departing from a Roman custom, was the author of the saying
(Cicero, De Div. ii, 24) that haruspices might well laugh in each
other's faces. He had in view the Etruscan practice, being able to
see the folly of that, though not of his own. Cp. Mommsen, iii,
116. As to the Etruscan origin of the haruspices, in distinction
from the augurs, see Schwegler, i, 276, 277; Ihne, Eng. ed. i,
82-83, note; and O. Müller as there cited.

But it is with the translation of the Sacred History of Evêmeros by Ennius, about 200 B.C., that the literary history of Roman freethought begins. In view of the position of Ennius as a teacher of Greek and belles lettres (he being of Greek descent, and born in Calabria), it cannot be supposed that he would openly translate an anti-religious treatise without the general acquiescence of his aristocratic patrons. Cicero says of him that he "followed" as well as translated Evêmeros; [766] and his favourite Greek dramatists were the freethinking Euripides and Epicharmos, from both of whom he translated. [767] The popular superstitions, in particular those of soothsaying and divination, he sharply attacked. [768] If his patrons all the while stood obstinately to the traditional usages of official augury and ritual, it was in the spirit of political conservatism that belonged to their class and their civic ideal, and on the principle that religion was necessary for the control of the multitude. In Etruria, where the old culture had run largely to mysticism and soothsaying on quasi-oriental lines, the Roman government took care to encourage it, by securing the theological monopoly of the upper-class families, [769] and thus set up a standing hot-bed of superstition. In the same spirit they adopted from time to time popular cults from Greece, that of the Phrygian Mother of the Gods being introduced in the year 204 B.C. The attempt (186 B.C.) to suppress the Bacchic mysteries, of which a distorted and extravagant account [770] is given by Livy, was made on grounds of policy and not of religion; and even if the majority of the senate had not been disposed to encourage the popular appetite for emotional foreign worships, the multitude of their own accord would have introduced the latter, in resentment of the exclusiveness of the patricians in keeping the old domestic and national cults in their own hands. [771] As now eastern conquests multiplied the number of foreign slaves and residents in Rome, the foreign worships multiplied with them; and with the worships came such forms of freethought as then existed in Greece, Asia Minor, and Egypt. In resistance to these, as to the orgiastic worships, political and religious conservatism for a time combined. In 173 B.C. the Greek Epicurean philosophers Alkaios and Philiskos were banished from the city, [772] a step which was sure to increase the interest in Epicureanism. Twelve years later the Catonic party carried a curt decree in the Senate against the Greek rhetors, [773] uti Romae ne essent; and in 155 the interest aroused by Carneades and the other Athenian ambassadors led to their being suddenly sent home, on Cato's urging. [774] It seems certain that Carneades made converts to skepticism, among them being the illustrious Scipio Æmilianus. [775] In the sequel the Greeks multiplied, especially after the fall of Macedonia, [776] and in the year 92 we find the censors vetoing the practices of the Latin rhetors as an unpleasing novelty, [777] thus leaving the Greeks in possession of the field. [778] But, the general social tendency being downwards, it was only a question of time when the rationalism should be overgrown by the superstition. In 137 there had been another vain edict against the foreign soothsayers and the worshippers of Sabazius; [779] but it was such cults that were to persist, while the old Roman religion passed away, [780] save insofar as it had a non-literary survival among the peasantry.

§ 2

While self-government lasted, rationalism among the cultured classes was fairly common. The great poem of Lucretius, On the Nature of Things, with its enthusiastic exposition of the doctrine of Epicurus, remains to show to what a height of sincerity and ardour a Roman freethinker could rise. No Greek utterance that has come down to us makes so direct and forceful an attack as his on religion as a social institution. He is practically the first systematic freethinking propagandist; so full is he of his purpose that after his stately prologue to alma Venus, who is for him but a personification of the genetic forces of Nature, he plunges straight into his impeachment of religion as a foul tyranny from which thinking men were first freed by Epicurus. The sonorous verse vibrates with an indignation such as Shelley's in Queen Mab: religion is figured as horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans; a little further on its deeds are denounced as scelerosa atque impia, "wicked and impious," the religious term being thus turned against itself; and a moving picture of the sacrifice of Iphigeneia justifies the whole. "To so much of evil could religion persuade." It is with a bitter consciousness of the fatal hold of the hated thing on most men's ignorant imagination that he goes on to speak of the fears [781] so assiduously wrought upon by the vates, and to set up with strenuous speed the vividly-imagined system of Epicurean science by which he seeks to fortify his friend against them. That no thing comes from nothing, or lapses into nothing; that matter is eternal; that all things proceed "without the Gods" by unchanging law, are his insistent themes; and for nigh two thousand years a religious world has listened with a reluctant respect. His influence is admitted to have been higher and nobler than that of the religion he assailed.

"Lucretius was the first not only to reveal a new power, beauty,
and mystery in the world, but also to communicate to poetry a
speculative impulse, opening up, with a more impassioned appeal
than philosophy can do, the great questions underlying human
life--such as the truth of all religious tradition, the position
of man in the universe, and the attitude of mind and course of
conduct demanded by that position." (Sellar, Roman Poets of the
Republic: Virgil, 1877, p. 199.)

"In the eyes of Lucretius all worship seemed prompted by fear
and based on ignorance of natural law.... But it is nevertheless
true that Lucretius was a great religious poet. He was a prophet,
in deadly earnest, calling men to renounce their errors both of
thought and conduct.... We may be certain that he was absolutely
convinced of the truth of all that he wrote." (W. Warde Fowler,
Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero, 1909, pp. 327-28.)

And yet throughout the whole powerful poem we have testimony to the pupillary character of Roman thought in relation to Grecian. However much the earnest student may outgo his masters in emphasis and zeal of utterance, he never transcends the original irrationality of asserting that "the Gods" exist; albeit it is their glory to do nothing. It is in picturing their ineffable peace that he reaches some of his finest strains of song, [782] though in the next breath he repudiates every idea of their control of things cosmic or human. He swears by their sacred breasts, proh sancta deum pectora, and their life of tranquil joy, when he would express most vehemently his scorn of the thought that it can be they who hurl the lightnings which haply destroy their own temples and strike down alike the just and the unjust. It is a survival of a quite primitive conception of deity, [783] alongside of an advanced anti-religious criticism.

The explanation of the anomaly seems to be twofold. In the first place, Roman thought had not lived long enough--it never did live long enough--to stand confidently on its own feet and criticize its Greek teachers. In Cicero's treatise On the Nature of the Gods, the Epicurean and the Stoic in turn retail their doctrine as they had it from their school, the Epicurean affirming the existence and the inaction of the Gods with equal confidence, and repeating without a misgiving the formula about the Gods having not bodies but quasi-bodies, with not blood but quasi-blood; the Stoic, who stands by most of the old superstitions, professing to have his philosophical reasons for them. Each sectarian derides the beliefs of the other; neither can criticize his own creed. It would seem as if in the habitually militarist society, even when it turns to philosophy, there must prevail a militarist ethic and psychosis in the intellectual life, each man choosing a flag or a leader and fighting through thick and thin on that side henceforth. On the other hand, the argumentation of the high-priest Cotta in the dialogue turns to similar purpose the kindred principle of civic tradition. He argues in turn against the Epicurean's science and the Stoic's superstition, contesting alike the claim that the Gods are indifferent and the claim that they govern; and in the end he brazenly affirms that, while he sees no sound philosophic argument for religious beliefs and practices, he thinks it is justifiable to maintain them on the score of prescription or ancestral example. Here we have the senatorial or conservative principle, [784] availing itself of the skeptical dialectic of Carneades. In terms of that ideal, which prevailed alike with believers and indifferentists, [785] and mediated between such rival schools as the Epicurean and Stoic, we may partly explain the Epicurean theorem itself. For the rest, it is to be understood as an outcome partly of surviving sentiment and partly of forced compromise in the case of its Greek framers, and of the habit of partizan loyalty in the case of its Roman adherents.

In the arguments of Cotta, the unbelieving high-priest, we presumably have the doctrine of Cicero himself, [786] who in the Academica avows his admiration of Carneades's reasoning, and in the De Divinatione follows it, but was anchored by officialism to State usage. With his vacillating character, his forensic habit, and his genius for mere speech, he could not but betray his own lack of intellectual conviction; and such weakness as his found its natural support in the principle of use and wont, the practice and tradition of the commonwealth. On that footing he had it in him to boast like any pedigreed patrician of the historic religiousness of Rome, he himself the while being devoid of all confident religious belief. His rhetoric on the subject can hardly be otherwise estimated than as sheer hustings hypocrisy. Doubtless he gave philosophic colour to his practice by noting the hopeless conflict of the creeds of the positive sects, very much as in our own day conservative dialectic finds a ground for religious conformity in the miscarriages of the men of science. [787] But Cicero does not seem even to have had a religious sentiment to cover the nakedness of his political opportunism. Not only does he in the Tusculan Disputations put aside in the Platonic fashion all the Homeric tales which anthropomorphize and discredit the Gods; [788] but in his treatise On Divination he shows an absolute disbelief in all the recognized practices, including the augury which he himself officially practised; and his sole excuse is that they are to be retained "on account of popular opinion and of their great public utility." [789] As to prodigies, he puts in germ the argument later made famous by Hume: either the thing could happen (in the course of nature) or it could not; if it could not, the story is false; if it could, non esse mirandum--there is no miracle. [790] In his countless private letters, again, he shows not a trace of religious feeling, [791] or even of interest in the questions which in his treatises he declares to be of the first importance. [792] Even the doctrine of immortality, to which he repeatedly returns, seems to have been for him, as for so many Christians since, only a forensic theme, never a source of the private consolation he ascribed to it. [793] In Cicero's case, in fine, we reach the conclusion that either the noted inconstancy of his character pervaded all his thinking, or that his gift for mere utterance, and his demoralizing career as an advocate, overbore in him all sincere reflection. But, indeed, the practical subversion of all rational ethic in the public life of late republican Rome, wherein men claimed to be free and self-governing, yet lived by oppressing the rest of the world, was on all hands fatal to the moral rectitude which inspires a critical philosophy.

Modern scholarship still clings to the long-established view that
Cicero was practically right, and that Lucretius was practically
wrong. Augustus, says Dr. Warde Fowler, was fortunate in finding
in Virgil "one who was in some sense a prophet as well as a poet,
who could urge the Roman by an imaginative example to return
to a living pietas--not merely to the old religious forms,
but to the intelligent sense of duty to God and man which
had built up his character and his empire. In Cicero's day
there was also a great poet, he too in some sense a prophet;
but Lucretius could only appeal to the Roman to shake off the
slough of his old religion, and such an appeal was at the time
both futile and dangerous. Looking at the matter historically,
and not theologically, we ought to sympathize with the attitude
of Cicero and Scaevola towards the religion of the State. It was
based on a statesmanlike instinct; and had it been possible for
that instinct to express itself practically in a positive policy
like that of Augustus, it is quite possible that much mischief
might have been averted" (Social Life at Rome, pp. 325-26).

It is necessary to point out (1) that the early Roman's "sense of
duty to God and man" was never of a kind that could fitly be termed
"intelligent"; and (2) that it was his character that made his
creed, and not his creed his character, though creed once formed
reacts on conduct. Further, it may be permitted to suggest that
we might consider historical problems morally, and to deprecate
the academic view that "statesmanship" is something necessarily
divorced from veracity. The imperfect appeal of Lucretius to the
spirit of truth in an ignorant and piratical community, living
an increasingly parasitic life, was certainly "futile"; but it is
a strange sociology that sees in it something "dangerous," while
regarding the life of perpetual conquest and plunder as a matter
of course, and the practice of systematic deceit as wholesome.

The summary of the situation is that Cicero's policy of religious
make-believe could no more have "saved" Rome than Plato's could
have saved Athens, or than that of Augustus did save the empire. It
went downhill about as steadily after as before him; and it
continued to do so under Christianity as under paganism. The
decline was absolutely involved in the policy of universal
conquest; and neither creeds nor criticism of creeds could have
"averted" the result while the cause subsisted. But there is
something gratuitously anti-rational in the thesis that such
a decay might have been prevented by a politic manipulation
of beliefs known to be false, and that some regeneration
was really worked in Rome by the tale of pious Æneas. In his
Religious Experience of the Roman People (1911) Dr. Fowler is
more circumspect.

In the upper-class Rome of Cicero's day his type seems to have been predominant, [794] the women alone being in the mass orthodox, [795] and in their case the tendency was to add new superstitions to the old. Among public men there subsisted a clear understanding that public religion should continue for reasons of State. When we find an eminent politician like the elder M. Æmilius Scaurus prosecuted in the year 103 B.C. on a charge of neglecting certain religious ceremonies connected with his offices, we know that there had been neither conscientious abstention on his part nor sincere religious resentment on the other side, but merely a resort by political enemies, after Greek precedent, to a popular means of blackening an antagonist; for the same Scaurus, who was a member of the college of augurs, had actually rebuilt or restored the temple of Fides, said to have been founded by Numa, and that of Mens (Prudence), which had been set up after the great defeat of the Romans at the Trasimene lake; [796] the early and the late procedure alike illustrating the political and pragmatic character of the State religion. [797] In the supreme figure of Julius Cæsar we see the Roman brain at its strongest; and neither his avowed unbelief in the already popular doctrine of immortality, [798] nor his repeatedly expressed contempt for the auspices, [799] withheld him from holding and fulfilling the function of high pontiff. The process of skepticism had been rapid among the men of action. The illiterate Marius carried about with him a Syrian prophetess; of Sulla, who unhesitatingly plundered the temple of Delphi, it was said that he carried a small figure of Apollo as an amulet; [800] of Cæsar, unless insofar as it may be true that in his last years, like Napoleon, he grew to believe in omens as his powers failed, under the stress of perpetual conflict, [801] it cannot be pretended that he was aught but a convinced freethinker. [802] The greatest and most intellectual man of action in the ancient world had no part in the faith which was supposed to have determined the success of the most powerful of all the ancient nations.

Dean Merivale, noting that Cæsar "professed without reserve
the principles of the unbelievers," observes that, "freethinker
as he was, he could not escape from the universal thraldom of
superstition in which his contemporaries were held" (Hist. of
the Romans under the Empire, ed. 1865, ii, 424). The reproach,
from a priest, is piquant, but misleading. All the stories
on which it is founded apply to the last two or three years
of Cæsar's life; and supposing them to be all true, which is
very doubtful, they would but prove what has been suggested
above--that the overstrained soldier, rising to the dizzy height
of a tremendous career, partly lost his mental balance, like so
many another. (Cp. Mackail, Latin Literature, 1895, p. 80.) Such
is the bearing of the doubtful story (Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxviii,
2) that after the breaking down of a chariot (presumably the
casualty which took place in his fourfold triumph; see Dio
Cassius, xlviii, 21) he never mounted another without muttering
a charm. M. Boissier (i, 70) makes the statement of Pliny apply
to Cæsar's whole life; but although Pliny gives no particulars,
even Dean Merivale (p. 372) connects it with the accident in the
triumph. To the same time belongs the less challengeable record
(Dio Cassius, lx, 23) of his climbing on his knees up the steps of
the Capitol to propitiate Nemesis. The very questionable legend,
applied so often to other captains, of his saying, I have thee,
Africa, when he stumbled on landing (Sueton. Jul. 59), is a
proof not of superstition but of presence of mind in checking
the superstitious fears of the troops, and was so understood by
Suetonius; as was the rather flimsy story of his taking with him
in Africa a man nicknamed Salutio (Sueton. ibid.) to neutralize the
luck of the opposing Cornelii. The whole turn given to the details
by the clerical historian is arbitrary and unjudicial. Nor is he
accurate in saying that Cæsar "denied the Gods" in the Senate. He
actually swore by them, per Deos immortales, in the next sentence
to that in which he denied a future state. The assertion of
the historian (p. 423), that in denying the immortality of the
soul Cæsar denied "the recognized foundation of all religion,"
is a no less surprising error. The doctrine never had been so
recognized in ancient Rome. A Christian ecclesiastic might have
been expected to remember that the Jewish religion, believed by
him to be divine, was devoid of the "recognized foundation" in
question, and that the canonical book of Ecclesiastes expressly
discards it. Of course Cæsar offered sacrifices to Gods in whom
he did not believe. That was the habitual procedure of his age.

§ 3

It is significant that the decay of rationalism in Rome begins and proceeds with the Empire. Augustus, whose chosen name was sacerdotal in its character, [803] made it part of his policy to restore as far as possible the ancient cults, many of which had fallen into extreme neglect, between the indifference of the aristocratic class [804] and the devotion of the populace, itself so largely alien, to the more attractive worships introduced from Egypt and the East. That he was himself a habitually superstitious man seems certain; [805] but even had he not been, his policy would have been natural from the Roman point of view. A historian of two centuries later puts in the mouth of Mæcenas an imagined counsel to the young emperor to venerate and enforce the national religion, to exclude and persecute foreign cults, to put down alike atheism and magic, to control divination officially, and to keep an eye on the philosophers. [806] What the empire sought above all things was stability; and a regimen of religion, under imperial control, seemed one of the likeliest ways to keep the people docile. Julius himself had seemed to plan such a policy, [807] though he also planned to establish public libraries, [808] which would hardly have promoted faith among the educated.

Augustus, however, aimed at encouraging public religion of every description, repairing or rebuilding eighty-two temples at Rome alone, giving them rich gifts, restoring old festivals and ceremonies, reinstituting priestly colleges, encouraging special foreign worships, and setting up new civic cults; himself playing high pontiff and joining each new priesthood, to the end of making his power and prestige so far identical with theirs; [809] in brief, anticipating the later ruling principle of the Church of Rome. The natural upshot of the whole process was the imperial apotheosis, or raising of each emperor to Godhead at death. The usage of deifying living rulers was long before common in Egypt and the east, [810] and had been adopted by the conquering Spartan Lysander in Asia Minor as readily as by the conquering Alexander. Julius Cæsar seems to have put it aside as a nauseous flattery; [811] but Augustus wrought it into his policy. It was the consummation at once of the old political conception of religion and of the new autocracy.

In a society so managed, all hope of return to self-government having ceased, the level of thought sank accordingly. There was practically no more active freethought. Livy, indeed, speaks so often of the contempt shown in his own day for tales of prodigies, and of what he calls contempt for the Gods, [812] that there can be no question of the lack of religion among the upper classes at the beginning of the empire. But even in Livy's day unbelief had ceased to go beyond a shrugging of the shoulders. Horace, with his credat Judæus Apella, and his frank rejection of the fear of the Deos tristes, [813] was no believer, but he was not one to cross the emperor, [814] and he was ready to lend himself to the official policy of religion. [815] Ovid could satirize [816] the dishonest merchant who prayed to the Gods to absolve his frauds; but he hailed Augustus as the sacred founder and restorer of temples, [817] prayed for him as such, busied himself with the archæology of the cults, and made it, not quite without irony, a maxim to "spare an accepted belief." [818] Virgil, at heart a pantheist with rationalistic leanings, [819] but sadly divided between Lucretius and Augustus, his poetical and his political masters, [820] tells all the transition from the would-be scientific to the newly-credulous age in the two wistful lines:--

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas ...
Fortunatus et ille, Deos qui novit agrestes [821]

--"happy he who has been able to learn the causes of things; fortunate also he who has known the rural Gods." The Gods, rural and other, entered on their due heritage in a world of decadence; Virgil's epic is a religious celebration of antiquity; and Livy's history is written in the credulous spirit, or at least in the tone, of an older time, with a few concessions to recent common sense. [822] In the next generation Seneca's monotheistic aversion to the popular superstitions is the high-water mark of the period, and represents the elevating power of the higher Greek Stoicism. On this score he belongs to the freethinking age, while his theistic apriorism belongs to the next. [823] All the while his principle of conformity to all legal observances [824] leaves him powerless to modify the environment.

As the empire proceeds, the echoes of the old freethought become fewer and fewer. It is an entire misconception to suppose that Christianity came into the Roman world as a saving counter-force to licentious unbelief. Unbelief had in large part disappeared before Christianity made any headway; and that creed came as one of many popular cults, succeeding in terms of its various adaptations to the special conditions, moral and economic. It was easy for the populace of the empire to deify a ruler: as easy as for those of the East to deify Jesus; or for the early Romans to deify Romulus; at Rome it was the people, now so largely of alien stock, who had most insisted on deifying Cæsar. [825] But the upper class soon kept pace with them in the zest for religion. In the first century, the elder Pliny recalls the spirit of Lucretius by the indignant eloquence with which he protests against the burdensome belief in immortality; [826] and the emphasis with which he scouts alike the polytheism of the multitude, the universal worship of Fortune, and the idea that man can know the infinite divinity which is the universe; [827] but, though Seneca and others reject the fear of future torment, Pliny is the last writer to repudiate with energy the idea of a future state. [828] A number of epitaphs still chime with his view; but already the majority are on the other side; [829] and the fear of hell was normally as active as the hope of heaven; while the belief in an approaching end of the world was proportionally as common as it was later under Christianity. [830] And though Pliny, discussing the bases of magic, of which he recognized the fraudulence, ranks among them the influences of religion, as to which he declared mankind to be still in extreme darkness, [831] we have seen how he in turn, on theistic grounds, frowned upon Hipparchos for daring to number the stars. [832] Thus, whatever may be the truth as to the persecutions of the Christians in the first two centuries of the empire, the motive was in all cases certainly political or moral, as in the earlier case of the Bacchic mysteries, not rationalistic hostility to its doctrines as apart from Christian attacks on the established worships.

Some unbelievers there doubtless were after Petronius, whose perdurable maxim that "Fear first made Gods in the world," [833] adopted in the next generation by Statius, [834] was too pregnant with truth to miss all acceptance among thinking men. The fact that Statius in his verse ranked Domitian with the Gods made its truth none the less pointed. The Alexandrian rationalist Chaeremon, who had been appointed one of the tutors of Nero, had explained the Egyptian religion as a mere allegorizing of the physical order of the universe. [835] It has been remarked too that in the next century the appointment of the freethinking Greek Lucian by Marcus Aurelius to a post of high authority in Egypt showed that his writings gave no great offence at court, [836] where, indeed, save under the two great Antonines, religious seriousness was rare. These, however, were the exceptions: the whole cast of mind developed under the autocracy, whether in the good or in the bad, made for belief and acquiescence or superstition rather than for searching doubt and sustained reasoning.

The statement of Mosheim or of his commentators (Eccles. Hist. 1
Cent. Pt. I, ch. i, § 21, note; Murdock's trans. Reid's ed.) that
Juvenal (Sat. xiii, 86) "complains of the many atheists at Rome" is
a perversion of the passage cited. Juvenal's allusion to those who
put all things down to fortune and deny a moral government of the
world begins with the phrase "sunt qui," "there are (those) who";
he makes far more account of the many superstitious, and never
suggests that the atheists are numerous in his day. Neither does he
"complain"; on the contrary, his allusion to the atheists as such
is non-condemnatory as compared with his attacks on pious rogues,
and is thus part of the ground for holding that he was himself
something of a freethinker--one of the last among the literary
men. In the tenth Satire (346 sqq.) he puts the slightly theistic
doctrine, sometimes highly praised (ed. Ruperti, 1817, in loc.),
that men should not pray for anything, but leave the decision to
the Gods, to whom man is dearer than to himself. There too occurs
the famous doctrine (356) that if anything is to be prayed for it
should be the mens sana in corpore sano, and the strong soul void
of the fear of death. The accompanying phrase about offering "the
intestines and the sacred sausages of a whitish pig" is flatly
contemptuous of religious ceremonial; and the closing lines,
placing the source of virtue and happiness within, are strictly
naturalistic. In the two last:--

Nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia; nos [or sed] te
Nos facimus, Fortuna, Deam, coeloque locamus,

the frequent reading abest for habes seems to make the better
sense: "No divinity is wanting, if there be prudence; but it
is we, O fortune, who make thee a Goddess, and throne thee in
heaven." In any case, the insistence is on man's lordship of
himself. (The phrase occurs again in Sat. xiv, 315.) But the
worship of Fortune--which Pliny declares to be the prevailing
faith of his day (Hist. Nat. II, v (vii), 7)--was itself a cult
like another, with temples and ritual; and the astrology which, he
adds, is beginning to supersede Fortune-worship among the learned
and the ignorant alike, was but a reversion to an older Eastern
religion. His own preference is for sun-worship, if any; but he
falls back on the conviction that the power of God is limited,
and that God is thus seen to be simply Nature (id. 8).

The erroneous notion that the Roman aristocracy ran mainly to
atheism was widely propagated by Voltaire, who made it part
of his argument against the atheism of his own day (Jenni;
art. Athéisme, in the Dict. Philos., etc.). It will not bear
examination. As regards the general tone of Roman literature
from the first century onwards, the summing-up of Renan is
substantially just: "The freethinkers ... diminish little by
little, and disappear.... Juvenal alone continues in Roman
society, down to the time of Hadrian, the expression of a frank
incredulity.... Science dies out from day to day. From the death
of Seneca, it may be said that there is no longer a thoroughly
rationalistic scholar. Pliny the Elder is inquisitive, but
uncritical. Tacitus, Pliny the Younger, Suetonius, avoid commenting
on the inanity of the most ridiculous inventions. Pliny the Younger
(Ep. vii, 27) believes in puerile stories of ghosts; Epictetus
(xxxi, 5) would have all practise the established worship. Even
a writer so frivolous as Apuleius feels himself bound to take
the tone of a rigid conservative about the Gods (Florida, i,
1; De Magia, 41, 55, 56, 63). A single man, about the middle of
this century, seems entirely exempt from supernatural beliefs;
that is Lucian. The scientific spirit, which is the negation of
the supernatural, exists only in a few; superstition invades all,
enfeebling all reason" (Les Évangiles, ed. 1877, pp. 406-407).

That the mental paralysis connects causally with the political conditions will perhaps not now be denied. A censorship of the written word belongs congenitally to autocracy; and only the personal magnanimity of Cæsar and the prudence of Augustus delayed its development in Rome. Soon it became an irresistible terrorism. Even Cæsar, indeed, so far forgot one of the great rules of his life as to impeach before the Senate the tribunes who had quite justifiably prosecuted some of the people who had hailed him as king; [837] and the fact that the Senate was already slavish enough to eject them gives the forecast of the future. Augustus long showed a notable forbearance to all manner of verbal opposition, and even disparagement; but at length he also began to prosecute for private aspersions, [838] and even to suppress histories of a too critical stamp. Tiberius began his reign with the high-pitched sentiment that "in a free State tongue and mind should be free"; [839] and for a time he bore himself with an exemplary restraint; but he too, in turn, took the colour of his place, and became murderously resentful of any semblance of aspersion on himself. [840] The famous sentiment ascribed to him in the Annals of Tacitus, Deorum injuriae diis curae [841]--"the Gods' wrongs are the Gods' business"--is not noted by Suetonius, and has an un-Roman sound. What Suetonius tells is [842] that he was "very negligent concerning the Gods and religions," yet addicted to the astrologers, and a believer in fate. The fact remains that while, as aforesaid, there must have been still a number of unbelievers, there is no sign after Lucretius of any Roman propaganda against religion; and the presumption is that the Augustan policy of promoting the old cults was extended to the maintenance of the ordinary Roman view that disrespect to the Gods was a danger to the State. In the reign of Nero we find trace of a treatise De religionis erroribus by Fabricius Vejento, [843] wherein was ridiculed the zeal of the priests to proclaim mysteries which they did not understand; but, whether or not its author was exiled and the book burnt on their protest, such literature was not further produced. [844]

There was, in fact, no spirit left for a Lucretian polemic against false beliefs. Everything in the nature of a searching criticism of life was menaced by the autocracy; Nero decreeing that no man should philosophize at Rome, [845] after slaying or banishing a series of philosophers; [846] Domitian crucifying the very scribes who copied the work of Hermogenes of Tarsus, in which he was obliquely criticized. [847] When men in the mass crouched before such tyranny, helplessly beholding emperor after emperor overtaken by the madness that accrues to absolute power, they were disabled for any disinterested warfare on behalf of truth. All serious impeachment of religion proceeds upon an ethical motive; and in imperial Rome there was no room for any nobility of ethic save such as upbore the Stoics in their austere pursuit of self-control, in a world too full of evil to be delighted in.

Thus it came about that the Cæsars, who would doubtless have protected their co-operating priesthoods from any serious attack on the official religion, [848] had practically no occasion to do so. Lucian's jests were cast at the Gods of Greece, not at those of the Roman official cults; hence his immunity. What the Cæsars were concerned to do was rather to menace any alien religion that seemed to undermine the solidarity of the State; and of such religions, first the Jewish, and later the Christian, were obvious examples. Thus we have it that Tiberius "put down foreign religions" (externas ceremonias), in particular the Egyptian and Judaic rites; pulling down the temple of Isis, crucifying her priests, expelling from Rome all Jews and proselytes, and forcing the Jewish youth to undergo military service in unhealthy climates. [849] Even the astrologers, in whose lore he believed, he expelled until they promised to renounce their art--a precedent partly set up by Augustus, [850] and followed with varying severity by all the emperors, pagan and Christian alike.

And still the old Italian religion waned, as it must. On the one hand, the Italic population was almost wholly replaced or diluted by alien stocks, slave or free, with alien cults and customs; on the other, the utter insincerity of the official cults, punctiliously conserved by well-paid, unbelieving priests, invited indifference. In the nature of things, an unchanging creed is moribund; life means adaptation to change; and it was only the alien cults that in Rome adapted themselves to the psychic mutation. Among the educated, who had read their Lucretius, the spectacle of the innumerable cults of the empire conduced either to entire but tacit unbelief, or to a species of vaguely rationalistic [851] yet sentimental monotheism, in which Reason sometimes figured as universal Deity. [852] Among the uneducated the progression was constant towards one or other of the emotional and ritualistic oriental faiths, so much better adapted to their down-trodden life.

§ 4

One element of betterment there was in the life of declining Rome, until the Roman ideals were superseded by oriental. Even the Augustan poets, Horace and Ovid, had protested like the Hebrew prophets, and like Plato and like Cicero, against the idea that rich sacrifices availed with the Gods above a pure heart; and such doctrine, while paganism lasted, prevailed more and more. [853] At the same time, Horace rejects the Judæo-Stoic doctrine, adopted in the gospels, that all sins are equal, and lays down the rational moral test of utility--Utilitas justi propè mater et aequi. [854] The better and more thoughtful men who grew up under the autocracy, though inevitably feebler and more credulous in their thinking than those of the later commonwealth, developed at length a concern for conduct, public and private, which lends dignity to the later philosophic literature, and lustre to the imperial rule of the Antonines. This concern it was that, linking Greek theory to Roman practice, produced a code of rational law which could serve Europe for a thousand years. This concern too it was, joined with the relatively high moral quality of their theism, that ennobled the writing of Seneca [855] and Epictetus and Maximus of Tyre; and irradiates the words as well as the rule of Marcus Aurelius. In them was anticipated all that was good [856] in the later Christian ethic, even as the popular faiths anticipated the Christian dogmas; and they cherished a temper of serenity that the Fathers fell far short of. To compare their pages with those of the subsequent Christian Fathers--Seneca with Lactantius, "the Christian Cicero"; Maximus with Arnobius; Epictetus with Tertullian; the admirable Marcus, and his ideal of the "dear city of Zeus," with the shrill polemic of Augustine's City of God and the hysteria of the Confessions--is to prove a rapid descent in magnanimity, sanity, self-command, sweetness of spirit, and tolerance. What figures as religious intolerance in the Cæsars was, as we have seen, always a political, never a religious, animosity. Any prosecution of Christians under the Antonines was certainly on the score of breach of law, turbulence, or real or supposed malpractices, not on that of heresy--a crime created only by the Christians themselves, in their own conflicts.

The scientific account of the repellent characteristics of the Fathers, of course, is not that their faith made them what they were, but that the ever-worsening social and intellectual conditions assorted such types into their ecclesiastical places, and secured for them their influence over the types now prevailing among the people. They too stand for the intellectual dissolution wrought by imperialism. When all the higher forms of intellectual efficiency were at an end, it was impossible that on any religious impulse whatever there should be generated either a higher code of life or a saner body of thought than those of the higher paganism of the past. Their very arguments against paganism are largely drawn from old "pagan" sources. Those who still speak of the rise of Christianity in the ancient world as a process of "regeneration" are merely turning historical science out of doors. The Christian Fathers had all the opportunity that a life of quasi-intellectual specialism could supply; and their liberty of criticism as regarded the moribund pagan creeds was a further gymnastic; but nothing could countervail the insanity of their intellectual presuppositions, which they could not transcend.

Inheriting the Judaic hypnotism of the Sacred Book, they could reason only as do railers; and the moral readjustment which put them in revolt against the erotic element in pagan mythology was a mere substitution of an ascetic neurosis for the old disease of imagination. Strictly speaking, their asceticism, being never rationalized, never rose to the level of ethic as distinguished from mere taboo or sacrosanct custom. As we shall see, they could not wholly escape the insurgence of the spirit of reason; but they collectively scouted it with a success attained by no other ostensibly educated priesthood of antiquity. They intellectually represent, in fact, the consummation of the general Mediterranean decadence.

For the rest, the "triumph" of the new faith was simply the survival of the forms of thought, and, above all, of the form of religious community, best fitted to the political and intellectual environment. The new Church organization was above all things a great economic endowment for a class of preachers, polemists, and propagandists; and between the closing of the old spheres of public life and the opening of the new, [857] the new faith was established as much by political and economic conditions as by its intellectual adaptation to an age of mental twilight.

Of the religion of the educated pagans in its last forms, then, it is finally to be said that it was markedly rationalistic as compared with the Christianity which followed, and has been on that ground stigmatized by Christian orthodoxy down till our own day. The religion of Marcus Aurelius is self-reverence, self-study, self-rule, plus faith in Deity; and it is not to be gainsaid that, next to his adoptive father Antoninus Pius, he remains the noblest monarch in ancient history; the nearest parallel being the more superstitious but still noble Julian, the last of the great pagan rulers. In such rulers the antique philosophy was in a measure justified of its children; and if it never taught them to grapple with the vast sociological problem set up by the Empire, and so failed to preserve the antique civilization, it at least did as much for them in that regard as the new faith did for its followers.