Chapter XIII: The Rise of Modern Freethought (4)

[898] E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 2-4.

[899] As to the earlier latitudinarianism, cp. Gieseler, as cited, p. 166.

[900] Gieseler, § 55.

[901] Mosheim, E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 1-7; Gieseler, as cited, § 53, pp. 162-65; Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. vi, 19; B. Saint-Hilaire, De l'école d'Alexandrie, 1845, p. 7; Baur, Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. ii, 3-8. But cp. Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie, l. v, ch. v.

[902] Cp. Mosheim on Origen, Comm. de rebus Christ. ante Const. §§ 27, 28, summarized in Schlegel's note to Ec. Hist. Reid's ed. pp. 100-101; Gieseler, § 63; Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 114, 140. Dr. Hatch (Influence of Greek Ideas on the Christian Church, pp. 82-83) notes that the allegorical method, which began in a tendency towards rationalism, came later to be typically orthodox.

[903] "Gnosis was an attempt to convert Christianity into philosophy; to place it in its widest relation to the universe, and to incorporate with it the ideas and feelings approved by the best intelligence of the times." Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 109. But cp. the per contra on p. 110: "it was but a philosophy in fetters, an effort of the mind to form for itself a more systematic belief in its own prejudices." Again (p. 115): "a reaction towards freethought was the essence of Gnosis." So also Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 4-5, 153.

[904] This view could be supported by the Platonists from Plato, Laws, bk. x. Cp. Chaignet, La vie et les écrits de Platon, 1871, p. 422; and Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v, ed. Paris, 1840, i, 288. It is explicitly set forth by Plutarch, I. and O., cc. 45-49.

[905] On the subject in general cp. Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v; also his Commentaries on the Affairs of the Christians before Constantine, Eng. tr. vol. ii; Harnack, Outlines of the Hist. of Dogma, ch. iv; King, The Gnostics and their Remains; Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pt. iii, §§ 10, 11, 12; Renan, L'Église Chrétienne, chs. ix, x; Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v; Lardner, Hist. of Heretics, in Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii; Baur, Church History, pt. iii; Jeremie, Hist. of the Chr. Church in 2nd and 3rd Cent., ch. v (in Encyc. Metropolitana).

[906] "Mysticism itself is but an insane rationalism" (Hampden, Bampton Lect. on Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. intr. p. liii). It may be described as freethought without regard to evidence--that "lawless thought" which Christian polemists are wont to ascribe to rationalists.

[907] Gieseler, §§ 61, 86 (pp. 228, 368, 370).

[908] In the fourth century and later, however, the gospel of asceticism won great orthodox vogue through the writings of the so-called Dionysius the Areopagite. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, c. iii, § 12; Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, 1891, pp. 190-91.

[909] Compare the process by which the Talmudic system unified Judaism. Wellhausen, Israel, as cited, pp. 541-42; Milman, History of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. 4, ed. Paris, 1840, i, 276.

[910] "There is good reason to suppose that the Christian bishops multiplied sacred rites for the sake of rendering the Jews and the pagans more friendly to them" (Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iv. Cp. ch. iii, § 17; ch. iv, §§ 3-7; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 1-3; ch. iv, §§ 1-2; 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 2). This generalization is borne out by nearly every other Church historian. Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. i, ch. i; Milman, bk. iv, ch. 5, pp. 367-74; Gieseler. §§ 98, 99, 101, 104; Renan, Marc-Aurèle, 3e edit. p. 630. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 285-89.

[911] Gieseler, § 87, p. 373; Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 3te Aufl. § 108.

[912] Eusebius, v, 28; Gieseler, § 60, p. 218.

[913] Cp. Gieseler, §§ 80-83, pp. 328-53; Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. i, esp. pp. 201-202.

[914] One being another Theodotos, a money-changer.

[915] Eusebius, as last cited. The sect was accused of altering the gospels to suit its purposes. The charge could probably be made with truth against every sect in turn, as against the Church in general.

[916] In the end the doctrine declared orthodox was the opposite of what had been declared orthodox in the Sabellian and other controversies (Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 9); and all the while "the Arians and the orthodox embraced the same theology in substance" (Murdock, note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 161). An eminent modern Catholic, however, has described Arianism as "a deistic doctrine which had not the courage to bury itself in the fecund obscurities of dogma" (Ozanam, La Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, 1849, p. 35).

[917] Gieseler, § 83. p. 345.

[918] Cp. the author's Short History of Christianity, 2nd ed. pp. 176-81.

[919] "Pelagianism is Christian rationalism" (Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. iv, § 3, p.364).

[920] He was first a Manichean; later an anti-Manichean, denying predestination; later, as an opponent of the Pelagians, an assertor of predestination. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pt. v, § 15. As to his final Manicheanism, see Milman, Hist. of Latin Christianity, 3rd ed. i, 152.

[921] Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. v, § 1 (p. 386).

[922] Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The Scholastic Philosophy, 1848, pp. xxxv-xxxvi, and refs.

[923] Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. vii, ch. 15.

[924] Epist. 93. Cp. Schlegel's notes on Mosheim, in Reid's ed. pp. 159, 198; Rev. W. R. Clarke, Saint Augustine, pp. 86-87 (a defence); Milman, History of Latin Christianity, bk. ii, ch. ii, 3rd. ed. i, 163; Boissier, La fin du paganisme, 2e édit. i, 69-79. Harnack's confused and contradictory estimate of Augustine (Outlines, pt. ii, bk ii, chs. iii, iv) ignores this issue. He notes, however (pp. 362-63), some of Augustine's countless self-contradictions.

[925] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited, ii, 182, 188, and note. For the views of Ambrose see p. 184. In Gaul, St. Martin put down the old shrines by brute force. Id. p. 179.

[926] Cp. Beugnot, Histoire de la destruction du paganisme en Occident, 1835, i, 430.

[927] De errore profanarum religionum, end.

[928] See it translated in full by Lardner in his Testimonies of Ancient Heathens, ch. xlix. Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii.

[929] Lardner, as cited, pp. 25-27.

[930] As to the high character of Libanius, who used his influence to succour his Christian friends in the reign of Julian, see Lardner, pp. 15-17.

[931] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. vi; vol. ii, p. 131. See the passage there cited from the Funeral Oration of Libanius On Julian, as to Christians building houses with temple stones; also the further passages, pp. 129, 161, 212, of Mr. King's tr. of the Oration in his Julian the Emperor (Bohn Lib.).

[932] Ammianus, xxii, 4.

[933] Gibbon, ch. xlvii. Bohn ed. v, 211-52, 264, 268, 272. Mosheim, passim.

[934] Milman, as cited, p. 178.

[935] De Testimonio Animæ, c. 2; De Ira Dei.

[936] Tertullian, as cited, c. 3.

[937] B. vi, ch. 28.

[938] On the Mysteries, bk. x, ch. 2.

[939] Cp. Minucius Felix (2nd c.), Octavius, c. 5.

[940] De consensu evangelistarum, i, 10.

[941] De civ. Dei, xxi, 2, 5-7.

[942] Id. i, 14.

[943] Id. xxi, 11.

[944] See the citations in Abailard's Sic et non, § 1. Quod fides humanis rationibus sit adstruenda, et contra.

[945] De Gubernatione Dei, l. 4.

[946] See Renan, L'Église Chrétienne, p. 493. As to Crescens, the enemy of Justin Martyr (2 Apol. c. 3), see id. p. 492. Cp. Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, passim, as to pagan objections. What remains of Porphyry will be found in Lardner's Testimonies of the Heathen, ch. xxxvii. Cp. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 179-87.

[947] The Controversy between Jason and Papiscus regarding Christ, mentioned by Origen (Ag. Celsus, bk. iv, ch. 4), seems to have been of the same nature.

[948] Origen repeatedly calls him an Epicurean; but this is obviously false. The Platonizing Christian would not admit that a Platonist was anti-Christian.

[949] Origen places him in the reign of Hadrian; but the internal evidence is all against that opinion. Kain dates the treatise 177-78.

[950] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, 3e édit. pp. 346-71.

[951] B. i, cc. 24, 25.

[952] B. i, cc. 28, 32.

[953] c. 32.

[954] cc. 37, 39.

[955] B. ii, c. 26.

[956] B. ii, c. 78.

[957] B. ii, c. 49.

[958] B. ii, c. 30.

[959] B. iii, c. 1.

[960] B. iv, cc. 23-30, 54-60, 74.

[961] Cp. A. Kind, Teleologie und Naturalismus in der altchristlichen Zeit, 1875; Soury, Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, pp. 331-40.

[962] B. i, chs. 9-11; iii, 44.

[963] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 373-77.

[964] Christian excisions have been suspected in the Peregrinus, § 11 (Bernays, Lucian und die Kyniker, 1879, p. 107). But see Mr. J. M. Cotterill's Peregrinus Proteus, Edinburgh, 1879, for a theory of the spuriousness of the treatise, which is surmised to be a fabrication of Henri Etienne.

[965] Logoi Philaletheis, known only from the reply of Eusebius, Contra Hiroclem. Hierocles made much of Apollonius of Tyana, as having greatly outdone Jesus in miracles, while ranking simply as a God-beloved man.

[966] Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, and Philostorgius.

[967] Cod. Justin. De Summa Trinitate. l. I, tit. i, c. 3.

[968] Citations are given by Baur, Ch. Hist. ii, 180 sq.

[969] Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 160. Chrysostom (De Mundi Creatione, vi, 3) testifies that Porphyry "led many away from the faith." He ably anticipated the "higher criticism" of the Book of Daniel. See Baur, as cited. Porphyry, like Celsus, powerfully retorted on the Old Testament the attacks made by Christians on the immorality of pagan myths, and contemned the allegorical explanations of the Christian writers as mere evasions. The pagan explanations of pagan myths, however, were of the same order.

[970] Gieseler, § 106, ii, 75. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 22.

[971] Gieseler, § 106, vol. ii, p. 74; Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 2; and Schlegel's note in Reid's ed. p. 152.

[972] Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iii, ch. xi (ii, 268-70); Mosheim, 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 14; Gilly, Vigilantius and his Times, 1844, pp. 8, 389 sq., 470 sq. As to Jerome's persecuting ferocity see also Gieseler, ii, 65 note. For a Catholic polemic on Jerome's side see Amedée Thierry, Saint Jérome, 2e édit. pp. 141, 363-66.

[973] See a good account of the works of Macrobius in Prof. Dill's Roman Society in the last Century of the Western Empire, bk. i, ch. iv.

[974] Philostorgius, Eccles. Hist. Epit. bk. viii, ch. x.

[975] By Justinian in 529. The banished thinkers were protected by Chosroes in Persia, who secured them permission to return (Gibbon, Bohn ed. iv. 355-56; Finlay, Hist. of Greece, ed. Tozer, i, 277, 287). Theodosius II had already forbidden all public lectures by independent teachers (id. pp. 282-83).

[976] Theodosius I, Arcadius, and Theodosius II (379-450) successively passed laws forbidding and persecuting paganism (Finlay. i, 286; Beugnot. Hist. de la destr. du paganisme en occident, i, 350 sq.). Mithraism was suppressed in the same period (Jerome, Epist. cvii, ad Laetam, Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. v, ch. xvi). It is to be remembered that Constans and Constantius, the sons of Constantine, had commenced, at least on paper, to persecute paganism as soon as their father's new creed was sufficiently established (Cod. Theod. xvi, 10, 2, 4), and this with the entire approval of the whole Church. It was not their fault that it subsisted till the time of Theodosius II (cp. Gieseler, § 75, pp. 306-308; and Beugnot, i, 138-48). On the edict of Theodosius I see Milman, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited, p. 186.

[977] In S. Babylam, contra Julianum, c. ii. Cp. his Hom. iv on 1st Cor. Eng. tr. 1839, p. 42.

[978] There is also a suggestion in one passage of Chrysostom (Hom. in 1 Cor. vi, 2, 3) that some Christians tended to doubt the actuality of apostolic miracles, seeing that no miracles took place in their own day.

[979] Præparatio Evangelica, xv, 61.

[980] Div. Inst. iii, 3.

[981] Id. iii, 24.

[982] Topographia, lib. v, cited by Murdock in note on Mosheim. 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5, Reid's ed. p. 192. Cp. same ed. p. 219, note; and Gibbon, Bohn ed. iv, 259; v, 319.

[983] , ii, 65, 71.

[984] See Schlegel's note on Mosheim. 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 19.

[985] The first name came from Anomoios, "unlike-natured (to the Father)," that being their primary doctrinal heresy concerning Jesus. The second seems to have been a euphemism of their own making, with the sense of "holding the good law."

[986] Jerome, Adv. Vigilantium, cc. 9, 11.

[987] Epiphanius, Adv. Hæres. lxx, § 6.

[988] Cp. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, viii, 15-19; xxi, 6; De Trinitate, iii, 12, 13 (7, 8); Epist. cxxxviii, 18-20; Sermo cc, in Epiph. Dom. ii; Jerome, Vita S. Hilarion, cc. 6, 37.

[989] Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 8, 15; 3 Cent. pt. i, ch. i, § 5; pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 10, 11; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 3, 16; Gieseler, § 63, p. 235; Waddington, Hist. of the Church, 1833, pp. 38-39; Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iv, ch. iii, ed. cited, ii, 337. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pp. 11-12.

[990] Cp. the explicit admissions of Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 16; 3 Cont. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 4, 6; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 8; ch. iii, § 17; Gieseler, § 103, vol. ii, p. 56. It is to be noted, however, that even the martyrs were at times bad characters who sought in martyrdom remission for their sins (Gieseler, § 74, p. 206; De Wette, as there cited).

[991] Cp. Gieseler, ii, 67-68.

[992] Epist. vii, 5; xcv, 33. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 17.

[993] Cp. the Bohn ed. of Gibbon, note by clerical editor, iii, 359.

[994] The express declaration of Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei, l. 6. On the general question compare Mr. Farrer's Paganism and Christianity, ch. x; Milman, as last cited, p. 331; and Gieseler, ii, 71, note 6. The traditional view that the games were suppressed by Honorius, though accepted by Gibbon and by Professor Dill (Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 2nd ed. p. 56), appears to be an error. Cp. Beugnot, Destr. du Paganisme, ii, 25; Finlay, Hist. of Greece, i, 236.

[995] As to the specially cruel use of judicial torture by the later Inquisition, see H. C. Lea, Superstition and Force, 3rd ed. p. 452.

[996] Lavollée, as cited, p. 92. Cp. St. Chrysostom's Picture of his Age, p. 112, and the admissions of Milman, bk. iv, ch. i.

[997] As to the spirit of hatred roused by controversy among believers, see Gieseler, § 104, vol. ii, pp. 64-67; and Ullmann's Gregory of Nazianzum, Eng. tr. 1851, pp. 177-80.

[998] H. Fraser Stewart, Boethius: An Essay, 1891, pp. 100-101.

[999] Cp. Beugnot, Destruction du Paganisme, ii, 282-83.

[1000] Id. p. 159. Mr. Stewart in another passage (p. 106) argues that "The Consolation is intensely artificial"--this by way of explaining that it was a deliberate exercise, not representing the real or normal state of its author's mind. Yet he has finally to avow (p. 107) that "it remains a very noble book"--a character surely incompatible with intense artificiality.

[1001] This is the view of Maurice (Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. 1859, pp. 14-16), who decides that Boethius was neither a Christian nor a "pagan"--i.e., a believer in the pagan Gods. This is simply to say that he was a rationalist--a "pagan philosopher," like Aristotle. But, as is noted by Prof. Bury (ed. of Gibbon, iv. 199), Boethius's authorship of a book, De sancta trinitate, et capita quædam dogmatica, et librum contra Nestorium, is positively asserted in the Anecdoton Holderi (ed. by Usener, Leipzig, 1877, p. 4), a fragment found in a 10th century MS.

[1002] The strict meaning of this term, given by Mohammed ("the true religion with God is Islam"; Sura, iii, 17), is "submission"--such being the attitude demanded by the Prophet. "Moslem" or "Muslim" means one who accepts Islam. Koran means strictly, not "book," but "reading" or recitation.

[1003] Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. p. xv.

[1004] Sale, Preliminary Discourse to tr. of the Koran, ed. 1833, i, 42; Muir's Life of Mohammad, ed. Weir, 1912, p. 78. Cp. Freeman, History and Conquests of the Saracens, 1856, p. 35. The late Prof. Palmer, in introd. to his tr. of the Koran (Sacred Books of the East series), i, p. xv, says that "By far the greater number had ceased to believe in anything at all"; but this is an extravagance, confuted by himself in other passages--e.g. p. xi.

[1005] These generalizations are always matched, and cancelled, by others from the same sources. Thus Prof. D. B. Macdonald writes of "the always flighty and skeptical Arabs," and, a few pages later, of the God-fearing fatalism "of all Muslim thought, the faith to which the Semite ever returns in the end." Development of Muslim Theology, etc. (in "Semitic Series"), New York, 1903, pp. 122, 126.

[1006] The word means either convert or pervert; in Heb. and Syr. "heretic"; in Arabic, "orthodox." It must not be confounded with Hanyfite, the name of an orthodox sect, founded by one Hanyfa.

[1007] See Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. pp. xvi, xvii; and Sura, xvi (lxxiii in Rodwell's chron. arrangement), v. 121, p. 252, note 2.

[1008] Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, 1861-65, i, 83 sq. Cp. p. 60 sq.

[1009] Rodwell, p. 497, note to Sura iii (xcvii) 19; and pref. p. xvi; Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur l'histoire des Arabes avant l'Islamisme, 1847, i, 321-26; Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, pp. 69, 149. "To the great mass of the citizens of Mecca the new doctrine was simply the Hanyfism to which they had become accustomed; and they did not at first trouble themselves at all about the matter." Palmer, introd. to tr. of Koran, i, p. xxiv. Cp. Sprenger, as cited, i, 46-60, 65.

[1010] The word Hanyf or Hanif recurs in Sura ii, 129; iii, 60, 89; iv, 124; vi, 79, 162; x, 105, xvi, 121; xxii, 32; xxx, 29. Cp. H. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, 1886, pp. 42-43. Palmer's translation, marred as it unfortunately is by slanginess, is on such points specially trustworthy. Rodwell's does not always indicate the use of the word Hanyf; but the German version of Ullmann, the French of Kanimirski, and Sale's, do not indicate it at all. Sprenger (p. 43) derives the Hanyfs from Essenes who had almost lost all knowledge of the Bible. Cp. p. 67. Prof. Macdonald writes that the word "is of very doubtful derivation. But we have evidence from heathen Arab poetry that these Hanifs were regarded as much the same as Christian monks, and that the term hanif was used as a synonym for rahib, monk." Work cited, p. 125.

[1011] Sprenger, as cited, p. 13.

[1012] Cp. Sale's Prelim. Discourse, as cited, i, 38; and Palmer, introd. p. xv; and Nicholson, pp. 139-40.

[1013] Al Mostaraf, cited by Pococke, Specimen Histor. Arab. p. 136; Sale, Prelim. Disc. as cited, p. 45.

[1014] Cp. Nicholson, pp. 155-56 and refs.

[1015] Sale, as cited, pp. 39-41.

[1016] Palmer, introd. to his Haroun Alraschid, 1882, p. 14. Cp. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, p. 44, controverting Kuenen.

[1017] Hibbert Lectures, On National and Universal Religions, ed. 1901, p. 21 and Note II.

[1018] Id. p. 31.

[1019] Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, p. 145.

[1020] Rodwell, note to Sura xcvi (R. i), 10.

[1021] Sprenger estimates that at his death the number really converted to his doctrine did not exceed a thousand. Cp. Nicholson, pp. 153-58.

[1022] Renan ascribes the idea wholly to Omar. Études d'histoire et de critique, ed. 1862, p. 250. The faithful have preserved a sly saying that "Omar was many a time of a certain opinion, and the Koran was then revealed accordingly." Nöldeko, Enc. Brit. art. on Koran, in Sketches from Eastern History, 1892, p. 28. On the other hand, Sedillot decides (Histoire des Arabes, 1854. p. 60) that "in Mohammed it is the political idea that dominates." So Nicholson (p. 169): "At Medina the days of pure religious enthusiasm have passed away for ever, and the prophet is overshadowed by the statesman." Cp. pp. 173, 175.

[1023] On the measure of racial unity set up by Abyssinian attacks as well as by the pretensions of the Byzantine and Persian empires, see Sedillot, pp. 30, 38. Cp. Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination arabe, Amsterdam, 1894. pp. 1-4. 7.

[1024] Professor Stanilas Guyard, La Civilisation Musulmane, 1884, p. 22.

[1025] Cp. Renan, Études, pp. 257-66; Hauri, Der Islam in seinem Einfluss auf das Leben seiner Bekenner, 1882, pp. 64-65; Nicholson, p. 235. It was at Medina that a strict Mohammedanism first arose.

[1026] Nicholson, pp. 178-79, and ref.

[1027] Hauri, Der Islam, p. 64.

[1028] Cp. Montesquieu, Grandeur et décadence des Romains, ch. 22.

[1029] Nicholson, p 190.

[1030] Id. p. 199.

[1031] Van Vloten, p. 70 and passim.

[1032] Prof. Guyard, as cited, pp. 16, 51; C. E. Oelsner, Des effets de la religion de Mohammed, etc., 1810, p. 130.

[1033] Guyard, p. 21; Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, introd. p. 19.

[1034] The alleged destruction of the library of Alexandria by Omar is probably a myth, arising out of a story of Omar's causing some Persian books to be thrown into the water. See Prof. Bury's notes in his ed. of Gibbon, v, 452-54. Cp. Oelsner, as cited, pp. 142-43.

[1035] Sura, vi, 25, 29; xix, 67; xxvii, 68-70; liv, 2; lxxxiii, 10-13. According to lviii, 28, however, some polytheists denied the future state.

[1036] Cp. Renan, Études d'histoire et de critique, pp. 232-34.

[1037] Renan, as cited, p. 232.

[1038] Id. p. 235. Renan and Sprenger conflict on this point, the former having regard, apparently, to the bulk of the poetry, the latter to parts of it.

[1039] Sedillot, p. 39. One of these was Zaid. Nicholson, p. 149.

[1040] See the passage (Sura ii) cited with praise by the sympathetic Mr. Bosworth Smith in his Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. p. 181; where also delighted praise is given to the "description of Infidelity" in Sura xxiv, 39-40. The "infidels" in question were simply non-Moslems.

[1041] The Flight (of the Prophet to Medina from Mecca, in 622), from which begins the Mohammedan era.

[1042] Sale, as cited, p. 160.

[1043] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 261-64; Dugat, Histoire des philosophes et des théologiens Mussulmans, 1878, pp. 48-55; H. Steiner, Die Mu`taziliten, oder die Freidenker im Islam, 1865, pp. 49-50; Guyard, p. 36; Sale, p. 161 (sec. viii); Nicholson, p. 222 sq. The term Motazila broadly means "dissenter," or "belonging to a sect."

[1044] Steiner, p. 1.

[1045] Palmer, Introd. to Haroun Alraschid, p. 14.

[1046] As to the Persian influence on Arab thought, cp. A. Müller, Der Islam, i, 469; Palmer, as last cited; Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 114 ff.; Nicholson, p. 220; Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination arabe, p. 43. Van Vloten's treatise is a lucid sketch of the socio-political conditions set up in Persia by the Arab conquest.

[1047] Weil, ii, 261.

[1048] G. Dugat, Histoire des philosophes et des théologiens Mussulmans, p. 44; Sale, pp. 161, 174-78.

[1049] Dugat, p. 55; Steiner, p. 4; Sale, p. 162.

[1050] "Motazilism represents in Islam a Protestantism of the shade of Schleiermacher" (Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3e ed. p. 104). Cp. Syed Ameer Ali, Crit. Exam. of Life of Mohammed, pp. 300-308; Sale, p. 161.

[1051] Dugat, pp. 28, 44; Guyard, p. 36; Steiner, pp. 24-25; Renan, Averroès, p. 101. The Kadarites, as Sale notes (pp. 164-65), are really an older group than the Motazilites, so-called, their founder having rejected predestination before Wasil did. Kuenen (Hibbert Lect. p. 47) writes as if all the Motazilites were maintained of freewill, but they varied. See Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 135 sq.

[1052] Sale, pp. 165, 172-73.

[1053] For a view of the various schools of Sifatites see Sale, pp. 166-74.

[1054] Guyard, pp. 37-38; G. D. Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, 1878, p. 134.

[1055] Steiner, p. 16. Major Osborn (work cited, p. 136) attributes their rise to the influence of Eastern Christianity, but gives no proof.

[1056] Guyard, p. 40. Cp. Sale, p. 176; Van Vloten, p. 43.

[1057] Dugat, p. 34. Thus the orthodox sect of Hanyfites were called by one writer followers of reason, since they relied rather on their judgment than on tradition.

[1058] Steiner, p. 5; Nicholson, p. 370.

[1059] Steiner, pp. 5, 9, 88-89; Sale, p. 161; Macdonald, p. 140.

[1060] Sedillot, Hist. des Arabes, p. 335; Prof. A. Müller, Der Islam (in Oncken's series), i, 470; Ueberweg, i, 402.

[1061] Ueberweg, p. 403; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 281.

[1062] For an orthodox account of the beginnings of freethinking (called zendekism) see Weil, ii, 214. Cp. p. 261; also Tabari's Chronicle, pt. v, ch. xcvii; and Renan, Averroès, p. 103. Already, among the Ommayade Khalifs, Yezid III held the Motazilite tenet of freewill. Weil, p. 260.

[1063] Nicholson, pp. 372, 375. The name zendek (otherwise spelt zindiq) seems to have originally meant a Manichæan. Browne, Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 295; Nicholson, p. 375 and ref. Macdonald, p. 134, thinks it literally meant "initiate."

[1064] Steiner, p. 8. An association called "Brethren of Purity" or "Sincere Brethren" seem to have carried Motazilism far, though they aimed at reconciling philosophy with orthodoxy. They were in effect the encyclopedists of Arab science. Ueberweg, i, 411; Nicholson, p. 370 sq. See Dr. F. Dieterici, Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im 10ten Jahrhundert, aus den schriften der lautern Brüder, 1861, Vorrede, p. viii, and Flügel, as there cited. Flügel dates the writings of the Brethren about 970; but the association presumably existed earlier. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 104; and S. Lane-Poole's Studies in a Mosque, 1893, ch. vi, as to their performance. Prof. Macdonald is disposed to regard them as "part of the great Fatimid propaganda which honeycombed the ground everywhere under the Sunnite Abassids," but admits that the Fatimid movement is "the great mystery of Muslim history" (pp. 165-70).

[1065] Sale, pp. 82-83, note.

[1066] He made five pilgrimages to Mecca, and died on the last, thus attaining to sainthood.

[1067] Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 81; Dugat, pp. 59-61; A. Müller, Der Islam, i. 470; Macdonald, p. 134. In Mansour's reign was born Al Allaf, "Sheikh of the Motazilites."

[1068] Dugat, p. 62. The Hâyetians, who had Unitarian Christian leanings, also held by metempsychosis. Sale, p. 163.

[1069] Nicholson, p. 371 and refs.

[1070] Dugat, p. 71. He persecuted Zendeks in general. Nicholson, pp. 373-74.

[1071] Id. p. 72; Sale, pp. 184-85; Tabari's Chronicle, pt. v, ch. xcvii, Zotenberg's tr. 1874, iv, 447-53. Tabari notes (p. 448) that all the Moslem theologians agree in thinking zendekism much worse than any of the false religions, since it rejects all and denies God as well as the Prophet.

[1072] Cp. Steiner, pp. 55 sq., 66 sq.; Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos., i, 405.

[1073] Dugat, p. 76. See Sale, pp. 82-83, 162-63, as to the champions of this principle.

[1074] Sale, p. 83; Macdonald, p. 150.

[1075] Dugat, p. 79; Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, p. 195.

[1076] Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, p. 82. They were really theists.

[1077] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 215, 261, 280; A. Müller, Der Islam, pp. 514-15. "It was believed that he was at heart a zindiq." Nicholson, p. 368.

[1078] Dugat, pp. 85-96.

[1079] Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 154.

[1080] Dugat, p. 83.

[1081] See extract by Major Osborn, Khalifs, p. 250.

[1082] Osborn, Khalifs, p. 249.

[1083] Macdonald, pp. 154-58, 167.

[1084] Nicholson, pp. 358-59. He it was who first caused to be measured a degree of the earth's surface. The attempt was duly denounced as atheistic by a leading theologian, Takyuddin. Montucla, Hist. des Mathématiques, éd. Lalande, i, 355 sq.; Draper, Conflict of Religion and Science, p. 109.

[1085] A. Müller, Der Islam, i, 509 sq.; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 280 ff.

[1086] Dugat, pp. 105-11; Sale, p. 82. Apart from this one issue, general tolerance seems to have prevailed. Osborn, Khalifs, p. 265.

[1087] Dugat, p. 112; Steiner, p. 79. According to Abulfaragius, Motawakkel had the merit of leaving men free to believe what they would as to the creation of the Koran. Sale, p. 82.

[1088] A good analysis is given by Dugat, pp. 337-48.

[1089] The whole of Aristotle, except, apparently, the Politics, had been translated in the time of the philosopher Avicenna (fl. 1000).

[1090] Macdonald, pp. 200, 205-206.

[1091] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, pp. 10-11, following Gazzali (Al Gazel); Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, iii, 72.

[1092] Guyard, pp. 41-42; Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-5; Macdonald, p. 186 sq. The cultivators of Kalâm were called Motecallemîn.

[1093] Ueberweg, i, 405, 414; Steiner, p. 11; Whewell, Hist. of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd ed. i, 193-94. Compare the laudatory account of Al Gazzali by Prof. Macdonald (pt. iii, ch. iv), who pronounces him "certainly the most sympathetic figure in the history of Islam" (p. 215).

[1094] Hence, among other things, a check on the practice of anatomy, religious feeling being opposed to it under Islam as under Christianity. Dugat, pp. 62-63.

[1095] Dugat, pp. 123-28.

[1096] Browne, Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 290, 293; R. A. Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs, 1907, p. 318.

[1097] Browne, as cited, p. 292. Cp. Von Kremer, Culturgeschichte des Orients, 1875-77, ii, 386-95; Macdonald, p. 199.

[1098] Dugat, p. 167; Weil, iii, 72.

[1099] Dugat, pp. 164-68.

[1100] Nicholson, pp. 314-15.

[1101] The Diwan of Abu'l-Ala, by Henry Baerlein, 1908, st. 36. Cp. 1, 37, 41, 42, 53, 81, 86, 94, and the extracts given by Nicholson, pp. 316-23.

[1102] Weil, ii, 215.

[1103] Decline and Fall, ch. lvii. Bohn ed. vi, 382, and note. Cp. E. H. Whinfield, The Quatrains of Omar Khayyám, 1882, p. 4.

[1104] See the preface to Fitzgerald's translation of the Rubáiyát.

[1105] In one quatrain, of doubtful authenticity, is the line "Khayyám, who longtime stitched the tents of learning" (Whinfield, xxxviii), which excludes the idea of literal handicraft.

[1106] J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Al-Khayyámi, ed. 1895, pp. 30-41.

[1107] Id. pp. 51, 58.

[1108] Id. p. 54.

[1109] Id. p. 56.

[1110] Id. p. 59.

[1111] Id. pp. 62-63.

[1112] Id. p. 93.

[1113] Id. pp. 59-61.

[1114] Id. pp. 69-76, 86-88.

[1115] Cited in introd. to Dole's variorum ed. of the Rubáiyát, 1896, i, p. xix. Cp. Macdonald, p. 199.

[1116] "Dost thou desire to taste eternal bliss?
Vex thine own heart, but never vex another." (Whinfield, vi.)

"Seek not the Kaaba, rather seek a heart." (Id. vii.)

This note is often repeated. E.g. xxxii, li.

[1117] See in the very competent translation of Mrs. H. M. Cadell (who remarked that "Fitzgerald has rather written a poem upon Omar than translated him"), quatrains 12, 14, 15, 20, 28, 29, 42, 45, 48, 51d, 85, 88b, 133, 141, 143. etc.; in the artistically turned version of Mr. A. H. Talbot, which follows very faithfully the literal prose translation of Mr. Heron-Allen, Nos. 1, 3, 15, 18, 19, 24, 33, 41, 45, 59, 72, 91, 115, 123, 148; and in Whinfield's version, Nos. 10, 25, 32, 41, 45, 46, 62, 68, 77, 84, 87, 104, 105, 111, 113, 118, 142, 144, 148, 151, 157, 161, 179, 195, 200, 201, 203, 216.

[1118] Shirazi, pp. 102-108. Early in the thirteenth century he was denounced by a Sufi mystic as an "unhappy philosopher, atheist, and materialist." Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 250. Abu'l-Ala, of course, was similarly denounced.

[1119] Whinfield, cited by Browne, pp. 109-110.

[1120] Cp. Mrs. Cadell, The Rub'yat of Omar Khayam, 1899. Garnett's introd. pp. xvii, xviii-xxi, xxiv, and Shirazi, as cited, pp. 79-80.

[1121] Fitzgerald's pref. 4th ed. p. xiii; Whinfield, No. 147. Cp. quatrains cited in art. Sufiism, in Relig. Systems of the World, 2nd ed. pp. 325-26.

[1122] Cp. Whinfield, p. 86, note on No. 147.

[1123] Guyard, as cited, p. 42. But cp. Ueberweg, i, 411; Nicholson, pp. 233-34.

[1124] It is not impossible, Max Müller notwithstanding, that the name may have come originally from the Greek sophoi, "the wise," though it is usually connected with sufi = the woollen robe worn by the Sufite. There are other etymologies. Cp. Fraser, Histor. and Descrip. Account of Persia, 1834, p. 323, note; Dugat, p. 326; and art. Sufiism in Relig. Systems of the World, 2nd ed. p. 315. On the Sufi system in general see also Max Müller, Psychol. Relig. Lect. vi.

[1125] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, as to Sufi latitudinarianism.

[1126] Guyard, p. 44; Relig. Systems, p. 319.

[1127] Hafiz in his own day was reckoned impious by many. Cp. Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, 1827, ii, 100.

[1128] Fitzgerald's pref. p. x.

[1129] Yet he was disposed to put to death those who claimed mystic intercourse with Deity. Sale, pp. 177-78.

[1130] Whose Salaman and Absal, tr. by Fitzgerald, is so little noticed in comparison with the Rubáiyát of Omar.

[1131] E. C. Browne, in Religious Systems, as cited, p. 321; Dugat, p. 331.

[1132] Shirazi, pp. 22-28; Fitzgerald's pref. following Mirkhond; Fraser, Persia, p. 329.

[1133] Cp. Dugat, p. 336; Syed Ameer Ali, pp. 311-15; Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, 2e édit. p. 68.

[1134] Sale, p. 176. The same doctrine is fairly ancient in India. (Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v, 313, note.) A belief that hell-fire will not be eternal was held among the Motazilite sect of Jâhedhians. Sale, p. 164. The Thamamians, again, held that at the resurrection all infidels, idolaters, atheists, Jews, Christians, Magians, and heretics, shall be reduced to dust. Id. ib.

[1135] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 101. Cp. p. 172.

[1136] Renan's tr. in Averroès, p. 166. The wording of the last phrase suggests a misconstruction.

[1137] Cp. p. 172.

[1138] Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-107.

[1139] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, p. 6.

[1140] Ueberweg, i, 412; Renan, Averroès, pp. 44, 96.

[1141] E. G. Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 107.

[1142] Whom he pronounced a pagan and an infidel. Hauréau, II, i, 29.

[1143] Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 57, 96-98; Whewell, Hist. of the Inductive Sciences, 3rd. ed. I, 193. Renan, following Degenerando (cp. Whewell, as cited), credits Gazzali with anticipating Hume's criticism of the idea of causation; but Gazzali's position is that of dogmatic theism, not of naturalism. See Lewes, Hist. of Philos., 4th ed. ii, 57.

[1144] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 35.

[1145] Cp. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civ. ii, 58; Stanley Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, pref.; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix. 108-18; U. R. Burke, History of Spain, i, ch. 16; Baden Powell, as cited, pp. 94-104; Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879, pp. 185-89; and post, ch. x.

[1146] Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 97; Whewell, Hist. of the Induct. Sciences, 3rd ed. ii. 273-74.

[1147] Dr. L. Leclerc, Hist. de la Médecine Arabe, 1876, i, 462; Dr. E. von Meyer, Hist. of Chemistry, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. p. 28.

[1148] Cp. Buckle, Introd. to Hist. of Civ. in England, 1-vol. ed. p. 70.

[1149] Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, p. 73.

[1150] Properly Morabethin--men of God or of religion; otherwise known as "Marabouts."

[1151] Sedillot, p. 298.

[1152] Cp. Dozy, Hist. des Musulmans d'Espagne, iii, 248-86; Ueberweg, i, 415.

[1153] Renan, Averroès, pp. 98-99.

[1154] Ueberweg. i. 415; Renan, Averroès, pp. 32, 99.

[1155] Renan, Averroès, p. 99.

[1156] Renan, Averroès, p. 145.

[1157] Id. pp. 156-58.

[1158] Id. pp. 159-60.

[1159] Renan, Averroès, pp. 160-62.

[1160] Ueberweg, i, 416; Steiner, p. 6; Renan, Averroès, p. 162 sq.

[1161] Ueberweg, i, 460; Renan, pp. 258, 275.

[1162] Renan, Averroès, p. 169, and references.

[1163] Id. pp. 165-66.

[1164] Id. p. 5. Cp. the Avertissement, p. iii.

[1165] Renan, Averroès, pp. 31-36. Renan surmises that the popular hostility to the philosophers, which was very marked, was largely due to the element of the conquered Christians, who were noted for their neglect of astronomy and natural science.

[1166] Cp. Ueberweg. i. 415-17.

[1167] Cp. Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, ed. 1893, vol. i, p. 169.

[1168] Cp. Flint, p. 129, as to their hostility to him.

[1169] Huth, Life and Writings of Buckle, ii, 171.

[1170] Ricaut, Present State of the Ottoman Empire, 1686, p. 245.

[1171] Dugat, p. 59. The Ameer Ali Syed, Moulvi, M.A., LL.B., whose Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed appeared in 1873, writes as a Motazilite of a moderate type.

[1172] Macdonald, pp. 120, 196, 286.

[1173] A. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861, pp. 241-48, citing the Dabistan.

[1174] Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, 2e édit. ch. v; J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Khayyámi, ed. 1905, p. 102. The latter writer notes, however, that "the cultured classes, who ought to know better, are at no pains to dissipate the existing religious prejudice against one [Omar] of whose reputation every Persian may well feel proud." "At the present time ... the name of Omar is no less execrated by the Shi-ite mob in Persia than it was in his own day." Id. p. 108.

[1175] Fraser, Persia, p. 330. This writer (p. 239) describes Sufiism as "the superstition of the freethinker," and as "often assumed as a cloak to cover entire infidelity."

[1176] E.g., Dr. Wills, The Land of the Lion and the Sun, ed. 1891, p. 339.

[1177] Smith and Dwight, Missionary Researches in Armenia, 1834, p. 340. Cp. Rev. H. Southgate, Tour through Armenia, etc. 1840, ii, 153; and Morier's Hadji Baba of Ispahan (1824), ch. xlvii, near end.

[1178] Fraser, Persia, p. 331; Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, ii, 108; Gobineau, as cited, ch. v.

[1179] H. Vambéry, Der Islam im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, 1875, pp. 32-33. Vambéry further remarks: "The half-fanatical, half-freethinking tone of Persians has often surprised me in my controversies with the most zealous Schiites."

[1180] As to the rise of this sect see Gobineau, as cited, pp. 141-358; E. G. Browne's The Episode of the Bâb; and his lecture on Bâbism in Religious Systems of the World. Cp. Renan, Les Apôtres, pp. 378-81.

[1181] H. Arakélian, Mémoire sur Le Bâbisme en Perse, in the Actes du Premier Congrès International d'Histoire des Religions, Paris, 1902, 2 Ptie. Fasc. i.

[1182] Gobineau, pp. 167 sq.; 180 sq.; Arakélian, p. 94.

[1183] Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. 1871, i, 349, 356. "There are, I believe," says Lane (writing originally in 1836), "very few professed Muslims who are really unbelievers; and these dare not openly avow their unbelief through fear of losing their heads for their apostacy. I have heard of two or three such who have been rendered so by long and intimate intercourse with Europeans; and have met with one materialist, who has often had long discussions with me."

[1184] Id. ii, 309. (Suppl. III, "Of Late Innovations in Egypt.")

[1185] See the documents reproduced by Max Müller, Introd. to the Science of Religion, ed. 1882, App. 1.

[1186] Id. pp. 214, 216.

[1187] Id. pp. 210, 217, 224, 225.

[1188] Id. pp. 224, 226.

[1189] Id. pp. 226, 229.

[1190] Guyard, p. 45; Steiner, p. 5, note; Lane, The Modern Egyptians, ed. 1871, i. 137-38. Cp. Spencer, Study of Sociology, ch. xii, p. 292; Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. pp. 315-19.

[1191] Derenbourg, p. 72; Steiner, p. 1; Lane, i, 79.

[1192] Cp. Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, Lectures I and IV; Canon Isaac Taylor, address to Church Congress at Wolverhampton, 1887, and letters to Times, Oct. and Nov. 1887. On the other or anti-Mohammedan side see Canon Robinson, Hausaland, 3rd ed. 1900, p. 186 sq.--a somewhat obviously prejudiced argument. See pp. 190-91.

[1193] Sir Harry H. Johnston, History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races, 1899, p. 283.

[1194] This label has been applied by scholars to the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries. One writer, who supposes it to cover the period from 500 to 1400, and protests, is attacking only a misconception. (M. A. Lane, The Level of Social Motion, New York, 1902., p. 232.) The Renaissance is commonly reckoned to begin about the end of the fourteenth century (cp. Symonds, Age of the Despots, ch. i). But the whole period from the fall of the Roman Empire to the fall of Constantinople, or to the Reformation, is broadly included in the "Middle Ages."

[1195] Essai sur les Moeurs, ch. xlv.

[1196] According to which God predestinated good, but merely foreknew evil.

[1197] For Leo's contacts with the Saracens see Finlay, Hist. of Greece, ed. Tozer, ii, 14-20, 24, 31-32, 34-35, 37, etc., and compare p. 218. See also Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1833, p. 78, note 2; and Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 187, note.

[1198] Kurtz, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 252.

[1199] Kurtz, p. 253.

[1200] As to his hostility to letters see Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn ed. vi, 228. Of course the other side were not any more liberal. Cp. Finlay, ii, 222.

[1201] Gieseler, ii, 202. Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 1. In the next century this was said to have gone in some churches to the point of rejection of Christ. Id. p. 207, note 28.

[1202] Id. pp. 205, 207; Finlay, ii, 195.

[1203] Neander, Hist. of Chr. Church, Bohn tr. v, 289; vi, 266.

[1204] On their connection at this time with the culture-movement of the Khalifate of Mamoun, see Finlay, ii, 224-25; Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn ed. vi, 228-29.

[1205] Finlay, ii, 181, note. The enemies of Photius accused him of lending himself to the emperor's buffooneries. Neander, vi, 303-304. Cp. Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 7; and Gibbon, ch. xxxiii--ed. cited, vi, 229. Finlay declares (p. 222) that no Greek of the intellectual calibre of Photius, John the Grammarian, and Leo the Mathematician, has since appeared.

[1206] Neander, vi, 280.

[1207] Finlay, ii, 174-75, 180.

[1208] Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1853, p. 85. It is noteworthy that the "heathen" Magyars held the Mazdean dualistic principle, and that their evil power was named Armanyos (= Ahrimanes). Mailáth, Geschichte der Magyaren, 1828, i, 25-26.

[1209] Gibbon, ch. liv; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. 5; Gieseler, Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 3; G. S. Faber, The Ancient Vallenses and Waldenses, 1838, pp. 32-60. Some fresh light is thrown on the Paulician doctrines by the discovery of the old Armenian book, The Key of Truth, edited and translated by F. C. Conybeare, Oxford, 1898. It belonged to the Armenian sect of Thonraki, or Thonrakians, or Thondrakians--people of the village of Thondrac (Neander, vi, 347)--founded by one Sembat, originally a Paulician, in the ninth century (Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 201; Neander, last cit.). For a criticism of Mr. Conybeare's theories see the Church Quarterly Review, Jan. 1899, Art. V.

[1210] Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 45, 46, vol. ii, pp. 489, 492; Hardwick, p. 86. The sect of Euchites, also anti-priestly, seem to have joined them. Faber denies any Manichean element.

[1211] Gibbon, as cited, vi, 241.

[1212] Gibbon, vi, 242; Hardwick, pp. 88-90.

[1213] Gibbon, vi, 245, and note; Finlay, ii, 60.

[1214] Despite the express decision, the use of statues proper (agalmata) gradually disappeared from the Greek Church, the disuse finally creating a strong antipathy, while pictures and ikons remained in reverence (Tozer's note to Finlay, ii, 165; cp. Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 190, note). It is probable that the sheer loss of artistic skill counted for much in the change. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. ix; 4th ed. ix, 308-12. It is noteworthy that, whereas in the struggle over images their use was for two long periods legally abolished, it was in both cases restored by empresses Irene and Theodora.

[1215] Hardwick, p. 80, note; Neander, vi, 340.

[1216] Cp. Kurtz, His. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 271.

[1217] Gibbon, vi, 246; Finlay, iii, 64; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v.

[1218] Finlay, iii, 66.

[1219] Gibbon, as cited; R. Lane Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, 1884, pp. 91-96; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v.

[1220] Finlay, iii, 67-68; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 2. Hardwick, pp. 302-305; Kurtz, i, 270-73.

[1221] Gieseler, Per. III, Div. II, pt. iii, § 46.

[1222] Gibbon, vi, 249, note; Poole, p. 91, note; De Potter, L'Esprit de L'Église, 1821, vi, 16, note.

[1223] Boniface, Ep. lxvi, cited by Poole, p. 23; Reid's Mosheim, p. 263, note 3; Neander, Hist. of the Christian Church, Bohn tr. v, 86-67; Hardwick, p. 23.

[1224] For excellent accounts of both see Mr. Poole's Illustrations, pp. 28-50. As to Claudius cp. Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 13-42, and Faber, The Ancient Vallenses, bk. iii, ch. iv.

[1225] See Mr. Poole's Illustrations, pp. 46-48, for an account of the privileges then accorded to Jews.

[1226] This is not incompatible with their having opposed both Saracens (Claudius in actual war) and Jews, as Christian bishops.

[1227] Poole, Illustrations, p. 37.

[1228] This when the Church found its account in adopting all such usages. Lea, Superstition and Force, pp. 242, 280, etc. It is to be noted, however, that one Council, that of Valence, 855, perhaps under the influence of Agobard's teaching, published a canon prohibiting all duels, and praying the emperor to abolish them. Cited by Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 242, note, from Fleury.

[1229] De Grandine et tonitruis, c. 3; and De imaginibus, c. 13, cited by Reuter.

[1230] "He had the clearest head in the whole ninth century; and as an influence (Mann der Tendenz) is above comparison" (Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 24). As to his acute handling of the thorny question of reason and authority see Reuter, i, 40-41.

[1231] Poole, pp. 50-52.

[1232] Noack, Philosophie-Geschichtliches Lexikon, s. v. Rabanus. As to the doubtful works in which Rabanus coincides with Scotus Erigena, cp. Poole, p. 336; Noack, as cited; Ueberweg, i, 367-68.

[1233] Ueberweg, pp. 366, 371; Poole, pp. 99, 101, 336.

[1234] Ueberweg, pp. 356-65. That there was, however, an Irish scholasticism as early as the eighth century is shown by Mosheim, 8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 6, note 3. Cp. Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1861, p. 428 sq.; Taillandier, Scot Erigène et la philosophie scolastique, 1843, p. 198.

[1235] Lea, as cited, p. 280.

[1236] "The learned and freethinking guest of Charles le Chauve," Hardwick calls him, p. 176. It needed the protection of Charles to save him from the orthodox, Hincmar included. See Ampère, Histoire littéraire de la France, 1840, iii, 94-95, as to the anger against him.

[1237] See the whole argument summarized by Huber, p. 59 sq.

[1238] Cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 61, 63, 65; Neander, Bohn tr. vi, 198 sq.; and the present writer's introd. to Shaftesbury's Characteristics, ed. 1900, p. xxxiv. And see above, p. 184.

[1239] De divisione Naturæ, l. v; De Prædestinatione, c. 17; Poole, pp. 71-72; Neander, vi, 198-99; Huber, as cited, p. 405.

[1240] In the treatise On the Division of Nature. See the extracts given in the Cabinet Cyclopædia survey of Europe in the Middle Ages, ii, 266-68. They prove, says the author of the survey, "that John Erigena had none of the spirit of Christianity."

[1241] Poole, pp. 64, 76.

[1242] S. Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pp. 25-26.

[1243] Huber, pp. 435-40.

[1244] Cp. Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Bohn tr. vi, 192.

[1245] De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, rep. Oxford, 1838, cc. 8-16, 29, 56, 72-76, etc.

[1246] C. 19: "Non sicut quidam volunt, anima sola hoc mysterio pascitur." Neander, vi, 210.

[1247] Hardwick, pp. 178, 181; Neander, vi, 217.

[1248] Cp. Neander, vi, 219.

[1249] Poole, p. 69.

[1250] C. 6: "Ineptas quæstiunculas et aniles pæne fabulas Scotorumque pultes." Neander, vi, 207.

[1251] Neander, vi, 219, citing Mabillon, Analecta, i, 207.

[1252] Compare the Gemma Ecclesiastica of Giraldus Cambrensis for an inside view of the avarice of the clergy in his day.

[1253] Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, v, 187. See the whole section for a good account of the general economic and moral evolution. Neander repeatedly (pp. 186-87) insists on the "magical" element in the doctrine of the mass, as established by Gregory the Great.

[1254] See Neander, as cited, v, 183. The point was well put some centuries later by the Italian story-teller Masuccio, an orthodox Catholic but a vehement anti-clericalist, in a generalization concerning the monks: "The best punishment for them would be for God to abolish Purgatory; they would then receive no more alms, and would be forced to go back to their spades." Cited by Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. 1892, p. 461.

[1255] Neander, vi, 182. Rabanus Maurus distinctly belied him on this score. (Id. p. 183.)

[1256] Formerly, only the saved had been spoken of as prædestinati, the reprobate being called præsciti. Neander, vi, 181.

[1257] Neander, vi, 187. Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. p. 418; and Ampère, Histoire littéraire de France, 1840, iii, 92.

[1258] Poole, p. 103. Cp. Neander, vi, 225.

[1259] Neander, vi, 237-38.

[1260] Id. pp. 255-56.

[1261] Id. p. 257.

[1262] Id. p. 258. As to the wide extent of the discussion see Reuter, Geschichte der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 112.

[1263] In 945, however, Atto, Bishop of Verceil, is found complaining that some people from the Italian border had introduced heresies.

[1264] Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; Poole, Illustrations, p. 91.

[1265] Hardwick, p. 203.

[1266] Kurtz, History of the Christian Church, Eng. tr. 1868, i, 435.

[1267] Hénault, Abrégé chronologique, ann. 1022; Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Relig. and Church, Eng. tr. Bohn ed. vi, 349 sq.; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; De Potter, L'Esprit de l'Église, vi, 18-19; Poole, pp. 96-98; Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 104, 108-109, 218; Gieseler, Per. III, Div. ii, § 46. The contemporary accounts say nothing as to the heretics being Manicheans. Neander, p. 350, note.

[1268] Cp. Murdock's note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 386; Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, p. 33; Waddington, p. 356; Hardwick, p. 203, note, and p. 207.

[1269] De Potter, pp. 20-21; Gieseler, as cited, p. 497; Lea, i, 104, 109.

[1270] Mosheim, as last cited, § 4; Gieseler, ii, 496 (§ 46); Hardwick, pp. 203, 204.

[1271] Mosheim. 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 2, and Murdock's notes; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 4, 5.

[1272] Hardwick, p. 306; Kurtz, i, 433. The derivation through the Italian is however disputed. Cp. Murdock's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 385, and Gieseler, ii, 486. The Chazari, a Turkish (Crimean) people, partly Christian and partly Moslem in the ninth century (Gieseler, as cited), may have given the name of Gazzari, as Bulgar gave Bougre; and the German Ketzer may have come directly from Chazar. The Christianity of the Chazars, influenced by neighbourhood with Islam, seems to have been a very free syncretism.

[1273] Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 24, 34; Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 3-5, citing Chevé, Histoire des papes, t. ii, and Baronius, Annales, ad ann. 900, n. 1; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1-4; with his and Murdock's refs.; 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1, 2; 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; ch. iii, §§ 1-3; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1-7. The authorities are often eminent Churchmen, as Agobard, Ratherius, Bernard, and Gregory VIII.

[1274] See Mosheim, 8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 5, note z. Cp. Duruy, Hist. de France, ii, 170.

[1275] Cp. Prof. Abdy, Lectures on Feudalism, 1890, p. 72.

[1276] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 6.

[1277] Cp. Morin, Origines de la démocratie, 3e éd. pp. 164-65; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 3.

[1278] Morin, p. 168. Compare, on the whole communal movement, Duruy, Hist. de France, ch. xxi, and Michelet.

[1279] Gieseler, Per. III, § 46, end; Lea, i, 109, 218.

[1280] Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Ch., p. 32; Lea, i, 110.

[1281] Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 8th ed. p. 134. See p. 135 for a list of John's offences; and cp. p. 85 as to other papal records. For a contemporary account of Pope Honorius II (d. 1130) see Milman, Latin Christianity, iii, 448-49.

[1282] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 174.

[1283] Cp. Müller, Allgemeine Geschichte, B. xiv, Cap. 17.

[1284] Bryce, p. 152.

[1285] "Janus," The Pope and the Councils, Eng. tr. pp. 178-79.

[1286] Cp. Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, 1808, p. 172.

[1287] Sir G. Cox, The Crusades, p. 111.

[1288] Cp. Lea, i, 111.

[1289] Id. p. 115.