Chapter XIII: The Rise of Modern Freethought (5)

[1290] Hardwick, p. 310; Lea, i, 68; Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 148-49; Mosheim, as last cited, § 7.

[1291] Cp. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, ed. 1863, p. 36.

[1292] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 7-9, and varior. notes; Monastier, pp. 38-41, 43-47; Milman, Latin Christianity, v, 384-90.

[1293] Hardwick, p. 267; Mosheim, as last cited, § 10; Monastier, p. 49.

[1294] Hardwick, p. 204, note; Kurtz, i, 433. Cp. the Transactions of the New Shakespeare Society, 1875-76, pt. ii, p. 313; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 13, and note; Milman, Latin Christianity, v, 401. On the sects in general see De Potter, vi, 217-310; and Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 149-53.

[1295] Lea, i, 115.

[1296] Id. pp. 117-18.

[1297] Id. p. 119.

[1298] Kurtz, i, 435; Lea, i, 119.

[1299] Hardwick, p. 308, note; Murdock's note to Mosheim, p. 426; Monastier, pp. 106-107.

[1300] Lea, i, 124.

[1301] Id. p. 126.

[1302] Id. pp. 127-28.

[1303] Kitchin, History of France, 4th ed. 1889, i, 286; citing Chron. de St. Denis, p. 350. The Annales Victoriani at Philip's death (1223) pronounce him ecclesiarum et religionarum personarum amator et fautor (Hénault's Abrégé Chronologique). Among the many Cathari put to death in his reign was Nicholas, the most famous painter in France--burned at Braine in 1204. Lea, i, 131.

[1304] Lea, i, 113-14. Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 13.

[1305] Cp. Hardwick, p. 312; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 11, and notes in Reid's ed.; Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church, Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 12-29; Faber, The Ancient Vallenses and Albigenses, pp. 28, 284, etc. As Vigilantius took refuge in the Cottian Alps, his doctrine may have survived there, as argued by Monastier (p. 10) and Faber (p. 290). The influence of Claudius of Turin, as they further contend, might also come into play. On the whole subject see Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 88.

[1306] Cp. Mosheim with Faber, bk. iii, chs. iii, viii; Hardwick, as cited; and Monastier, pp. 53-82. Waddington, p. 353, holds Mosheim to be in error; and there are some grounds for dating the Waldensian heresy before Waldus, who flourished 1170-1180 (id. p. 354). Waldus had to flee from France, and finally died in Bohemia, 1197 (Kurtz, i, 439).

[1307] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 73-88. Waldensian theology varied from time to time.

[1308] Between 1153 and 1191 there were ten popes, three of them anti-popes. Celestine III held the chair from 1191 to 1198; and Innocent III from the latter year to 1216.

[1309] De Potter, vi, 26; Lea, i, 115.

[1310] Lea, i, 290.

[1311] De Potter, vi, 28.

[1312] See Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 1878, i, 262, note, also his I Precursori del Renascimento, 1877, p. 37. In this section and in the next chapter I am indebted for various clues to the Rev. John Owen's Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. As to the Goliards generally, see that work, pp. 38-45; Bartoli, Storia, cap. viii; Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. iv; and Gebhart, Les Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879, pp. 125-26. The name Goliard came from the type-name Golias, used by many satirists.

[1313] Bartoli, Storia, i, 271-79. Cp. Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 332, following Ratherius; and Gebhart, as cited. Milman (4th ed. ix, 189) credits the Goliards with "a profound respect for sacred things, and freedom of invective against sacred persons." This shows an imperfect knowledge of much of their work.

[1314] C. Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, pp. 38-39.

[1315] Owen, as cited, pp. 43, 45; Bartoli, Storia, i, 293.

[1316] Disparagement of the serf is a commonplace of medieval literature. Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen âge, 1908, p. 169, and note; Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 96. At this point the semi-aristocratic jongleurs and the writers of bourgeois bias, such as some of the contributors to Reynard the Fox, coincided. The Renart stories are at once anti-aristocratic, anti-clerical, and anti-demotic.

[1317] C. Lenient, La Satire en France, p. 115. Lenient cites from Erasmus's letters (Sept. 1, 1528) a story of a German burned alive in his time for venting the same idea.

[1318] Langlois, as cited, pp. 30-68.

[1319] Cp. Langlois, pp. 107, 129, 263, etc. C. Lenient, as cited, p. 115.

[1320] Rev. Joseph Berington, Literary History of the Middle Ages, ed. 1846, p. 229. Cp. Owen, p. 43.

[1321] Owen, p. 43; Bartoli, Storia, i, 295, as to the French fabliaux.

[1322] Labitte, La divine comédie avant Dante, in Charpentier ed. of Dante, pp. 133-34.

[1323] Aucassin and Nicolette, tr. by Eugene Mason, p. 6.

[1324] Sismondi, Literature of Southern Europe, Eng. tr. i, 74-95.

[1325] Id. p. 76.

[1326] Zeller, Histoire d'Italie, 1853, p. 152; Renan, Averroès, p. 184.

[1327] "The Troubadours in truth were freethinkers" (Owen, Italian Skeptics, p. 48). Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, ii, 2; and Hardwick, p. 274, note 4, as to the common animus against the papacy.

[1328] Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, French tr. 1808, p. 174, note; Owen, Italian Skeptics, p. 44, note.

[1329] Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 30-31.

[1330] Sismondi, as cited, p. 82; Owen, pp. 66, 68; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 4; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 9, and Reid's note to § 8; Hampden, Bampton Lectures, p. 446. The familiar record that Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, studied in Spain among the Arabs (Ueberweg, i, 369) has of late years been discredited (Olleris, Vie de Gerbert, 1867, chs. ii and xxv; Ueberweg, p. 430; Poole, Illustrations, p. 88); but its very currency depended on the commonness of some such proceeding in his age. In any case, the teaching he would receive at the Spanish monastery of Borel would owe all its value to Saracen culture. Cp. Abbé Queant, Gerbert, pp. 26-32. The greatness of the service he rendered to northern Europe in introducing the Arabic numerals is expressed in the legend of his magical powers. Compare the legends as to Roger Bacon.

[1331] Sismondi, p. 83.

[1332] Cp. G. H. Lewes, The Spanish Drama, 1846, pp. 11-14; Littré, Études sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e édit. p. 356.

[1333] See the passages cited by Owen, p. 58.

[1334] Cp. Bartoli, Storia, pp. 200-202.

[1335] Gebhart, Les Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 4, 17; Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, pp. 145, 183, 185; Libri, Hist. des sciences mathématiques en Italie, i, 153; Michelet, Hist. de France, t. vii, Renaissance, introd. note du § vii; Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 382. Cp. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861, p. 357.

[1336] As to the Pope's character compare Sismondi, Hist. of the Crusades against the Albigenses (Eng. tr. from vols. vi and vii of his Histoire des Français), p. 10; Hallam, Europe during the Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 198; Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 6-8.

[1337] As to previous acts of inquisition and persecution by Pope Alexander III (noted above) see Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquisition en Espagne, French tr. 2e édit. i, 27-30, and Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 118. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (Amer. ed. ii, 564).

[1338] Hardwick, p. 309; Lea, i, 145.

[1339] Sismondi, Crusades against the Albigenses, p. 21.

[1340] On the previous history of indulgences see Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 41-47; De Potter, Esprit de l'Église, vii, 22-39. For the later developments cp. Lea's Studies in Church History, 1869, p. 450; Vieusseux, History of Switzerland, 1840, pp. 121, 125.

[1341] Sismondi, Crusades, pp. 28-29.

[1342] Id. p. 23.

[1343] Lea, i, 149.

[1344] For a modern Catholic defence of the whole proceedings see the Comte de Montalembert's Histoire de Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie, 13e édit. intr. pp. 35-40.

[1345] Sismondi, Crusades, p. 35, and refs.; Lea, i, 154.

[1346] Sismondi, pp. 36-37, and refs.

[1347] Id. pp. 37-43.

[1348] Id. pp. 21, 41. Cp. p. 85 as to later treachery towards Saracens; and p. 123 as to the deeds of the Bishop of Toulouse. See again pp. 140-42 as to the massacre of Marmande.

[1349] As to the international character of the crusade see Sismondi, Crusades, p. 53.

[1350] Sismondi, p. 62 sq.

[1351] Pp. 77, 78.

[1352] Pp. 74, 75.

[1353] P. 87. "The worship of the reformed Albigenses had everywhere ceased" (p. 115). Cp. p. 116 as to the completeness of the final massacres. It is estimated (Monastier, p. 115, following De la Mothe-Langon) that a million Albigenses were slain in the first half of the thirteenth century. The figures are of course speculative.

[1354] Cp. Lea, ii, 159; Lenient, La Satire en France an moyen âge, 1859, p. 43.

[1355] Lea, vol. ii, ch. i.

[1356] Sismondi, pp. 115, 117.

[1357] Id. p. 133.

[1358] Id. pp. 235-39; Lea, ii, 247, 259, 319, 347, 429, etc.

[1359] Sismondi, p. 236; Llorente, as cited, i, 60-64; Lea, ii, 200.

[1360] Matthew Paris records that in 1249 four hundred and forty-three heretics were burned in Saxony and Pomerania. Previously multitudes had been burned by the Inquisitor Conrad, who was himself finally murdered in revenge. He was the confessor of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, and he taught her among other things, "Be merciful to your neighbour," and "Do to others whatsoever you would that they should do to you." See his praises recorded by Montalembert, as cited, vol. i, ch. x. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (ii, 567).

[1361] Lea, ii, 204. This was the "peace-maker" described by Dr. Lea as--in that capacity--"so worthy a disciple of the Great Teacher of divine love" (i, 240).

[1362] Ueberweg, i, 366; Poole, pp. 99, 100.

[1363] As to the verbal confusion of Aristotle's theory see Ueberweg.

[1364] Id. i, 160.

[1365] Id. i, 375.

[1366] Cp. Mosheim's note, Reid's ed. p. 388.

[1367] Ueberweg, i, 374.

[1368] Poole, p. 104, note; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. i, 54.

[1369] Hampden, Bampton Lectures, On the Scholastic Philosophy, 1848, p. 71.

[1370] Mosheim, as cited, and refs.

[1371] Hampden, p. 70.

[1372] A. S. Farrar, Crit. Hist. of Freethought, 1862, p. 111. Farrar adds: "'Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, set credo ut intelligam' are the words of the Realist Anselm (Prolog. i, 43, ed. Gerberon): 'Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus; inquirendo veritatem percipimus' are those of the Nominalist Abailard (Sic et Non, p. 16, ed. Cousin)."

[1373] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, ch. 19, as to orthodoxy among both Nominalists and Realists.

[1374] Hampden, pp. 70, 449.

[1375] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 550.

[1376] Poole, Illustr. of the Hist. of Medieval Thought, pp. 104-105.

[1377] Præfatio in Monologium.

[1378] As to the various classes of doubters known to Anselm see Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 129-31, and refs. Anselm writes: Fides enim nostra contra impios ratione defenda est. Epist. ii, 41.

[1379] Ueberweg, i, 381.

[1380] See it in Ueberweg, i, 384-85; cp. Ch. de Rémusat, Saint Anselme, 1853, pp. 61-62; Dean Church, Saint Anselm, ed. 1888, pp. 86-87. As to previous instances of Anselm's argument cp. Poole, Illustrations, p. 338 sq.

[1381] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 379-80.

[1382] Cited by Hampden, Bampton Lect. p. 443.

[1383] Metalogicus, vii, 2; Poole, p. 223.

[1384] Gemma Ecclesiastica, Distinctio i, c. 51; Works, ed. Brewer, Rolls Series, ii, 148-49; pref. p. xxxv.

[1385] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. II (1880), i, 61. Hauréau points out that Simon's writings are strictly orthodox, whatever his utterances may have been.

[1386] Distinctio, ii, c. 24; pp. liv, 285.

[1387] Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages, ii, 504.

[1388] The Saynt Graal, ed. Furnivall, 1861, pp. 7, 84; History of the Holy Grail, ed. Furnivall, 1874, pp. 5-7; Pearson, as cited, i, 606-607.

[1389] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 1870, p. 502.

[1390] Poole, pp. 141-42.

[1391] "Humanas ac philosophicas rationes requirebant; et plus quæ intelligi quam quæ dici possent efflagitabant" (Historia calamitatum mearum, ed. Gréard, p. 36).

[1392] Id. ib.

[1393] Ueberweg, i, 387.

[1394] Ueberweg, i, 391. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 111.

[1395] Ueberweg, i, 394-95.

[1396] Hampden, Bampton Lect. pp. 420-21.

[1397] Poole, p. 175. It is not impossible that, as Sismondi suggests (Histoire des Français, ed. 1823, v, 294-96), Abailard was persecuted mainly because of the dangerous anti-papal movement maintained in Italy for fifteen years (1139-1155) by his doctrinally orthodox pupil, Arnold of Brescia. But Hampden (p. 40), agreeing with Guizot (Hist. de Civ. en Europe; Hist. mod. Leçon 6), pronounces that "there was no sympathy between the efforts of the Italian Republics to obtain social liberty, and those within the Church to recover personal freedom of thought."

[1398] Poole, pp. 117-23, 169.

[1399] Ueberweg, i, 398.

[1400] Poole, p. 173.

[1401] Cp. Poole, p. 153. It is difficult to doubt that the series of patristic deliverances against reason in the first section of Sic et Non was compiled by Abailard in a spirit of dissent.

[1402] Cp. Hardwick, p. 279; and see p. 275, note, for Bernard's dislike of his demand for clearness: "Nihil videt per speculum et in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur."

[1403] Poole, p. 161. Cp. Dr. Hastings Rashdall on the "pious scurrility" of Bernard. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i, 57, note. Contrast the singularly laudatory account of St. Bernard given by two contemporary Positivists, Mr. Cotter Morison in his Life and Times of St. Bernard, and Mr. F. Harrison in his essay on that work in his Choice of Books. The subject is discussed in the present writer's paper on "The Ethics of Propaganda" in Essays in Ethics.

[1404] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 325.

[1405] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1872), 534-46.

[1406] Id. citing the Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 2.

[1407] Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 7.

[1408] Cp. Poole, pp. 220-22; the extracts of Hampden, pp. 438-43; and the summing-up of Hauréau. Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1870), 357.

[1409] Historia calamitatum, as cited. Cp. p. 10 for Abailard's own opinion of Anselm of Laon, whom he compares to a leafy but fruitless tree.

[1410] Matthew Paris, sub. ann. 1201. There is a somewhat circumstantial air about this story, Simon's reply being made to begin humorously with a Jesule. Jesule! Matthew, however, tells on this item the story of Simon's miraculous punishment which Giraldus tells on a quite different text. Matthew is indignant with the scholastic arrogance which has led many to "suppress" the miracle.

[1411] Ueberweg, i, 419, 430; Hampden, p. 443 sq. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 173 sq.

[1412] Ueberweg, i, 418. The Karaïtes may be described as Jewish Protestants or Puritans. Cp. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 252-54.

[1413] Schechter (as cited, pp. 197, 417) gives two sets of dates, the second being 1135-1204.

[1414] For a good survey of the medieval Hebrew thought in general see Joel, Beiträge zur Gesch. der Philos. 1876; and as to Maimonides see A. Franck's Études Orientales, 1861; Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 41-46; and Renan, Averroès, pp. 177-82.

[1415] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 422-23.

[1416] Id. p. 208.

[1417] Ueberweg, i, 428; Schechter, p. 424.

[1418] Renan, Averroès, p. 183.

[1419] Schechter, pp. 83-85.

[1420] Hauréau pronounces (II, i, 29-34) that Avicebron should be ranked among the most sincere and resolute of pantheists. His chief work was the Fons vitæ.

[1421] Renan, Averroès, pp. 100, 175.

[1422] Spinoza, Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, c. 8, ad init.

[1423] Mémoires de Joinville, ed. 1871, ii, 16.

[1424] Renan, Averroès, pp. 222-24.

[1425] Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, p. 435; Christlieb, Leben und Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1860, p. 438. Copies of John's writings were found in the hands of the sectaries of Amalrich and David; and in 1226 the writings in question were condemned and burnt accordingly. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 175.

[1426] Ueberweg, i, 388, 431; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 112-14; Renan, p. 223; Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50, iii, 176-92.

[1427] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 12.

[1428] Poole, p. 225; Ueberweg, i, 431.

[1429] Lecky's description (Rationalism in Europe, ed. 1887, i, 48) of Averroïsm as a "stern and uncompromising infidelity" is hopelessly astray.

[1430] Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, Quæst. LXXXV, Art. 6. Compare Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 189, for a trace of the idea of natura naturans in John Scotus and Heiric, in the ninth century.

[1431] Renan, p. 236 sq.

[1432] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, ii, 130.

[1433] Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix, 133.

[1434] Robins. A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 38-39. Compare Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264; and Maurice, Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. pp. 188-90. It is noteworthy that the Summa of Thomas was a favourite study of Descartes, who read hardly any other theologian.

[1435] Cp. Milman, ix, 143.

[1436] See the comments of Giraldus Cambrensis in the proem to his Speculum Ecclesiæ Brewer's ed. in Rolls Series, i. 9; and pref. pp. xii-xiii.

[1437] Cp. Renan. Averroès, p. 267, as to the polemic of William of Auvergne.

[1438] Renan, pp. 567-68.

[1439] Id. pp. 269-71, and refs.

[1440] Renan, pp. 273-75, and refs.; Ueberweg, i, 460, and refs.; Maywald, Die Lehre von der zweifachen Wahrheit, 1871, p. 11; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218).

[1441] Of John XXI, who had in 1276 condemned the doctrine of a twofold truth.

[1442] Cp. Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 29-44. And see above, p. 308.

[1443] Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 245. See above, p. 310.

[1444] See the Summa of the Inquisitor Bartholomæus Fumus, Venet. 1554, s.v. Infidelitas, fol. 261, § 5; and the Summa of Thomas, Secunda Secundæ, Quæst. X, Art. 2.

[1445] It is sometimes described as a formidable product of doubt; and again by M. de Rémusat as "consecrated to controversy rather than to skepticism." Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England in the Early and Middle Ages, 1867, i. 609. The view in the text seems the just mean. Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i. 57. In itself the book is for a modern reader a mere collection of the edifying contradictions of theologians; but such a collection must in any age have been a perplexity to faith; and it is not surprising that it remained unpublished until edited by Cousin (see the Ouvrages inédits, intr. pp. clxxxv-ix). That writer justly sums up that such antinomies "condamnent l'esprit à un doute salutaire." The Rev. A. S. Farrar pronounces that "the critical independence of Nominalism, in a mind like that of Abailard, represents the destructive action of freethought, partly as early Protestantism, partly as skepticism" (Crit. Hist. of Freethought, p. 12).

[1446] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 421-22, 556-58, 575; U. Burke, Hist. of Spain, Hume's ed. 1900, ii, 351-52. For a detailed description of the methods of ecclesiastical torture, Burke refers to the treatise, De Catholicis Institutionibus, by Simancas, Bishop of Beja, Rome, 1575, tit. lxv, De Tormentis, p. 491 sq.

[1447] Torture was inflicted on witnesses in England in 1311, by special inquisitors, under the mandate of Clement V, in defiance of English law; and under Edward II it was used in England as elsewhere against the Templars.

[1448] Istorie fiorentine, iv, 29.

[1449] See below, p. 325.

[1450] Villari, Two First Centuries of Florentine History, Eng. tr. 1901, pp. 110-12.

[1451] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 167.

[1452] Id. i, 164-66.

[1453] The Moslems were inclined to regard him as of their creed "because educated in Sicily." Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 66.

[1454] See Gieseler, as cited below; and Reid's Mosheim, p. 437, note.

[1455] Milman, Latin Christianity, vi, 150; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 221.

[1456] Milman, vi, 150, 158.

[1457] Renan, Averroès, p. 289.

[1458] Renan, Averroès, pp. 205-10. Michael Scotus may have been, like John Scotus, an Irishman, but his refusal to accept the archbishopric of Cashel, on the ground that he did not know the native language, makes this doubtful. The identification of him with a Scottish knight, Sir Michael Scott, still persisted in by some scholars on the strength of Sir Walter Scott's hasty note to The Lay of the Last Minstrel, is destitute of probability. See the Rev. J. Wood Brown's Inquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot, 1897, pp. 160-61, 175-76.

[1459] Inferno, xx, 515-17.

[1460] Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 65-66; the Pope's letter, as cited; Renan, Averroès, pp. 287-91, 296.

[1461] See the verdict of Gieseler, Eng. tr. iii (1853), p. 103, note.

[1462] Milman, vi, 158-59.

[1463] Id. p. 154. Cp. the author's Evolution of States, 1912, p. 382.

[1464] G. Villani, Istorie fiorentine, vi, 46.

[1465] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. i, ch. ii, § 2, citing in particular Moneta's Summa contra Catharos et Valdenses, lib. V, cc. 4, 11, 15; Tempier (bishop of Paris), Indiculum Errorum (1272) in the Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima, t. xxv; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris, iii, 433--as to the Averroïsts at Paris, described above, p. 319. Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 230-31, citing William of Auvergne, and pp. 283, 285; Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 86, 101, 111-12; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais, pp. 79-81; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218); Sharon Turner, Hist. of England during the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. v, 136-38.

[1466] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 560-61.

[1467] Perrens, La civilisation florentine du 13e au 16e siècle, 1892, p. 101. Above, p. 322.

[1468] Inferno, Canto x, 14-15, 118.

[1469] Ottavio Ubaldini, d. 1273, of whom the commentators tell that he said that if there were such a thing as a soul he had lost his for the cause of the Ghibellines.

[1470] As to whom see Renan, Averroès, p. 285, note; Gebhart, Renaissance, p. 81. His son Guido, "the first friend and the companion of all the youth of Dante," was reputed an atheist (Decameron, vi, 9). Cp. Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 48-49. But see Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 138, note.

[1471] In the Convito, ii, 9, he writes that, "among all the bestialities, that is the most foolish, the most vile, the most damnable, which believes no other life to be after this life." Another passage (iv, 5) heaps curses on the "most foolish and vile beasts ... who presume to speak against our Faith."

[1472] Cp. Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 111-12, as to anti-Christian movements.

[1473] Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 83, note; Renan, Averroès, pp. 326-27; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 177. and note 13 on p. 196.

[1474] Cp. Labitte, La Divine Comédie avant Dante, as cited, p. 139.

[1475] Michelet argues that Italy was "anti-Dantesque" in the Renaissance (Hist. de France, vii, Intr. § 9 and App.), but he exaggerates the common disregard of the Commedia.

[1476] As to an element of doubt, even in Dante, concerning Divine government, see Burckhardt, p. 497. But the attempt made by some critics to show that the "sins" to which Dante confessed had been intellectual--i.e., heresies--falls to the ground. See Döllinger, Studies in European History, Eng. tr. 1890, pp. 87-90; and cp. Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 144 sq. on the whole question.

[1477] Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 416-17, 433.

[1478] Cantù. Eretici d' Italia, i, 153. Cantù gives an account of the trial process.

[1479] G. Villani, x, 39. It is to be noted that the horoscope of Jesus was cast by several professed believers, as Albertus Magnus and Pierre d'Ailli, Cardinal and Bishop of Cambrai, as well as by Cardan. See Bayle, art. Cardan, note Q; and cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 326.

[1480] Cp. Owen, pp. 128, 135-42; Hallam, Lit. Hist., i, 141-42; Milman, bk. xiv, ch. v, end.

[1481] Decam., Gior. i, nov. 2.

[1482] Gior. i, nov. 3.

[1483] Dr. Marcus Landau, Die Quellen des Dekameron, 2te Aufl. 1884, p. 182.

[1484] The story is recorded to have been current among the Motecallemîn--a party kindred to the Motazilites--in Bagdad. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, citing Dozy. Renan thinks it may have been of Jewish origin. Id. p. 294, note.

[1485] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 207-208.

[1486] It is found some time before Boccaccio in the Cento Novelle antiche (No. 72 or 73) in a simpler form; but Landau (p. 183) thinks Boccaccio's immediate source was the version of Busone da Gubbio (b. 1280), who had improved on the version in the Cento Novelle, while Boccaccio in turn improved on him by treating the Jew more tolerantly. Bartoli (I Precursori del Boccaccio, 1876, pp. 26-28) disputes any immediate debt to Busone; as does Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 29, note.

[1487] Burckhardt (Renaissance in Italy, p. 493, note) points out that Boccaccio is the first to name the Christian religion, his Italian predecessors avoiding the idea; and that in one eastern version the story is used polemically against the Christians.

[1488] Owen, p. 142, and refs.

[1489] Id. pp. 143-45. He was even so far terrorized by the menaces of a monk (who appeared to him to have occult knowledge of some of his secrets) as to propose to give up his classical studies; and would have done so but for Petrarch's dissuasion. Petrarch's letter (Epist. Senil., i, 5) is translated (Lett. xii) by M. Develay, Lettres de Péttrarque à Boccace.

[1490] Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 28, 32, 37, and refs.

[1491] Id. pp. 11, 41.

[1492] Probably 25,000 in England alone, including monks. Id. p. 204.

[1493] Id. pp. 205-208, 213, 216.

[1494] Below, § 11.

[1495] As to his anti-clericalism, cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 71, and ref.; Owen, p. 113.

[1496] Cp. Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264.

[1497] See the exposition of Owen, pp. 109-28. and refs. on p. 113.

[1498] Renan, Averroès, p. 328.

[1499] Méziéres, Pétrarque, 1868, p. 362.

[1500] It is to be noted that in his opposition to the scholastics he had predecessors. Cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 65.

[1501] Owen, p. 113. It is to be remembered that Dante also (Convito, ii, 8, 9; iii, 14; iv, 7) exalts Reason; but he uses the word in the old sense of mere mentality--the thinking as distinguished from the sensuous element in man; and he was fierce against all resort to reason as against faith. Petrarch was of course more of a rationalist. As to his philosophic skepticism, see Owen, p. 120. He drew the line only at doubting those things "in which doubt is sacrilege." Nevertheless he grounded his belief in immortality not on the Christian creed, but on the arguments of the pagans (Burckhardt, p. 546).

[1502] Epist. sine titulo, cited by Renan, Averroès, p. 299. For the phrases put in Averroës' mouth by Christians, see pp. 294-98.

[1503] Inferno, iv, 144.

[1504] Renan, Averroès, pp. 301-15.

[1505] Id. pp. 333-37; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'ltalia, i, 176 and refs.

[1506] Renan, pp. 326-27.

[1507] Id. pp. 318-20.

[1508] Justinger, cited in The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. p. 298.

[1509] Hardwick, p. 357, note.

[1510] Cp. Bonnechose, Reformers before the the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1844, i, 40-43.

[1511] "Janus" (i.e. Döllinger), The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. 1869, pp. 292-95. This weighty work, sometimes mistakenly ascribed to Huber, who collaborated in it, was recast by commission and posthumously published as Das Papstthum, by J. Friedrich, München, 1892.

[1512] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 218; Lea, Hist. of the Inquis., i, 5-34; Gieseler, § 90 (ii, 572); Freytag, Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, 4te aufl. ii, 318-19.

[1513] The Pope and the Council, p. 220. For proofs see same work, pp. 220-34.

[1514] "La satire est la plus complète manifestation de la pensée libre au moyen âge. Dans ce monde ou le dogmatisme impitoyable au sein de l'Église et de l'école frappe comme hérétique tout dissident, l'esprit critique n'a pas trouvé de voie plus sûre, plus rapide et plus populaire, que la parodie" (Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, p. 14).

[1515] Cp. Lenient, as cited, p. 21.

[1516] See in Symonds's Renaissance in Italy, vol. i (Age of the Despots), ed. 1897, pp. 361-69, and Appendix IV, on "Religious Revivals in Medieval Italy." Those revivals occurred from time to time after Savonarola.

[1517] Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.

[1518] Gieseler, Per. III. Div. iii, § 90; Lea, Hist. of Inquis., ii, 319-20.

[1519] Kurtz, i, 435-36.

[1520] Lea, i, 320-21. Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. ii, 15-22; and Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 11, and notes. The doctrine of the treatise De Novem Rupibus is that of an educated thinker, and is in parts strongly antinomian, but always on pantheistic grounds.

[1521] Lea, i, 323-24.

[1522] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung, ii, 240-49.

[1523] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 40-43, and notes; ch. v, § 9. The names Beguin and Beghard seem to have been derived from the old German verb beggan, to beg. In the Netherlands, Beguine was a name for women; and Beghard for men.

[1524] See the record in Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, bk. iii, chs. i-iii.

[1525] Praised in the Roman de la Rose, Eng. vers. in Skeat's Chaucer, i, 244; Bell's ed. iv, 228. William was answered by the Dominican Thomas Aquinas.

[1526] See Biog. Introd. to ed. of the Philobiblon by E. C. Thomas, 1888, pp. xliii-xlvii.

[1527] C. 4, Querimonia librorum contra clericos jam promotos; C. 5, ... contra religiosos possessionatos; C. 6, ... contra religiosos mendicantes.

[1528] Ed. Thomas, as cited, pp. xlvi-vii.

[1529] Cp. Mosheim, 13 C. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 18-40; Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. vii, pt. 2; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais., p. 42; Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 244; Lea, Hist. of Inq., bk. iii, ch. i. The special work of the Dominicans was the establishment everywhere of the Inquisition. Mosheim, as last cited, ch. v, §§ 3-6, and notes; Lea, ii, 200-201; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 155-56; Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, as cited, i, 49-55, 68, etc.

[1530] As to the development of the Beguines from an original basis of charitable co-operation see Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, ii, 13; Lea, ii, 351.

[1531] Lea, iii, 10.

[1532] See the thirteenth-century memoirs of Fra Salimbene, Eng. tr. in T. K. L. Oliphant's The Duke and the Scholar, 1875, pp. 98, 103-104, 108-10, 116, 130.

[1533] The Introduction to the book, probably written by the Franciscan Gerhard, made St. Francis the angel of Rev. xiv, 6; and the ministers of the new order were to be his friars. Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 33-36, and notes. Cp. Lea, as cited; and Hahn, Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50, iii, 72-175--a very full account of Joachim's teaching.

[1534] Lea, iii, 20-25.

[1535] Le Clerc, Hist. Litt. de la France, xx, 230; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 155.

[1536] Averroès, pp. 259-60.

[1537] Cp. Mosheim, 14 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5; and Burnet's Letters, ed. Rotterdam, 1686, p. 31.

[1538] Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76.

[1539] Lea, iii, 104.

[1540] Hardwick, p. 316; Lea, iii, 109; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 14-16. A sect of Apostolici had existed in Asia Minor in the fourth century. Kurtz, i, 242. Cp. Lea, i, 109, note. Those of the twelfth century were vehemently opposed by St. Bernard.

[1541] Lea, iii, 109-19.

[1542] Lea, p. 121; Kurtz, i, 437; Hardwick, p. 315, note; Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 14, and note. See Dante, Inferno, xxviii, 55-60, as to Dolcino.

[1543] Lea, p. 125.

[1544] As to the external movements connected with Joachim's Gospel see Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 13-15. They were put down by sheer bloodshed. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 431; Lea, pp. 25-26, 86.

[1545] Hist. de France, vol. x; La Réforme, ed. 1884, p. 333.

[1546] See the author's notes to his ed. of Buckle (Routledge), 1904, pp. 539, 547.

[1547] U. R. Burke, History of Spain, Hume's ed. i, 109-10.

[1548] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ed. 1856, p. 41; Burke, as cited, ii, 55-56.

[1549] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 81.

[1550] Burke, i, 218.

[1551] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, ii, 54-55.

[1552] Id. ii, 58.

[1553] Lea, iii, 560.

[1554] Personally he discouraged heresy-hunting. Burke, ii, 66.

[1555] Burke, i, 268-73; Dunham, Hist. of Spain and Portugal, 1832, iv, 260.

[1556] Lea, iii, 24.

[1557] Burke, ii, 65.

[1558] Lea, ii, 183.

[1559] Id. i, 221.

[1560] Burke, ii, 66-67.

[1561] Lea, iii, 85-86.

[1562] Id. pp. 52-53; McCrie, Reformation in Spain, p. 20.

[1563] Bonet-Maury, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme, 1904, pp. 114-19.

[1564] Lea, iii, 86.

[1565] Burke, ii, 57.

[1566] Id. ii, 62-63.

[1567] Lea, iii, 564.

[1568] Id. ii, 187-88.

[1569] Lea, ii, 287; Burke, ii, 67-69.

[1570] Burke, ii, 77, citing Lafuente, ix, 233.

[1571] Id. citing Bergenroth, Calendar, etc. i, 37.

[1572] Even as late as 1591, in Aragon, when in a riot against the Inquisition the Inquisitors barely escaped with their lives. Burke, ii, 80, note.

[1573] Id. pp. 81-82.

[1574] There had previously been sharp social persecution by the Cortès, in 1480, on "anti-Semitic" grounds, the Jews being then debarred from all the professions, and even from commerce. They were thus driven to usury by Christians, who latterly denounce the race for usuriousness. Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884, p. 15, note.

[1575] The number has been put as high as 800,000. Cp. F. D. Mocatta, The Jews and the Inquisition, 1877, p. 54; E. La Rigaudière, Hist. des Perséc. Relig. en Espagne, 1860, pp. 112-14; Prescott, Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella, Kirk's ed. 1889, p. 323; and refs. in ed. of Buckle cited, p. 541.

[1576] Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, ed. 1818, i, 280. As to Llorente's other estimates, which are of doubtful value, cp. Prescott's note, ed. cited, p. 746. But as to Llorente's general credit, see the vindication of U. R. Burke, ii, 85-87.

[1577] Llorente, i, 281.

[1578] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ch. viii.

[1579] Cp. La Rigaudière, pp. 309-14; Buckle, as cited, pp. 514, 570; U. R. Burke, i, 59, 85.

[1580] Cp. Émile Charles, Roger Bacon, Paris, 1861, p. 23.

[1581] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. ii, 1880, vol. ii, p. 79.

[1582] This sum of libri has been taken by English writers to stand for English "pounds." It may however have represented Parisian livres.

[1583] Prof. Brewer, Introd. to Opera Inedita of Roger Bacon, 1859, pp. xiv-xxiii.

[1584] Id. p. xlvi.

[1585] Id. p. xxx, sq.

[1586] Id. pp. liv-lv.

[1587] Compendium Philosophiæ, cap. i, in Op. Ined., pp. 398-401.

[1588] Id. p. 401. Cp. p. 412 as to the multitude of theologians at Paris banished for sodomy.

[1589] Id. p. 422.

[1590] Id. cc. ii-v, pp. 404-32.

[1591] Brewer, p. xciii, note, cites this in an extract from the Chronicle of Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, a late writer of the fifteenth century, who "gives no authority for his statement." Dr. Bridges, however, was enabled by M. Sabatier to trace the passage back to the MS. Chronica xxiv Generalium Ordinis Minorum, which belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century; and the passage, as M. Sabatier remarks, has all the appearance of being an extract from the official journal of this Order. (Bridges, The "Opus Majus" of Roger Bacon, Suppl. vol. 1900, p. 158.)

[1592] "Il etait né rebelle." "Le mépris systématique de l'autorité, voilà vraiment ce qu'il professe." (Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 76, 85.)

[1593] See the sympathetic accounts of Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, pp. 100-12; White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 379-91.

[1594] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 476.

[1595] Humboldt, Examen Crit. de l'hist. de la Géographie, 1836-39, i, 64-70, gives the passages in the Opus Majus and the Imago Mundi, and paraphrase of the latter in Columbus's letter to Ferdinand and Isabella from Jamaica (given also in P. L. Ford's Writings of Christopher Columbus, 1892, p. 199 sq.). Cp. Ellis's note to Francis Bacon's Temporis Partus Masculus, in Ellis and Spedding's ed. of Bacon's Works, iii, 534. It should be remembered in this connection that Columbus found believers, in the early stage of his undertaking, only in two friars, one a Franciscan and one a Dominican. See Ford's ed. of the Writings, p. 107.

[1596] Cp. Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 95.

[1597] Opus Majus, Pars ii, cap. 5.

[1598] Renan, Averroès, p. 263. Bacon mentions Averroës in the Opus Majus, P. i, cc. 6, 15; P. ii, c. 13; ed. Bridges, iii (1900), 14, 33, 67. In the passage last cited he calls him "homo solidae sapientiae, corrigens multa priorum et addens multa, quamvis corrigendus sit in aliquibus, et in multis complendus."

[1599] See the careful notice by Prof. Adamson in Dict. of Nat. Biog. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 152-60; Lewes, Hist. of Philos. ii, 77-87.

[1600] Two Englishmen, the Carmelite John of Baconthorpe (d. 1346) and Walter Burleigh, were among the orthodox Averroïsts; the latter figuring as a Realist against William of Occam.

[1601] Legend of Good Women, ll. 1039-43; Parliament of Fowls, ll. 199-200.

[1602] Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, 438 (440).

[1603] Id. 653-61 (655-63). Cp. Tale of the Wife of Bath; 1-25.

[1604] Legend of Good Women, prol. ll. 1-9; Knight's Tale, ll. 1951-56 (2809-14 of MS. group A).

[1605] The notion connects with the spurious Ploughman's Tale and Pilgrim's Tale, as to which see Lounsbury, as cited, i, 460-73; ii, 460-69.

[1606] Vision of Piers Ploughman, ll. 5809 sq. Wright's ed. i, 179-80.

[1607] Chaucer's Boece, B. I. Prose iv. ll. 223-26, in Skeat's Student's Chaucer.

[1608] Mosheim, 14 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 36, and note. Cp. Green, Short History of the English People, ch. v, § 3, ed. 1881, p. 235.

[1609] Cp. Green, Short Hist. ch. v, § 5; Massingberd, The English Reformation, p. 171.

[1610] Cited by Lechler, Wycliffe and his English Precursors, Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 440.

[1611] Cp. Prof. Montagu Burrows, Wiclif's Place in History, 1884, p. 49. Maitland (Eight Essays, 1852) suggested derivation from the movement of Abbot Joachim and others of that period.

[1612] Wilkins' Concilia, ii, 124.

[1613] Cp. Vaughan, as cited by Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 402.

[1614] Hardwick, pp. 417, 418. The doctrine of purgatory was, however, soon renounced by the Lollards (id. p. 420).

[1615] See the passages cited in Lewis's Life of Wiclif, ed. 1820, pp. 224-25. Cp. Burrows, as cited, p. 19; Le Bas, Life of Wiclif, 1832, pp. 357-59.

[1616] Lechler, Wycliffe and his Eng. Precursors, pp. 371-76; Hardwick, p. 412.

[1617] Cp. Green, Short History, ch. v, § 4.

[1618] Lechler, p. 236. It forms bk. vi of Wiclif's theological Summa.

[1619] Baxter, in his address "To the doubting and unbelieving readers" prefixed to his Reasons of the Christian Religion, 1667, names Savonarola, Campanella, Ficinus, Vives, Mornay, Grotius, Cameron, and Micraelius as defenders of the faith, but no writer of the fourteenth century.

[1620] Cp. Le Bas, pp. 342-43; and Hardwick, Church Hist.: Middle Age, p. 415.

[1621] Lechler, p. 236.

[1622] Blunt, Reformation of the Church of England, 1892, i, 284, and refs.

[1623] It is noteworthy that French culture affected the very vocabulary of Dante, as it did that of his teacher, Brunetto Latini. Cp. Littré, Etudes sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e édit. pp. 399-400. The influence of French literature is further seen in Boccaccio, and in Italian literature in general from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. Gebhart, pp. 209-21.

[1624] Saintsbury, Short Hist. of French Lit. 1882, p. 57.

[1625] Passage not translated in the old Eng. version.

[1626] Cp. Lenient, pp. 159-60.

[1627] Lenient, p. 169.

[1628] This declaration, as it happens, is put in the mouth of "False-Seeming," but apparently with no ironical intention.

[1629] Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 132.

[1630] Id. p. 135.

[1631] Duruy, Hist. de France, ed. 1880, i, 440-41; Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais. pp. 2, 19, 24-29, 32-35, 41-50; Le Clerc and Renan, Hist. Litt. de la France au XIVe Siècle, i, 4; ii, 123; Littré, Études, as cited, pp. 424-29.

[1632] Duruy, i, 409 sq., 449; Gebhart, pp. 35-41; Morin, Origines de la Démocratie: La France au moyen âge, 3e édit. 1865, p. 304 sq.

[1633] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, vii, Renaissance, Introd. § ii. Between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries, he insists, "le jour baisse horriblement."

[1634] Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 47, 78, 108-10.

[1635] Littré, Études, as cited, pp. 411-13.

[1636] Le Clerc, as cited, p. 259; Gebhart, pp. 48-49.

[1637] Sir James F. Stephen, Horæ Sabbaticæ, 1892, i, 42.

[1638] The Italians said of the French Pope Clement VI (1342-52) that he had small religion. M. Villani, Cronica, iii, 43 (ed. 1554).

[1639] Cp. Dr. T. Arnold, Lect. on Mod. Hist. 4th ed. pp. 111-18; Buckle, 3 vol. ed. i, 326-27 (1-vol. ed. p. 185); Stephen, as cited, i, 121. "It is hardly too much to say that Comines's whole mind was haunted at all times and at every point by a belief in an invisible and immensely powerful and artful man whom he called God" (last cited).

[1640] Buckle, i, 329 (1-vol. ed. p. 186).

[1641] Buckle, ii, 133 (1-vol. ed. p. 361); Hallam, Middle Ages, iii, 395-96. Religious ceremonies were attached to the initiation of knights in the 13th century. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civilisation, ii, 15.

[1642] Duruy, i, 368, 373-74. Cp. J. Jolly, Philippe le Bel, 1869, l. iii, ch. iv, p. 249. It is to be remembered that Philippe had for years been sorely pressed for money to retrieve his military disasters. See H. Hervieu, Recherches sur les premiers états généraux, 1879, pp. 89 sq., 99 sq. He used his ill-gotten gains to restore the currency, which he had debased. Id. pp. 101-102.

[1643] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, vol. ii, 359-60.

[1644] Poole, Illustrations, p. 265. Cp. Villari, Life and Times of Machiavelli, ii, 64-67; Tullo Massarani, Studii di politica e di storia, 2a ed. 1899, pp. 112-13; Neander, Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. 1855, ix, 33.

[1645] Poole, pp. 266-76. Cp. Hardwick, Church History, Middle Age, 1853, pp. 346-47.

[1646] Ueberweg, i, 461-62.

[1647] "His (Occam's) philosophy is that of centuries later." (Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 148. Cp. pp. 150-51.)

[1648] Cp. Hardwick, p. 377, and Rettberg, as there cited.

[1649] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76; Mosheim, 14 C. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5. As to his religious bigotry, see Milman, p. 142, notes.

[1650] Ueberweg, i, 460-64; cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 275-81.

[1651] James Mill, Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind, ed. 1869, i, 250-51.

[1652] Cp. Ueberweg, p. 464. Mr. Poole's judgment (p. 280) that Occam "starts from the point of view of a theologian" hardly does justice to his attitude towards theology. Occam had indeed to profess acceptance of theology; but he could not well have made less account of its claims.

[1653] Ueberweg, pp. 465-66.

[1654] Id. p. 466.

[1655] Id. ib.

[1656] Poole, p. 281.

[1657] Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 37, citing John of Goch, De libertate Christiana, lib. i, cc. 17, 18. Compare the Averroïst propositions of 1269-1277, given above, pp. 319-20.

[1658] Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 187-88 (Eng. tr. i, 225-26).

[1659] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 164.

[1660] Gervinus, Gesch. der deutschen Dichtung, 5te Ausg. i, 489-99. Even in the period before the Minnesingers the clerical poetry had its anti-clerical side. Id. p. 194. Towards the end of the 12th century Nigellus Wireker satirized the monks in his Brunellus, seu speculum stultorum. Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 252. See Menzel's note, before cited, for a remarkable outbreak of anti-clerical if not anti-Christian satire, in the form of sculpture in an ancient carving in the Strasburg Cathedral.

[1661] Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung, ii, 62-63; Gervinus, i, 523; ii, 69; Kurtz, Gesch. der deutschen Litteratur, 1853, i, 428, col. 2.

[1662] Milman, Latin Chr., ix, 125. Albert was an Aristotelian--a circumstance which makes sad havoc of Menzel's proposition (Geschichte, Cap. 251) that the "German spirit" did not take naturally to Aristotle. Menzel puts the fact and the theory on opposite pages.

[1663] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 258. Cp. p. 261.

[1664] For a full account of Eckhart's teaching see Dr. A. Lasson's monograph (§ 106) in Ueberweg's Hist. of Philos., i, 467-84; also Ullmann, Reformers before the Ref., ii, 23-31. Cp. Lea, Hist. of Inquis., ii, 354-59, 362-69, as to the sects. As to Tauler, see Milman, ix, 255-56. He opposed the more advanced pantheism of the Beghards. Id. p. 262.

[1665] In the 400 years following its publication there were published over 6,000 separate editions.

[1666] Bk. i, ch. ii, 1, 2.

[1667] Bk. i, ch. iii. 1, 2.

[1668] Id. § 5.

[1669] J. A. Symonds writes that in the age of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio "what we call the Renaissance had not yet arrived" (Renaissance in Italy: Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 9).

[1670] Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. pp. 280-82, 295; Lewes, Hist. of Philos., 4th ed. ii, 67; Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 139-41. It is noteworthy that the troubadour, Austore d'Orlac, in cursing the crusades and the clergy who promoted them, suggests that the Christians should turn Moslems, seeing that God is on the side of the unbelievers (Gieseler, Per. III. Div. III, § 58, note 1).

[1671] Cp. Burckhardt, Civ. of the Renais. in Italy, Eng. tr. ed. 1892, pp. 490, 492.

[1672] Id. p. 333.

[1673] Hardwick, p. 354, note.

[1674] Cp. Hardwick, p. 361; "Janus," The Pope and the Council, p. 308.

[1675] Burckhardt, p. 497, note.

[1676] Villari, Life and Times of Machiavelli, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. vol. i, introd. p. 115. Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 35, 226.

[1677] As to its history see "Janus," The Pope and the Council, p. 131 sq.

[1678] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98, 108.

[1679] It is noteworthy, however, that he did not detect, or at least did not declare, the spuriousness of the text of the three witnesses (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii, 58, note). Here the piety of Alfonso, who knew his Bible by heart, may have restrained him.

[1680] See the passages transcribed by Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 148.

[1681] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98-101.

[1682] Cp. Gebhart, Renaissance en Italie, pp. 72-73; Burckhardt, pp. 458-65; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 5-4. "The authors of the most scandalous satires were themselves mostly monks or benficed priests." (Burckhardt, p. 465.)

[1683] Burckhardt, pp. 451-61; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy: The Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 359; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 153.

[1684] See it well analysed by Owen, pp. 147-60. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 199. M. Perrens describes Pulci as "emancipated from all belief"; but holds that he "bantered the faith without the least design of attacking religion" (La Civilisation florentine, p. 151). But cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 159-60.

[1685] Owen, p. 160. So also Hunt, and the editor of the Parnaso Italiano, there cited.

[1686] Below, § 4.

[1687] Above, p. 361.

[1688] Lea, ii, 271-72. Cp. pp. 282-84.

[1689] Burckhardt, p. 502.

[1690] Id. p. 500.

[1691] Id. p. 502.

[1692] Id. p. 503, note.

[1693] Cp. R. C. Christie's essay, "Pomponatius--a Skeptic," in his Selected Essays and Papers, 1902, pp. 131-32; Renan, Averroès, pp. 345-352.

[1694] Comm. in Aristot. de Gen. et Corr., lib. i, fol. 29 G. cited by Ellis in note on Bacon, who quotes a version of the phrase in the De Augmentis, B. v, end. As to Nifo see Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875, ch. xii.

[1695] As to ribald blasphemies by the Roman clergy see Erasmus, Epist. xxvi, 34 (ed. le Clerc), cited by Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 378, note.

[1696] Lit. Hist. of Europe, i, 142. Following Eichhorn, Hallam notes vindications by Marsilio Ficino, Alfonso de Spina (a converted Jew), Æneas Sylvius, and Pico di Mirandola; observing that the work of the first-named "differs little from modern apologies of the same class."

[1697] Cp. Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. ed. 1908, i, 58.

[1698] Epist. above cited; Burigni, Vie d'Erasme, 1757, i, 148-49.

[1699] Paul Canensius, cited by Ranke.

[1700] This view seems to solve the mystery as to Perugino's creed. Vasari (ed. Milanesi, iii, 589) calls him "persona di assai poca religione." Mezzanotte (Della vita di P. Vanucci, etc. 1836, p. 172 sq.) indignantly rejects the statement, but notes that in Ciatti's MS. annals of Perugia, ad ann. 1524, the mind of the painter is said to have been come una tavola rasa in religious matters. Mezzanotte holds that Pietro has been there confounded with a later Perugian painter.

[1701] Leonardo da Vinci, Frammenti letterari e filosofici, trascelti par Dr. Edmondo Solmi. Firenze, 1900. Pensieri sulla scienza, 19, 20.

[1702] Ib. 14, 22, 23, 24, 92.

[1703] Ib. 36-38, 41.

[1704] Some of the humanists called him unlettered (omo senza lettere), and he calls them gente stolta, a foolish tribe.

[1705] Ib. 44, 46, 47, 48, 58, 60, 63, etc.

[1706] Ib. 45.

[1707] Ib. 30.

[1708] Ib. 57.

[1709] Ib. 66. Cp. 67-69.

[1710] Id. Pensieri sulla natura. 80-86.

[1711] Shortly after Leonardo we find Girolamo Fracastorio (1483-1553) developing the criticism further, and in particular disposing of the futile formula, resorted to by the scientific apriorists of the time, that the "plastic force of nature" created fossils like other things.

[1712] Id. Pensieri sulla morale, passim.

[1713] Ib. 7.

[1714] Ib. 44, 45.

[1715] Ib. 46, 47.

[1716] Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 524, 541, notes; Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 124. "It was easy to see by his words that he hoped for the restoration of the pagan religion" (Id. Life of Savonarola, Eng. tr. p. 51).

[1717] Only a few fragments of it survive. Villari, Life of Savonarola, p. 51.

[1718] Carriere, Philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1847, p. 13.

[1719] Cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 128-34.

[1720] Cp. Perrens, Hist. de Florence (1434-1531), i, 258.

[1721] Id. p. 257. Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 132; Savonarola, p. 60.

[1722] "Of the majority of the twenty-two languages he was supposed to have studied, he knew little more than the alphabet and the elements of grammar" (Villari, Machiavelli, i, 135). As to Pico's character, which was not saintly, see Perrens, Histoire, as cited, i, 561-62.

[1723] Cp. Greswell, Memoirs of Politianus, Picus, etc. 2nd ed. 1805, 235; McCrie, The Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 33, note.

[1724] Greswell, pp. 330-31.

[1725] Cp. K. M. Sauer, Gesch. der italien. Litteratur, 1883, p. 109; Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.

[1726] Villari, Machiavelli, i, 133.

[1727] Greswell, pp. 331-32.

[1728] Discorsi sopra Tito Livio, i, 12.

[1729] Istorie fiorentine, liv. i; Discorsi, i, 12.

[1730] Discorsi, ii, 2.

[1731] For another point of view see Owen, as cited, p. 167.

[1732] In the Italian translation of Bacon's essays, made for Bacon in 1618 by an English hand, Machiavelli is branded in one passage as an impio, and in another his name is dropped. See Routledge ed. of Bacon's Works, pp. 749, 751. The admiring Paolo Giovio called him irrisor et atheos; and Cardinal Pole said the Prince was so full of every kind of irreligion that it might have been written by the hand of Satan (Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875, p. 4).

[1733] Burckhardt, pp. 499-500. Cp. Owen, pp. 165-68. It is thus impossible to be sure of the truth of the statement of Gregorovius (Lucrezia Borgia, Eng. tr. 1904, p. 25) that "There were no women skeptics or freethinkers; they would have been impossible in the society of that day." Where dissimulation of unbelief was necessarily habitual, there may have been some women unbelievers as well as many men.

[1734] Owen's characterization of Machiavelli's Asino d'oro as a "satire on the freethought of his age" (p. 177) will not stand investigation. See his own note, p. 178.

[1735] Discorsi, i, 56.

[1736] As we saw, Polybius in his day took a similar view, coming as he did from Greece, where military failure had followed on a certain growth of unbelief. Machiavelli was much influenced by Polybius. Villari, ii, 9.

[1737] Cp. Tullo Massarani, Studii di letteratura e d'arte, 1809, p. 96.

[1738] Discorsi, i, 15.

[1739] Id. i, 11, end.

[1740] Villari, ii, 93-94.

[1741] Burckhardt, p. 464; Owen, p. 180, and refs.

[1742] Owen, p. 181. See the whole account of Guicciardini's rather confused opinions.

[1743] Though Italy had most of what scientific knowledge existed. Burckhardt, p. 292.

[1744] "A man might at the same time be condemned as a heretic in Spain for affirming, and in Italy for denying, the reality of the witches' nightly rides" (The Pope and the Council, p. 258).

[1745] The Pope and the Council, pp. 249-61. It was another Spina who wrote on the other side.

[1746] F. Fiorentino, Pietro Pomponazzi, 1868, p. 30.

[1747] Owen, pp. 197-98; Renan, Averroès, pp. 353-62; Christie, as cited, p. 133.

[1748] Cp. Owen, pp. 201, 218; Lange, i, 183-87 (tr. i, 220-25). He, however, granted that the mass of mankind, "brutish and materialized," needed the belief in heaven and hell to moralize them (Christie, pp. 140-41).