Chapter XIII: The Rise of Modern Freethought (6)

[1749] This principle, though deriving from Averroïsm, and condemned, as we have seen, by Pope John XXI, had been affirmed by so high an orthodox authority as Albertus Magnus. Cp. Owen, pp. 211-12, note. While thus officially recognized, it was of course denounced by the devout when they saw how it availed to save heretics from harm. Mr. Owen has well pointed out (p. 238) the inconsistency of the believers who maintain that faith is independent of reason, and yet denounce as blasphemous the profession to believe by faith what is not intelligible by philosophy.

[1750] Owen, pp. 209, note. "Son école est une école de laïques. de médecins, d'esprits forts, de libres penseurs" (Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartèsienne, 1854, i, 3).

[1751] Owen. p. 210; Christie, p. 151.

[1752] Christie, pp. 141-47.

[1753] Id. p. 149.

[1754] Burckhardt, p. 291.

[1755] Gebhart, pp. 59-63; Burckhardt, p. 211.

[1756] Cp. Burckhardt, p. 291.

[1757] Burckhardt, pp. 279-80; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, pp. 106-107.

[1758] Burckhardt, pt. iii, ch. xi.

[1759] Dr. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i, 265. Cp. Renan, Averroès, Avert.

[1760] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 213, 420-21.

[1761] Notice of Bonaventure Desperiers, by Bibliophile Jacob [i.e. Lacroix], in 1841 ed. of Cymbalum Mundi, etc.

[1762] For a solution of the enigma of the title see the Clef of Eloi Johanneau in ed. cited, p. 83. Cymbalum mundi was a nickname given in antiquity to (among others) an Alexandrian grammarian called Didymus--the name of doubting Thomas in the gospel. The book is dedicated by Thomas Du Clevier à son ami Pierre Tyrocan, which is found to be, with one letter altered (perhaps by a printer's error), an anagram for Thomas Incrédule à son ami Pierre Croyant, "Unbelieving Thomas to his friend Believing Peter." Clef cited, pp. 80-85.

[1763] Origen, Against Celsus, vi, 78.

[1764] The readiness of piety in all ages to invent frightful deaths for unbelievers must be remembered in connection with this and other records. Cp. Notice cited, p. xx, and note. The authority for this is Henri Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, liv. i, chs. 18, end, and 26.

[1765] So Charles Nodier, cited in the Notice by Bibliophile Jacob, pp. xxiii-xxiv. The English translator of 1723 professed to see no unbelief in the book.

[1766] Perrens, Les Libertins en France au XVIIe siècle, 1896, p. 41.

[1767] Notice historique in Bibliophile Jacob's ed. of Rabelais, 1841; Stapfer, Rabelais, pp. 6, 10; W. F. Smith, biog. not. to his trans. of Rabelais, 1893, i, p. xxii.

[1768] Rathery, notice biog. to ed. of Burgaud des Marets, i, 12. Jacob's account of his relations with his friends Budé and Amy at this stage is erroneous. See Rathery, p. 14.

[1769] Le Double, Rabelais anatomiste et physiologiste, 1889, pp. 12, 425; and pref. by Professor Duval, p. xiii; Stapfer, p. 42; A. Tilley, François Rabelais, 1907, pp. 74-76.

[1770] In the same year he was induced to publish what turned out to be two spurious documents purporting to be ancient Roman remains. See Heulhard, Rabelais légiste, and Jacob, Notice, p. xviii.

[1771] Rathery, p. 23.

[1772] Jacob, p. xix.

[1773] As to this see Tilley, p. 53.

[1774] See it at the end of the ed. of Bibliophile Jacob.

[1775] Cp. Stapfer, pp. 24-25; Rathery, p. 26.

[1776] Rathery, p. 30.

[1777] Cp. Jacob, Notice, p. xxxviii; Smith, ii, 524.

[1778] Rathery, p. 71; Stapfer, pp. 42-43.

[1779] Stapfer, p. 53.

[1780] Jacob, p. xxxix.

[1781] Rathery, pp. 44-49. The notion of Lacroix, that Rabelais visited England, has no evidence to support it. Cp. Rathery, p. 49, and Smith, p. xxiii.

[1782] Cp. Jacob, p. lx. Ramus himself, for his attacks on the authority of Aristotle, was called an atheist. Cp. Waddington, Ramus, sa vie, etc., 1855, p. 126.

[1783] See the list in the avertissement of M. Burgaud des Marets to éd. Firmin Didot. Cp. Stapfer, pp. 63, 64. For example, the "theologian" who makes the ludicrous speech in Liv. i, ch. xix, becomes (chs. 18 and 20) a "sophist"; and the sorbonistes, sorbonicoles, and sorbonagres of chs. 20 and 21 become mere maistres, magistres, and sophistes likewise.

[1784] It is doubtful whether Rabelais wrote the whole of the notice prefixed to the next edition, in which this attack was made; but it seems clear that he "had a hand in it" (Tilley, François Rabelais, p. 87).

[1785] R. Christie, Étienne Dolet, pp. 369-72. Christie, in his vacillating way, severely blames Dolet, and then admits that the book may have been printed while Dolet was in prison, and that in any case there was no malice in the matter. This point, and the persistent Catholic calumnies against Dolet, are examined by the author in art. "The Truth about Étienne Dolet," in National Reformer, June 2 and 9, 1889.

[1786] Epistre, pref. to Liv. iv. Ed. Jacob, p. 318.

[1787] Cp. W. F. Smith's trans. of Rabelais, 1893, ii, p. x. In this book, however, other hands have certainly been at work. Rabelais left it unfinished.

[1788] Jacob, Notice, p. lxiii; Stapfer, p. 76.

[1789] So Rathery, p. 60; and Stapfer, p. 78. Jacob, p. lxii, says he resigned only one. Rathery makes the point clear by giving a copy of the act of resignation as to Meudon.

[1790] A Discourse ... against Nicholas Machiavel, Eng. tr. (1577), ed. 1608, Epist. ded. p. 2.

[1791] Liv. iv, ch. xliii.

[1792] Liv. iii, ch. xxiii.

[1793] Liv. iv, ch. xlv-xlviii.

[1794] Liv. iv, ch. xlix sq.

[1795] Liv. iv, ch. xxxii.

[1796] Prof. Stapfer, Rabelais, sa personne, son génie, son oeuvre, 1889, pp. 365-68. Cp. the Notice of Bibliophile Jacob, ed. 1841 of Rabelais, pp. lvii-lviii; and Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 39. In his youth he affirmed the doctrine. Stapfer, p. 23.

[1797] Cp. René Millet, Rabelais, 1892, pp. 172-80.

[1798] Liv. iii, ch. xxxvi.

[1799] The description of him by one French biographer, M. Boulmier (Estienne Dolet, 1857), as "le Christ de la pensée libre" is a gross extravagance. Dolet was substantially orthodox, and even anti-Protestant, though he denounced the cruel usage of Protestants.

[1800] Wallace (Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, ii. 2) asserts that Dolet "not only became a convert to the opinions of Servetus, but a zealous propagator of them." For this there is not a shadow of evidence.

[1801] Cp. Voltaire, Lettres sur Rabelais, etc. i.

[1802] Cp. author's art. above cited; R. C. Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. 1890, p. 100; Octave Galtier, Étienne Dolet (N.D.), pp. 66, 94, etc.

[1803] Christie, as cited, pp. 50-58, 105-106; Galtier, p. 26 sq.

[1804] It is to this that Rabelais alludes (ii, 5) when he tells how at Toulouse they "stuck not to burn their regents alive like red herrings."

[1805] Christie, p. 80.

[1806] Liv. iii, ch. xxix.

[1807] Christie, p. 86.

[1808] One of his enemies wrote of him that prison was his country--patria Doleti.

[1809] Procès d'Estienne Dolet, Paris, 1836, p. 11; Galtier, pp. 65-70; Christie, pp. 389-90.

[1810] Procès, p. viii.; Galtier, p. 78.

[1811] Galtier, p. 101 sq.; Christie, p. 461.

[1812] A modern French judge, the President Baudrier, was found to affirm that the laws, though "unduly severe," were "neither unduly nor unfairly pressed" against Dolet! Christie, p. 471.

[1813] Concerning whom see Christie, as cited, pp. 29 01.

[1814] Tilley, as last cited, p. 69.

[1815] Christie, p. 317.

[1816] Christie, as cited, pp. 465-67; Lutteroth, La Reformation en France pendant sa première période, 1850, pp. 39-40; Prof. H. M. Baird, Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i, 240 sq.

[1817] Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43; Patin, Lettres, ed. Reveillé-Parise, 1846, i, 210.

[1818] Wriothesley's Chronicle (Camden Society, 1875), pp. 107-108.

[1819] Nodier, quoted by Bibliophile Jacob in ed. of Cymbalum Mundi, as cited, p. xviii.

[1820] Cp. Brantome, Des dames illustres, OEuvres, ed. 1838, ii, 186.

[1821] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Marguerite de Navarre (the First), notes F and G.

[1822] Bayle, note N. Cp. Nodier, as cited, p. xix, as to the collaboration of Desperiers and others.

[1823] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note D.

[1824] Garasse, La Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits de ce Temps, 1623, pp. 126-27. Ronsard replied to the charge in his poem, Des misères du temps.

[1825] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note O. Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43.

[1826] MS. 1588. First printed in 1841 by Guhrauer, again in 1857 by L. Noack.

[1827] As before noted, he was one of the first to use the word. Cp. Lechler, Geschichte des englischen Deismus, pp. 31, 455, notes.

[1828] Bayle, art. Bodin, note O. Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. p. 424; and the Lettres de Gui Patin, iii, 679 (letter of 27 juillet, 1668), cited by Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43. Leibnitz, in an early letter to Jac. Thomasius, speaks of the MS. of the Colloquium, then in circulation, as proving its writer to be "the professed enemy of the Christian religion," adding: "Vanini's dialogues are a trifle in comparison." (Philosophische Schriften, ed. Gerhardt, i, 26; Martineau, Study of Spinoza, p. 77.) Carriere, however, notes (Weltanschauung, p. 317) that in later years Leibnitz learned to prize Bodin's treatise highly.

[1829] Cp. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 66, 87-91. In the République too he has a chapter on astrology, to which he leans somewhat.

[1830] République, Liv. iv, ch. ii.

[1831] Id. Liv. iv, ch. vii. "Bodin in this sophistry was undoubtedly insincere" (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 159).

[1832] Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins. p. 43.

[1833] Cp. Villemain, Vie de L'Hopital, in Études de l'hist. moderne, 1846. pp. 363-68, 428.

[1834] Buckle (3-vol. ed. ii, 10; 1-vol. ed. p. 291) errs in representing L'Hopital as the only statesman of the time who dreamt of toleration. It is to be noted, on the other hand, that the Huguenots themselves protested against any toleration of atheists or Anabaptists; and even the reputed freethinker Gabriel Naudé, writing his Science des Princes, ou Considérations politiques sur les Coups d'état, in 1639, defended the massacre on political grounds (Owen, Skeptics of the French Renaissance, p. 470, note). Bodin implicitly execrated it. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 162.

[1835] Villemain, p. 429.

[1836] Garasse, Doctrine Curieuse, pp. 125~26; Mémoires de Garasse, ed. Ch. Nisard, 1860, pp. 77-78; Perrens, p. 43.

[1837] Bibliophile Jacob, Introd. to Beroalde de Verville.

[1838] Estienne's full title is: L'Introduction au traité de la conformité des merveilles, anciennes avec les modernes: ou, Traité préparatif à l'Apologie pour Hérodote.

[1839] Apologie pour Hérodote, ed. 1607, pp. 97, 249 (liv. i, chs. xiv, xviii.) Cymbalum Mundi, ed. Bibliophile Jacob, pp. xx, 13.

[1840] The index was specially framed to call attention to these items. The entry, "Fables des dieux des payens cousines germaines des legendes des saints," is typical.

[1841] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Castalion; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 81; Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, ii, 46-49. Hallam finds Castalio's letter to the Duke of Wirtemberg "cautious"; but Lecky quotes some strong expressions from what he describes as the preface of Martin Bellius (Castalio's pseudonym) to Cluten's De Haereticis persequendis, ed. 1610. Castalio died in 1563. As to his translations from the Bible, see Bayle's note.

[1842] Hallam, ii, 83; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 231.

[1843] Even Stähelin (Johannes Calvin, ii, 303) condemns Calvin's action and tone towards Castalio, though he makes the significant remark that the latter "treated the Bible pretty much as any other book."

[1844] Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, p. 169.

[1845] Burckhardt, p. 195.

[1846] Prof. Fortunat Strowski, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France au 17e siècle, Ptie i, De Montaigne à Pascal, 1907, pp. 19-23.

[1847] "Du Vair ne songe pas au Médiateur; s'il y a dans son traité des allusions à Notre Seigneur, le nom de Jésus-Christ ne s'y trouve, je crois bien, pas une fois. Il songe encore moins aux pieux adjuvants qui excitent l'imagination; pas un mot de l'invocation des saints, pas un mot des sacrements" (Strowski, as cited, p. 78).

[1848] Cp. Prof. Thorold Rogers, Economic Interpretation of History, p. 83.

[1849] In 1387 the Lollards were denounced under that name by the Bishop of Worcester as "eternally damned sons of Antichrist."

[1850] See the Repressor, Babington's ed. in the Rolls Series, 1860, Part ii.

[1851] Hook, Lives of the Archbishops (Life of Bourchier), 1867, v, 294-306.

[1852] He repels, e.g., Wiclif's argument that a priest's misconduct sufficed to destroy his right to his endowments. Repressor, Babington's ed. as cited, ii, 413.

[1853] Hook, as cited, v, 309.

[1854] Gardiner, Student's History, p. 330. Cp. Green, ch. vi, § i, 2, pp. 267, 275; Stubbs Const. Hist., iii, 631-33.

[1855] Cp. Pauli, Pictures of Old England, Eng. tr. Routledge's rep. pp. 332-36.

[1856] Pauli, p. 332.

[1857] See Arber's reprint.

[1858] Cp. Souchay, Gesch. der deutschen Monarchie, 1861-62, iii, 230-31.

[1859] On this cp. Souchay, pp. 234-39.

[1860] See a good synopsis in Pünjer's History of the Christian Philosophy of Religion, Eng. tr. pp. 68-89; and another in Moritz Carriere's Die philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1847, pp. 16-25, which, however, is open to Pünjer's criticism that it is coloured by modern Hegelianism.

[1861] Dr. Paul Frédéricq, Geschiedenis der Inquisitie in de Nederlanden, 1025-1520, Gent, 1892-1897, ii, 4-9.

[1862] Michelet, Hist. de France, vii--éd. 1857, pp. 125, 172.

[1863] This name has many forms; and it is contended that Sabieude is the correct one. See Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, 1881, ii, 423.

[1864] Cp. Hallam, Introd. to Lit. of Europe, ed. 1872, i, 142-44, and the analysis in Prof. Dowden's Montaigne, 1905, p. 127 sq.

[1865] Van Hoogstraten, in Frédéricq, as cited below.

[1866] Dr. Frazer's assumption (Golden Bough, 3rd ed. pt. i, i, 224) that magic assumes an invariable order of nature, is unsubstantiated even by his vast anthropological erudition. Magic varies arbitrarily, and the idea of a fixed "order" does not belong to the magician's plane of thought.

[1867] Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie, 4e éd. pp. 214-16.

[1868] "Judicial astrology ... which supplanted and degraded the art of medicine" (Prof. Clifford Allbutt, Harveian Oration on Science and Medieval Thought, 1901, App. p. 113). There is a startling survival of it in the physiology of Harvey. Id. p. 45.

[1869] Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim.

[1870] Above, p. 385.

[1871] Who, however, was no rationalist, but an orientalizing mystic. Cp. Carriere, Die philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1846, pp. 36-38.

[1872] Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Ref. in Germany, bk. ii, ch. i (Eng. tr. Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 129). The point is fairly put by Audin in the introduction to his Histoire de Luther. Compare Green: "The awakening of a rational Christianity, whether in England or in the Teutonic world at large, begins with the Florentine studies of Sir John Colet" (Short Hist. ch. vi, § iv). Colet, however, was strictly orthodox. Ulrich von Hutten spent five of the formative years of his life in Italy.

[1873] Hamilton, Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, 1852, p. 205.

[1874] As to the general resentment of the money drain cp. Strauss, Gespräche von Ulrich von Hutten, 1860, Vorrede, p. xiv, and the dialogues, pp. 159. 363. Cp. Ranke, bk. ii, ch. i (Eng. tr. as cited, pp. 123-26).

[1875] See Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, passim. Even the Peasants' Rising was adumbrated in the movement of Hans Böheim of Nikleshausen (fl. 1476), whose doctrine was both democratic and anti-clerical. (Work cited, ii, 380-81; cp. Bezold, Gesch. der deutschen Reform. 1890, ch. vii.)

[1876] See Guicciardini's analysis of the parties, cited by E. Armstrong in the "Cambridge Modern History," vol. i, The Renaissance, p. 170.

[1877] Burckhardt, Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. pp. 476-77.

[1878] See the sympathetic analysis of the book by Villari, Life of Savonarola, Eng. tr. pp. 582-94, where it is much overrated.

[1879] As to the education of the Florentine common people in the fourteenth century cp. Burckhardt, pp. 203-204; Symonds, Age of the Despots, p. 202.

[1880] Cp. Armstrong, as cited, pp. 150-51.

[1881] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 28-30, 41.

[1882] Id. pp. 54, 68.

[1883] Id. p. 45, citing Reynald's Annales, ad. ann. 1530; Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini und die Anti-trinitarier seiner Zeit, 1844, pp. 19-35.

[1884] McCrie reasons otherwise, from the fact that the sack of Rome was by many Catholics regarded as a divine judgment on the papacy; but he omits to mention the pestilence which followed and destroyed the bulk of the conquering army (Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 390).

[1885] McCrie, pp. 59-60.

[1886] Id. p. 66.

[1887] Id. pp. 112, 115.

[1888] Id. pp. 89, 98, 215. McCrie thinks it useful to suggest (p. 95) that anti-trinitarianism seems to have begun at Siena, "whose inhabitants were proverbial among their countrymen for levity and inconstancy of mind"--citing Dante, Inferno, canto xxix, 121-23. Thus does theology illumine sociology. In a note on the same page the historian cites the testimony of Melanchthon (Epist. coll. 852, 941) as to the commonness of "Platonic and skeptical theories" among his Italian correspondents in general; and quotes further the words of Calvin, who for once rises above invective to explain as to heresy (Opera, viii, 510) that "In Italis, propter rarum acumen, magis eminet." The historian omits, further, to trace German Unitarianism to the levity of a particular community in Germany.

[1889] A. von Reumont, The Carafas of Maddaloni, Eng. tr. 1854, pp. 33-37; McCrie, p. 122. It was not Protestantism that made the revolt. The contemporary historian Porzios states that the Lutherans were so few that they could easily be counted. Von Reumont, as cited, p. 33. It was not heresy that moved the Neapolitans, but the knowledge that perjurers could be found in Naples to swear to anything, and that the machine would thus be made one of pecuniary extortion.

[1890] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 131.

[1891] McCrie, pp. 143-44.

[1892] Id. pp. 158-61.

[1893] Id. pp. 161-63. This seems to have been one of the latest instances of enslavement in Italy. As to the selling of many Capuan women in Rome after the capture of Capua in 1501, see Burckhardt, p. 279, note.

[1894] McCrie, pp. 140-43.

[1895] Domenico Orano, Liberi Pensatori bruciati in Roma dal XVI al XVIII Secolo, Roma, 1904. Giordano Bruno is 77th in the list; and there are only eight more. The 85th case was in 1642; and the last--the burning of a dead body--in 1761.

[1896] Orano, p. 13.

[1897] Signor Orano gives the name as Buzio, citing the 1835 Italian translation of McCrie, and pronouncing Cantù (ii, 338) wrong in making it Mollio. But in the 1856 ed. of McCrie's work the name is given (pp. 57-58, 168-69) as John Mollio. Cantù then appears to have been right; but the date he gives, 1533, seems to be a blunder.

[1898] McCrie gives this name as Tisserano.

[1899] Orano, p. 6; McCrie, pp. 169-70.

[1900] McCrie, p. 212; Orano, p. 33.

[1901] Orano, pp. 15-16. McCrie, p. 165, says he was strangled; but the official record is "fu mozza la testa."

[1902] Orano, p. 22. As to Carnesecchi's career see McCrie, pp. 173-79; and Babington's ed. of Paleario, 1855, Introd. pp. lxv-lxvi.

[1903] McCrie, p. 164. See Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini, p. 35, as to Baldo Lupetino.

[1904] As to whom see McCrie, pp. 81-84, 179-82, and the copious Life and Times of Aonio Paleario, by M. Young. 2 vols. 1860.

[1905] Marini, Galileo e l'Inquisizione, Roma, 1850, p. 37, note.

[1906] Babington's ed. p. 46 sq.

[1907] It was afterwards unearthed, however; and Babington's ed. (1855) is an almost facsimile reprint, with old French and English versions.

[1908] Cp. McCrie, pp. 114-17.

[1909] Cp. McCrie, Ref. in Italy, ch. v; Ref. in Spain, ch. viii; Green, Short Hist. pp. 358, 362.

[1910] Huss, in his youth, at first turned from Wiclif's writings with horror. Bonnechose, The Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1844, i, 72.

[1911] Cp. Krasinski, Histor. Sketch of the Reformation in Poland, 1838, i, 58.

[1912] Krasinski, Sketch of Relig. Hist. of Slav. Nations, ed. 1851, pp. 26-27.

[1913] Neander, ix, 242 sq.; Hardwick, pp. 426-27. Militz effected a remarkable reformation of life in Prague. Neander, p. 241.

[1914] See the very intelligent survey of the situation in Kautsky's Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, p. 35 sq.

[1915] Kautsky, p. 42.

[1916] K. Raumer, Contrib. to the Hist. of the German Universities, New York, 1859, p. 19; Dr. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. ii, pt. i, 223-26; Bonnechose, i, 78; Mosheim, 15 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 6; Gieseler, Per. iii, Div. v, § 150; Krasinski, as cited, pp. 31-33.

[1917] Krasinski, Sketch, p. 33; Kautsky, p. 43; Maclaine's note to Mosheim, as last cited; Rashdall, pp. 225-26, 254. The exodus has been much exaggerated. Only 602 were enrolled at Leipzig.

[1918] Many of these were of great beauty and value, and must have been owned by rich men. Krasinski, Sketch, p. 34.

[1919] Hardwick. p. 433. Jerome caused the bull to be "fastened to an immodest woman," and so paraded through the town before being burnt. Gieseler, iv, 114, note 15.

[1920] Bonnechose, ii, 122; Gieseler, as cited.

[1921] See Mosheim's very interesting note; and Gieseler, iv, 104-105.

[1922] Krasinski, p. 51.

[1923] For an account of the devices of Catholic historians to explain away the Council's treachery see Bonnechose, note E. to vol. i, p. 270. The Council itself simply declared that faith was not to be kept with a heretic. Id. p. 271; Gieseler, p. 121.

[1924] Bonnechose, ii, 118-20. Cp. Krasinski, p. 37.

[1925] Kautsky, pp. 48-49.

[1926] Id. p. 51.

[1927] Id. p. 52.

[1928] Krasinski, p. 65.

[1929] See their principles stated in Kautsky, p. 59.

[1930] Æneas Sylvius, who detested the Taborites, declared them to have only one good quality, the love of letters. Letter to Carvajal, cited by Krasinski, p. 93, note.

[1931] Kautsky, pp. 59-67.

[1932] Id. p. 76.

[1933] Kautsky, pp. 78-82. See further the account of Helchitsky's book in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You, ch. i.

[1934] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary (anon.), Eng. tr. 1854, p. 17.

[1935] Id. p. 19.

[1936] Id. pp. 23, 28.

[1937] Id. pp. 24, 32, citing the chronicler Thurnschwamm.

[1938] Id. pp. 29-31.

[1939] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 34.

[1940] Id. p. 37.

[1941] Id. p. 58.

[1942] Id. pp. 69-70.

[1943] Id. pp. 45, 73.

[1944] Id. p. 45.

[1945] Called Blandvater in the History above cited, which is copied in this error by Hardwick.

[1946] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 708.

[1947] Cp. Mosheim, last cit.

[1948] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 86.

[1949] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biog. ii, 257-60. Schlegel, as cited. Biandrata later gave up his Unitarianism, turning either Jesuit or Protestant. He was murdered by his nephew for his money. Wallace, ii, 144.

[1950] History cited, p. 109. As to the persecutions see pp. 108-15.

[1951] Id. pp. 128-29, 132.

[1952] Id. p. 134.

[1953] Krasinski, Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, 1838, i, 29-30.

[1954] Id. pp. 30-34.

[1955] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, p. 38.

[1956] Id. i. 40-42.

[1957] Id. p. 45.

[1958] Id. pp. 55-56.

[1959] Id. pp. 47-50.

[1960] Id. pp. 65-66.

[1961] Id. p. 67.

[1962] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, i, 91-98.

[1963] Id. pp. 111-16.

[1964] Id. p. 134.

[1965] Id. pp. 139, 345, following Wengierski; Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. ii, Art. 41.

[1966] Krasinski, pp. 143, 344, note.

[1967] Id. i, 163.

[1968] Id. p. 173, note.

[1969] Id. pp. 176-77.

[1970] I.e., Peter of Goniond, a small town in Podlachia.

[1971] Krasinski, i, 346-48; Mosheim. 16 Cent. sect. III, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 7; and Schlegel's and Reid's notes.

[1972] Cp. Mosheim, chapter last cited, § 15 sq.

[1973] Krasinski, i, 357.

[1974] Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. ii, 181-82.

[1975] Krasinski, pp. 357-60.

[1976] Id. p. 363.

[1977] Krasinski, Ref. in Poland, ii, 93-94; Rel. Hist. of Slav. Nations, p. 188.

[1978] Lutteroth, La Reformation en France pendant sa première période, p. 2.

[1979] A. A. Tilley, in vol. ii of Camb. Mod. Hist. The Reformation, ch. ix. p. 281.

[1980] Prof. H. M. Baird, Hist. of the Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i, 33.

[1981] Id. i, 35.

[1982] Tilley, as cited, p. 281.

[1983] Lutteroth, pp. 14-16.

[1984] Tilley, p. 282. The translation was notable as a revision of the Vulgate version, which was printed side by side with it.

[1985] Lutteroth, pp. 3-4; Baird, i, 79.

[1986] Michelet, Hist. de France, tom. x, La Réforme, ch. viii.

[1987] Lutteroth, p. 9.

[1988] Michelet. éd. 1884, x, 308; Baird, i, 80, note.

[1989] See Baird, i, 91, note, as to the dates, which are usually put a year too early.

[1990] Baird, i, 95-96, and note.

[1991] Id. p. 132.

[1992] Michelet, x, 314; Baird, i, 133-37.

[1993] Lutteroth, p. 15; Michelet. x, 337.

[1994] Other such outrages followed, and did much to intensify persecution.

[1995] Erasmus had said that one pamphlet of Béda's contained "eighty lies, three hundred calumnies, and forty-seven blasphemies" (Michelet, x, 320).

[1996] Baird, i, 143-44; Michelet, x, 321-26.

[1997] Michelet, x, 338-39.

[1998] Baird, i, 149.

[1999] Cp. Tilley, p. 285.

[2000] Lutteroth, p. 17; Michelet, x, 340 (giving the text of a contemporary record); Baird, i, 173-78--a very full account.

[2001] See Baird, i, 176, note, as to the authenticity of the utterance, which was doubted by Voltaire.

[2002] Michelet, x, 342; Baird, i, 169.

[2003] Cit. by Baird, i, 24, note.

[2004] Baird, i, 221-22.

[2005] It is endorsed by Professor Clifford, Lectures and Essays, 2nd ed. p. 335.

[2006] Hist. de la Civ. en France, 13e édit. i, 18.

[2007] See the case well made out by Buckle, ch. viii--1-vol. ed. pp. 311-13.

[2008] See above, p. 348.

[2009] Stubbs, Const. Hist., 3rd ed. ii, 469, 471, 510.

[2010] Cp. Froude, Hist. of England, ed. 1872, i, 173; Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation, Nares' ed. i, 17-18. Henry, says Burnet, "cherished Churchmen more than any king in England had ever done." Compare further Shaftesbury, Miscellaneous Reflections, in the Characteristics, Misc. iii, ch. i, ed. 1733, vol. iii, p. 151; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, as cited above, p. 316.

[2011] Rev. Dr. J. H. Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 72-100. Wolsey was more patient with Protestant heresy than Henry ever was, though on his death-bed he counselled the king to put down the Lutherans.

[2012] Cp. Burnet, as cited, pref. p. xl, and p. 3; Heylyn, Hist. of the Ref. pref.; Blunt, i, 293-94. In 1530 the king had actually repudiated his debts, cancelling borrowings made under the Privy Seal, and thus setting an example to the Catholic King Philip II in a later generation.

[2013] Heylyn, as cited, and i, 123-27, ed. 1849; A. F. Leach, English Schools at the Reformation, 1896, pp. 5-6; J. E. G. De Montmorency, State Intervention in English Education, 1902, pp. 62-65.

[2014] The subject is treated at some length in The Dynamics of Religion, by "M. W. Wiseman" (J. M. R.), 1897, pp. 3-46; and in The Saxon and the Celt, pp. 92-97.

[2015] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, 3rd ed. iii, 638. Cp. Bishop Creighton, The Age of Elizabeth, p. 6; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 366.

[2016] Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, p. 60; Hardwick, Church History: Reformation, ed. 1886, p. 250.

[2017] Much of this has never been published. Most of it is in a MS. Codex of the City Library at Frankfurt. Extracts in Tentzel's Supplementum Historiæ Gothanæ, 1701, in the Narratio de Eobano Hesso of J. Camerarius, 1553, etc. See Strauss's Ulrich von Hutten, 2te Aufl. 1871, p. 32, n. (ed. 1858, i, 44) et seq.

[2018] Eccles. Hist., bk. i, ch. iv.

[2019] Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, as cited, pp. 33-35; Bezold, Gesch. der deutschen Reformation, 1890, p. 226. Bezold describes Mutianus as "der freigeistige Kanonikus zu Gotha," and points out, concerning his universalism, that "the historic Christ thus slips through his fingers."

[2020] Bezold, as last cited. "Here is the skepticism kept in the background by Mutianus and Celtis, popularized in the rudest way."

[2021] Briefe, ed. De Wette, iii, 60.

[2022] Karl Hagen, Deutschlands lit. u. relig. Verhältnisse im Reformations-zeitalter, 1868, ii, 110; letter of Capito to Zwingli, Ep. Zwinglii i, 47; F. C. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 450; Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, 1839-44, i, 13-16, 33; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, i, art. 3, 4, 5.

[2023] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 689; Baur, iv, 450; Trechsel, i, 13-16.

[2024] See a good account of him by Beard, Hibbert Lectures on The Reformation, p. 204 sq.

[2025] For an impartial criticism of their language see Henderson's Short Hist. of Germany, i, 321-23. Cp. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 73-76; A. F. Pollard in Camb. Mod. Hist. ii, 192-95; Beard, Hibbert Lect. on The Reformation, p. 200; and Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, pp. 117-28.

[2026] Kohlrausch, Hist. of Germany, Eng. tr. p. 397.

[2027] To the same effect Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Capp. 391, 492.

[2028] Pollard, as cited, p. 175.

[2029] Id. p. 178.

[2030] Id. pp. 179, 193.

[2031] Id. p. 193.

[2032] Id. p. 192.

[2033] Ranke, as cited, pp. 459-64.

[2034] Id. p. 461.

[2035] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, La Réforme, ed. 1882, pp. 104, 332.

[2036] Cp. Burckhard, De Ulrichi Hutteni Vita Commentarius, 1717, i, 65. For a general view see Ranke, pp. 126-39.

[2037] Jakob Marx, Die Ursachen der schnellen Verbreitung der Reformation, 1847, § 12.

[2038] Prof. J. M. Vincent, in Prof. S. M. Jackson's Huldreich Zwingli, 1901, p. 37.

[2039] Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 19; ii, passim; Mosheim, 15 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 22; and Bonet-Maury's thesis, De Opera Scholastica Fratrum Vitæ Communis, 1889.

[2040] Burton, History of Scotland, iii, 399-401. But the end in view was probably, as Burton half admits, the recruiting of the Church. Cp. Cosmo Innes, Sketches of Early Scotch History, p. 134 sq., and Scottish Legal Antiquities, pp. 129-30.

[2041] Menzel, Cap. 492.

[2042] Menzel, Cap. 492 (ed. 1837, p. 762).

[2043] Ranke (p. 466) becomes positively lyrical over the happy lot of the peasant who received Luther's Catechism (1529). "It contains enduring comfort in every affliction, and, under a slight husk, the kernel of truths able to satisfy the wisest of the wise." Such declamation holds the place that ought to have been filled by an account of economic conditions.

[2044] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, iii. 627. The bishop, however, holds that in the time of Lollard prosperity the ability to read was widely diffused in England (p. 628); and it seems certain that in the first half of the sixteenth century printing multiplied enormously. Cp. Michelet. Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884. p. 103 sq.

[2045] Cp. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, bk. ii. ch. i; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, éd. abrég. ch. xxiv-xxvii; and essay on "Machiavelli and Calvin" in the present writer's Essays in Sociology, 1903. vol. i.

[2046] Werke., ed. Walch. viii. 2043 (On Ep. to Galat.), cited by Beard.

[2047] Id. viii, 1181 (On 1 Cor. xv). Cp. other citations in Beard, pp. 161-65.

[2048] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § v, p. 315.

[2049] Cp. Stäbelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863. ii, 282-83.

[2050] He was educated at Basel and Berne and at Vienna University, and of all the leading reformers he seems to have had most knowledge of classical literature. Hess, Life of Zwingle, Eng. tr. 1812, pp. 2-7, following Myconius and Hottinger.

[2051] Chr. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, der Charakter seiner Theologie, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Pico von Mirandula, 1855, pp. 14-26. Prof. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 85, note, states that Sigwart later modified his views.

[2052] So states Melanchthon, cited by Jackson, p. 85, note. Cp. pp. 201, 390-92.

[2053] Cited by Jackson, p. 316.

[2054] Id. p. 295.

[2055] Id. p. 361.

[2056] Id. p. 361, note.

[2057] Id. According to Heylyn, the Earl of Warwick countenanced the Zwinglians in his intrigues against the Protector Somerset; and their views were further welcomed by other nobles as making for the plundering of rich altars. Hist. of the Reform. of the Ch. of Eng., ed. 1849. pref. p. vii. But Heylyn appears to identify the Zwinglians at this stage with the Calvinists. Cp. p. x.

[2058] Henry, Das Leben Calvins, ii, Kap. 13, and Beilage 16 (Appendix not given in the English translation); Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863, i, 399-400.

[2059] Cp. Calvin's letter to Viret, July 2, 1547 (Letters of Calvin, ed. Bonnet, Eng. tr. 1857, ii, 109), where it is alleged that in the two pages "the whole of Scripture is laughed at, Christ aspersed, the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable, and finally the whole of religion torn in pieces. I do not think he is the author of it," adds Calvin; "but as it is in his handwriting he will be compelled to appear in his defence."

[2060] Stähelin, i, 400. Henry avows that Gruet was "subjected to the torture morning and evening during a whole month" (Eng. tr. ii. 66). Other biographers dishonestly exclude the fact from their narratives.

[2061] Cp. Calvin's letter to the Seigneury of Geneva, in Letters, ii. 254-56.

[2062] Henry, Life of Calvin, Eng. tr. ii, 47-48. Gruet's fragment can hardly have been the De Tribus Impostoribus, inasmuch as Calvin makes no mention of any reference to Mohammed in his fragment, whereas the title of the other book proceeded on the specification of Mohammed as well as Jesus and Moses. The existing treatise of that name, in any case, is of later date. Of the famous treatise in question, which was not published till long afterwards, Henry admits that it "professes to show tranquilly, and with regret, but without abuse," the fraudulent character of the three revealed religions. Concerning Gruet's essay he asks: "What are all the anti-Christian writings of the French Revolution compared with the hellish laughter which seemed to peal from its pages?" For this description he has not a line to cite.

[2063] For instance, one man was accused of having blasphemed against a storm which terrified the pious.

[2064] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884-87, ii, 559; above, p. 2.

[2065] Mark Pattison, Essays, 1889, ii, 37.

[2066] Dändliker, as cited, endorsing Roget. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 306, and Hamilton, Discus. on Philos. and Lit., 2nd ed. p. 497, as to the "dissolution of morals" in the Lutheran world.

[2067] Mosheim, 14 Cent. sec. iii, Pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 38-41; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, chs. xxix, xxx.

[2068] Histoire de la vie, moeurs, actes, doctrine, constance et mort de Iean Calvin, jadis ministre de Geneue, receuilly par M. Hierosme Hermes Bolsec, docteur médecin à Lyon. Lyon, 1577.

[2069] The reprint of Bolsec's book prepared by M. L. F. Chastel (Lyon, 1875) appears to be faithful; but the Catholic animus shown deprives the annotations of critical value.

[2070] Stähelin, ii, 293-301.

[2071] Stähelin, ii, 293. Arminius pointed to this letter as a proof that Melanchthon had abandoned his early predestinarianism (Declaratio of 1608, xx. 2; Works of Arminius, ed. Nichols, i. 578). But of course Melanchthon had previously guarded himself in his Loci Communes (1545) and elsewhere. (Id. pp. 597-98.)

[2072] Stähelin, ii. 304.

[2073] Latinized name of Miguel Servedo, alias Reves, born at Tudela in Navarre in 1511, son of Hernando Villanueva, a notary of an Aragonese family, of which Villanueva had been the seat. The statement of De la Roche that Servetus was born in Aragon, though long current, is now exploded.

[2074] De la Roche, Mémoires de Littérature, cited in An Impartial History of Servetus, 1724, p. 27.

[2075] Christianismi Restitutio, h.e. Totius ecclesiæ apostolicæ ad sua limina vocatio in integrum, restituta cognitione Dei, fidei christianæ, justificationis nostræ, regenerationis, baptismi, Coenæ Domini manducationis. Restituto denique nobis regno coelesti, Babylonis impia captivitate solutâ, et antichristo cum suis penitus destructo, 1553. Of this book De la Roche (1711) knew of no printed copy, having read it solely in MS. Perfect copies, however, are preserved in Vienna and Paris; and an imperfect one in Edinburgh University Library has been completed from the original draft, which has matter not in the printed copy. It has been pointed out that the book is not absolutely anonymous, inasmuch as it has at the end the initials M. S. V.--the V. standing for the name Villanova or Villanovanus, which he bore as a student at Louvain and put on the title-pages of his scientific works; and Servetus is actually introduced as an interlocutor in one of the dialogues.

[2076] It is to be remembered, however, that he pronounced all Trinitarians to be "veros Atheos." History of Servetus, p. 131.

[2077] "Mihi ob eam rem moriendum esse certo scio."

[2078] Melanchthon, Epist., lib. i, ep. 3; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 96; Trechsel, Lelio Sozini, 1844, pp. 38-41.

[2079] Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, p. 117.

[2080] See the careful account of Dr. Austin Flint, of Now York, in his pamphlet, Rabelais as a Physiologist, rep. from New York Medical Journal of June 29, 1901.

[2081] Willis, p. 53.

[2082] Letter to Farel, Aug. 20. 1553 (Letters, Eng. tr. ii, 399). Cp. Henry, ii, 195-96.

[2083] Id. ch. xix. See the letter of Trie, given in Henry's Life of Calvin (Eng. tr. ii, 181-85), with the admission that Trie was in Calvin's counsels. Henry vainly endeavours to make light (pp. 181-82) of Calvin's written words to Farel concerning Servetus: "Si venerit, modo valeat mea autoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar." Still, it must in fairness be remembered that Trie, by his own account, persuaded Calvin, who was reluctant, to his act of complicity with the inquisitors of Lyons. Cp. Bossert, Calvin, pp. 160-64.

[2084] Willis, ch. xx. Cp. pp. 457, 503. The defence of Calvin in Mackenzie's Life (1809, p. 79) on the score that he was not likely to communicate with Catholic officials does not meet the case as to Trie. And cp. p. 83.

[2085] Ten years after the death of Servetus, Calvin calls him a "dog and wicked scoundrel" (Willis, p. 530; cp. Hist. of Servetus, p. 214, citing Calvin's Comm. on Acts xx); and in his Commentary on Genesis (i, 3, ed. 1838, p. 9) he says of him: "Latrat hic obscoenus canis." And Servetus had asked his pardon at the end.

[2086] White, Warfare of Science with Theology, 1896, i, 113; History of Servetus, 1724, p. 93 sq.: Willis, Servetus and Calvin, p. 325.

[2087] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, i, 430.

[2088] See Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii, 300-308.

[2089] F. A. Cox. Life of Melanchthon, 1815, pp. 523-24; Willis, pp. 47, 511.

[2090] Table Talk, ch. 43. Cp. Michelet's Life of Luther, Eng. tr. 1846, pp. 195-96; and Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 360-65. Michelet's later enthusiasm for Luther (Hist. de France, x, ch. v, ed. 1884, pp. 96-97) is oblivious of many of the facts noted in his earlier studies.

[2091] Bayle, Art. Gribaud; Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. pp. 303-305. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 18.

[2092] Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876. pp. 268-72, 287-92.

[2093] McCrie, p. 230; Audin, ch. xxxv; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino, p. 297.

[2094] Cp. Pusey, Histor. Enquiry into Ger. Rationalism, 1828, p. 14 sq.; Beard, p. 183.

[2095] Stähelin, ii. 337. Biandrata went to Hungary, where, as we saw (p. 421), he turned persecutor, and then Protestant.

[2096] Mosheim, 16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 6; Audin, pp. 394-99; Aretius, Short Hist. of Valentinus Gentilis, Eng. tr. 1696; Stähelin, ii, 338-45; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 20.

[2097] See the Historical Account of his life and trial in the Harleian Miscellany, iv, 168 sq.

[2098] See Stähelin, ii, 293, 304, etc.

[2099] Cp. Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, 3te Aufl. Cap. 417; A. F. Pollard, in Cam. Mod. Hist., vol. ii, ch. vii, p. 223; The Dynamics of Religion, pp. 6-8.

[2100] See Beard, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 189-90, 196. The same avowal was made in the eighteenth century by Mosheim (16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, § 5).

[2101] F. A. Cox, Life of Melanchthon, 1815, p. 544, citing Adam, Vitæ philosophorum (p. 934). Cp. pp. 528-29.

[2102] K. von Raumer, as cited, pp. 32-37.

[2103] Id. pp. 42-52; Pusey, as cited, p. 112.

[2104] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, ii, 556-59, 622 sq., 728-29.

[2105] See the extracts in Beard's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 340-41.

[2106] Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, Cap. 417.

[2107] Cp. Hamilton, Discussions in Philosophy and Literature, 1852, pp. 493-94, note.

[2108] Mosheim, Reid's ed. pp. 625-26. Such solutions were common in papal polity. Id. p. 767.

[2109] Bishop Schuster, Johann Kepler und die grossen kirchlichen Streitfragen seiner Zeit, 1888, p. 178 sq. It is noteworthy that Kepler's mother was sentenced for witchcraft, and saved by the influence of her son. Johann Keppler's Leben und Werken nach neuerlich aufgefundenen MSS., von G. L. C. Freiherrn von Breitschwert, 1831, p. 97 sq.

[2110] "There is much reason to believe that the fetters upon scientific thought were closer under the strict interpretation of Scripture by the early Protestants than they had been under the older church" (White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 212). Concerning the Protestant hostility to the Copernican system and to Kepler, see Schuster, as cited, pp. 87 sq., 191 sq.

[2111] White, as cited, i, 129.

[2112] Id. i, 213.

[2113] Id. p. 147.

[2114] Menzel, Cap. 431; Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884, ii, 743. The cantons of Glarus, Outer Appenzell, St. Gall, and the Grisons formally rejected the Gregorian Calendar. Id. ib. Zschokke (Des Schweizerlands Geschichte, 9te Ausg. 1853, p. 179) implies that the Protestants in general ignored it. Ranke (Hist. of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, i, 337) mentions that "all Catholic nations took part in this reform."

[2115] Blunt, Ref. of the Church of England, ed. 1892, ii, 76. Of the twenty-six cathedrals in the reign of Henry VIII, thirteen had been monastic churches, and these were "razed to the smallest possible dimensions as to number and endowments." Id. p. 77.

[2116] Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, ed. 1848, ii, 89.

[2117] Blunt, i, 160-61.

[2118] Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Parker Society, 1816, i, 66.

[2119] Bishop Burnet (Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, Art. 18) has given currency to the pretence that the words "saved by the law" are meant to exclude the sense "saved in the law," the latter salvation being allowed as possible. That there was no such thought on the part of the framers of the Article is shown by the Latin version, where the expression is precisely "in lege." Burnet prints the Latin, yet utterly ignores its significance.

[2120] Book II of the Utopia was written at Antwerp, during his six months' stay there on an embassy.

[2121] Bk. ii, sec. "Of the Religions" (Arber's ed. pp. 143-47; Morley's ed. pp. 151-53).

[2122] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § 4; 1881 ed. p. 311. Compare Green's whole estimate. Michelet's hostile criticism (x, 356) is surprisingly inept. For the elements of naturalism in the Utopia see bk. ii, sections "Of their Journeying" and "Of the Religions."

[2123] Cp. T. C. Grattan, The Netherlands, 1830, pp. 231-43.

[2124] Who, as it happened, avowed that "religion was almost extinct" in Europe at the time of the rise of the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresies. Concio xxviii. Opera, vi, 296, ed. 1617, cited by Blunt, Ref. of Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 4, note.

[2125] Cp. The Works of Arminius, ed. by James Nichols, 1825, i, 580, note.

[2126] Id. p. 581 note.

[2127] Cp. Schuster, as cited, pp. 191 sq., 202 sq.

[2128] Nichols's Arminius, i, p. 233.

[2129] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 406-416; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, 2nd ed. pp. 447-48. As to Casaubon's own intolerance, however, see p. 446.

[2130] Hallam, ii, 411, 416.

[2131] Beard, Hibbert Lectures, p. 298.

[2132] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Viret, note D.

[2133] Calvin, scenting his heresy, warned him in 1552 (Bayle, art. Marianus Socin, the first, note B); but they remained on surprisingly good terms till Lelio's death in 1562. Cp. Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii. 321-28.

[2134] Cp. the English History of Servetus, 1724, p. 39, and Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini und die Antitrinitarier seiner Zeit (Bd. ii. of Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier), 1844, pp. 38-41.

[2135] Cited by Trechsel, p. 42, note.

[2136] Cp. Bayle, art. Ochin; Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne, p. 266; Owen, French Skeptics, p. 588; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876, pp. 268-72. McCrie mentions (Ref. in Italy, p. 228, note) that Ochino's dialogue on polygamy has been translated and published in England "by the friends of that practice." (In 1657. Rep. 1732.)

[2137] Above, pp. 458-59, Sermons (orthodox) by Ochino were published in English in 1548, and often reprinted.

[2138] D'Ewes, Journals of Parliament in the Reign of Elizabeth, 1682, p. 65.

[2139] See above, p. 459.

[2140] The Scholemaster, Arber's rep. p. 82.

[2141] E.g., work cited, pt. ii, Max. 1, and Max. 6, end. Eng. tr. 1608, pp. 93, 128.

[2142] Mark Pattison, Essay on Joseph Scaliger, in Essays, Routledge's ed. i, 114.

[2143] When Pattison declares that Italian curiosity had bred "not secret unbelief but callous acquiescence" he sets up a spurious antithesis; and when he generalizes that in Italy "men did not disbelieve the truths of the Christian religion," he understates the case. He errs equally in the opposite direction when he alleges (ib. p. 141) that in the France of Montaigne "a philosophical skepticism had become the creed of all thinking men." Such a difference between France and Italy was impossible.

[2144] See McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 96-99.

[2145] Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, i (1839), 56; Mosheim, 16 Cent. 3rd sec. pt. ii, ch. iv, § 3.

[2146] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 82.

[2147] Art. Acontius, in Dict. of National Biog. Cp. J. J. Tayler. Retrospect of the Religious Life of England, 2nd ed. pp. 205-206. As to the attack on latitudinarianism in the Thirty-nine Articles, see above, p. 460.

[2148] Bacon, Adv. of Learning, bk. i; Filum Labyrinthi, § 7 (Routledge ed. pp. 50, 63, 200).

[2149] Cp. Zeller, Hist. de l'Italie, pp. 400-12; Green, Short Hist. ch. viii, § 2.

[2150] McCrie, p. 164. It was said by Scaliger that "in the time of Pius IV [between Paul IV and Pius V] people talked very freely in Rome." Id. ib. note. "It was even considered characteristic of good society in Rome to call the principles of Christianity in question. 'One passes,' says P. Ant. Bandino, 'no longer for a man of cultivation unless one put forth heterodox opinions concerning the Christian faith.'" Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Bohn, tr. ed. 1908, i, 58, citing Caracciolo's MS. Life of Paul IV.

[2151] Hallam, ii, 116.

[2152] Under the alternative titles of The Examination of Men's Wits and A Trial of Wits. Rep. 1596, 1604, 1616.

[2153] Carew's tr. ed. 1596, p. 15.

[2154] Id. p. 17.

[2155] Id. p. 19.

[2156] According to Henri Estienne, Postell himself vended strange heresies, one being to the effect that to make a good religion there were needed three--the Christian, the Jewish, and the Turkish. Apologie pour Hérodote, liv. i, ed. 1607, pp. 98-100.

[2157] Published at Antwerp. It was reprinted in 1582, 1583, and 1590; translated into Latin in 1583, and frequently reprinted in that form; translated into English (begun by Sir Philip Sidney and completed by Arthur Golding) in 1587, and in that form at least thrice reprinted in blackletter.

[2158] Ed. 1582, p. 18. Eng. tr. 1601, p. 10.

[2159] Or even in modifying philosophic doctrine, save perhaps as regards Descartes, later. Cp. Bartholmess, Hist. crit. des doctr. relig. de la philos. moderne, 1855, i, 21-22.

[2160] See Owen, Skeptics of the French Renaissance, pp. 631-36--a fairer and more careful estimate, than that of Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 111-13.

[2161] Essais, bk. ii, ch. xiii, ed. Firmin-Didot, vol. ii, 2-3; King Lear, i, 2, near end; Les Amants Magnifiques, i, 2; iii, 1. Montaigne echoes Pliny (Hist. Nat. ii, 8), as Molière does Cicero, De Divinatione, ii, 43.

[2162] "Our religion," he writes, "is made to extirpate vices; it protects, nourishes, and incites them" (Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii; éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 464). "There is no enmity so extreme as the Christian." (I quote in general Florio's translation for the flavour's sake; but it should be noted that he makes many small slips.)

[2163] Owen was mistaken (Skeptics of the French Renaissance, p. 414) in supposing that Montaigne spent several years over this translation. By Montaigne's own account at the beginning of the Apologie, it was done in a few days. Cp. Miss Lowndes's excellent monograph, Michel de Montaigne, pp. 103, 106.

[2164] Éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 469.

[2165] Miss Lowndes, p. 145. Cp. Champion, Introd. aux Essais de Montaigne, 1900.

[2166] Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii; liv. iii, ch. v. Ed. cited, i, 65; ii, 309.

[2167] For a view of Montaigne's development see M. Champion's excellent Introduction--a work indispensable to a full understanding of the Essais.

[2168] Liv. ii, ch. xi.

[2169] Cp. the Essais, liv. iii, ch. i (ed. cited, ii, 208). Owen gives a somewhat misleading idea of the passage (French Skeptics, p. 486).

[2170] Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne, p. 131. Cp. Owen, p. 414.

[2171] He was consistent enough to doubt the new cosmology of Copernicus (Essais, as cited, i, 615); and he even made a rather childish attack on the reform of the Calendar (liv. iii, chs. x, xi); but he was a keen and convinced critic of the prevailing abuses in law and education. Owen's discussion of his opinions is illuminating; but that of Champion makes a still more searching analysis as regards the conflicting tendencies in Montaigne.

[2172] Liv. i, ch. liv.

[2173] Liv. i, ch. xx, end.

[2174] Liv. i, ch. xxii.

[2175] Liv. ii, ch. ix.

[2176] Liv. ii, ch. xvii. Ed. cited, ii, 58.

[2177] Id. p. 59.

[2178] Liv. iii, ch. xiii. Ed. cited, ii, 572.

[2179] Cp. the clerical protests of Sterling (Lond. and Westm. Rev. July, 1838, p. 346) and Dean Church (Oxford Essays, p. 279) with the judgment of Champion, pp. 159-73. Sterling piously declares that "All that we find in him [Montaigne] of Christianity would be suitable to apes and dogs...."

[2180] Liv. i, ch. xxii. Cp. liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2181] Below, § 5.

[2182] Liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2183] Liv. iii, ch. xi.

[2184] Cp. citations in Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 18, note 42 (1-vol. ed. p. 296); Locky. Rationalism, i, 92-95; and Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 44.

[2185] As to Henri IV see Perrens, p. 53.

[2186] Not, as Owen states (French Skeptics, p. 569), the sister of Francis I, who died when Charron was eight years old, but the daughter of Henri II, and first wife of Henri of Navarre, afterwards Henri IV.

[2187] Cp. Prof. Strowski, De Montaigne à Pascal, as cited, p. 170 sq., and the Discours Chrétien of Charron--an extract from a letter of 1589--published with the 1609 ed. of the Sagesse.

[2188] Cp. Sainte-Beuve, as cited by Owen, p. 571, note, and Owen's own words, p. 572.

[2189] Owen, p. 571. Cp. pp. 573, 574.

[2190] Bayle, art. Charron. "A brutal atheism" is the account of Charron's doctrine given by the Jesuit Garasse. Cp. Perrens, p. 57.

[2191] Owen (p. 570) comes to this conclusion after carefully collating the editions. Cp. p. 587, note. The whole of the alterations, including those proposed by President Jeannin, will be found set forth in the edition of 1607, and the reprints of that. One of the modified passages (first ed. p. 257; ed. 1609, p. 785) is the Montaignesque comment (noted by Prof. Strowski, p. 195) on the fashion in which men's religion is determined by their place of birth. "C'est du Montaigne aggravé," complains M. Strowski. And it is left unchanged in substance.

[2192] "The first ... attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of morals without the aid of theology" (3-vol. ed. ii, 19; 1-vol. ed. p. 296).

[2193] Cp. Owen, pp. 580-85.

[2194] Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 21; 1-vol. ed. p. 297.

[2195] E.g., the preface to the first edition, ad init.

[2196] E.g., liv. ii, ch. xxviii of revised ed. (ed. 1609, p. 399).

[2197] See the biog. pref. of Labitte to the Charpentier edition, p. xxv. The Satyre in its own turn freely charges atheism and incest on Leaguers; e.g., the Harangue de M. de Lyon, ed. cited, pp. 79, 86. This was by Rapin, whom Garasse particularly accuses of libertinage. See the Doctrine Curieuse, as cited, p. 124.

[2198] It had to be four times reprinted in a few weeks; and the subsequent editions are innumerable. Ever since its issue it has been an anti-fanatical force in France.

[2199] Cp. Ch. Read's introd. to ed. 1886 of the Satyre, p. iii. (An exact reprint.) The Satyre anticipates (ed. Read, p. 281; ed. Labitte, p. 227) the modern saying that the worst peace is better than the best war.

[2200] De Thou, T. v, liv. 98, p. 63, cited in ed. 1699 of the Satyre, p. 489. De Thou was one of the Catholics who loathed the savagery of the Church; and was accordingly branded by the pope as a heretic. Buckle, 1-vol. ed. pp. 291, 300, notes.