Chapter XIII: The Rise of Modern Freethought (3)

[468] Curtius, i, 201, 204, 205, 381; Grote, iii, 5; Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, 3te Aufl. i, 23 (Eng. tr. i, 23).

[469] Herodotos, i, 170; Diogenes Laërtius, Thales, ch. i.

[470] On the essentially anti-religious rationalism of the whole Ionian movement, cp. Meyer, ii, 753-57.

[471] The First Philosophers of Greece, by A. Fairbanks, 1898, pp. 2, 3, 6. This compilation usefully supplies a revised text of the ancient philosophic fragments, with a translation of these and of the passages on the early thinkers by the later, and by the epitomists. A good conspectus of the remains of the early Greek thinkers is supplied also in Grote's Plato and the other Companions of Sokrates, ch. i; and a valuable critical analysis of the sources in Prof. J. Burnet's Early Greek Philosophy.

[472] Cp. Lange, Gesch. des Mat. i, 126 (Eng. tr. i, 8, n.). Mr. Benn (The Greek Philosophers, i, 8) and Prof. Decharme (p. 39) seem to read this as a profession of belief in deities in the ordinary sense. But cp. R. W. Mackay, The Progress of the Intellect, 1850, i, 338. Burnet (ch. i, § 11) doubts the authenticity of this saying, but thinks it "extremely probable that Thales did say that the magnet and amber had souls."

[473] Mackay, as cited, p. 331.

[474] Fairbanks, p. 4.

[475] Diogenes Laërtius, Thales, ch. 9.

[476] Fairbanks, pp. 3, 7.

[477] Herodotos, i, 74.

[478] Cp. Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 2nd. ed. introd. § 3. To Thales is ascribed by the Greeks the "discovery" of the constellation Ursus Major. Diog. ch. 2. As it was called "Phoenike" by the Greeks, his knowledge would be of Phoenician derivation. Cp. Humboldt, Kosmos, Bohn tr. iii, 160.

[479] Diog. Laërt. ch. 3. On this cp. Burnet, introd. § 6.

[480] Herod. i, 170. Cp. Diog. Laërt. ch. 3.

[481] Diog. Laërt. ch. 9.

[482] Cp. Burnet, p. 57.

[483] Fairbanks, pp. 9-10. Mr. Benn (Greek Philosophers, i, 9) decides that the early philosophers, while realizing that ex nihilo nihil fit, had not grasped the complementary truth that nothing can be annihilated. But even if the teaching ascribed to Anaximandros be set aside as contradictory (since he spoke of generation and destruction within the infinite), we have the statement of Diogenes Laërtius (bk. ix, ch. 9, § 57) that Diogenes of Apollonia, pupil of Anaximenes, gave the full Lucretian formula.

[484] Diogenes Laërtius, however (ii, 2), makes him agree with Thales.

[485] Fairbanks, pp. 9-16. Diogenes makes him the inventor of the gnomon and of the first map and globe, as well as a maker of clocks. Cp. Grote, i, 330, note.

[486] See below, p. 158, as to Demokritos' statement concerning the Eastern currency of scientific views which, when put by Anaxagoras, scandalized the Greeks.

[487] Fairbanks, pp. 17-22.

[488] See Windelband, Hist. of Anc. Philos. Eng. tr. 1900, p. 25, citing Diels and Wilamowitz-Möllendorf. Cp. Burnet, introd. § 14.

[489] It will be observed that Mr. Cornford's book, though somewhat loosely speculative is very freshly suggestive. It is well worth study, alongside of the work of Prof. Burnet, by those interested in the scientific presentation of the evolution of thought.

[490] Diog. Laërt. ix, 19; Fairbanks, p. 76.

[491] Herodotos, i, 163-67; Grote, iii, 421; Meyer, ii, § 438.

[492] Cp. Guillaume Bréton, Essai sur la poésie philosophique en Grèce, 1882, pp. 23-25. The life period of Xenophanes is still uncertain. Meyer (ii, § 466) and Windelband (Hist. of Anc. Philos. Eng. tr. p. 47) still adhere to the chronology which puts him in the century 570-470, making him a young man at the foundation of Elea.

[493] Cousin, developed by G. Bréton, work cited, p. 31 sq., traces Xenophanes's doctrine of the unity of things to the school of Pythagoras. It clearly had antecedents. But Xenophanes is recorded to have argued against Pythagoras as well as Thales and Epimenides (Diog. Laërt. ix, 2, §§ 18, 20).

[494] Metaphysics, i, 5; cp. Fairbanks, pp. 79-80.

[495] One of several so entitled in that age. Cp. Burnet, introd. § 7.

[496] Metaph., as cited; Plato, Soph. 242 D.

[497] Long fragment in Athenæus, xi, 7; Burnet, p. 130.

[498] Burnet, p. 141.

[499] Cp. Burnet, p. 131.

[500] Fairbanks, p. 67, Fr. 5, 6; Clem. Alex. Stromata, bk. v, Wilson's tr. ii, 285-86. Cp. bk. vii, c. 4.

[501] Fairbanks, Fr. 7.

[502] Cicero, De divinatione, i, 3, 5; Aetius, De placitis reliquiæ, in Fairbanks, p. 85.

[503] Aristotle, Rhetoric, ii, 23, § 27. A similar saying is attributed to Herakleitos, on slight authority (Fairbanks, p. 54).

[504] Cicero, Academica, ii, 39; Lactantius, Div. Inst. iii, 23. Anaxagoras and Demokritos held the same view. Diog. Laërt, bk. ii, ch. iii, iv (§ 8); Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosoph. ii, 25.

[505] Cp. Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, i, 340.

[506] Diog. Laërt. in life of Pyrrho, bk. ix, ch. xi, 8 (§ 72). The passage, however, is uncertain. See Fairbanks, p. 70.

[507] Fairbanks. Fr. 1. Fairbanks translates with Zeller: "The whole [of God]." Grote: "The whole Kosmos, or the whole God." It should be noted that the original in Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. ix, 144) is given without the name of Xenophanes, and the ascription is modern.

[508] Grote, as last cited, p. 18.

[509] Fairbanks, Fr. 19. In Athenæus, x, 413.

[510] Polybius, iv, 40; Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, viii, 126; Fairbanks, pp. 25, 27; Frag. 4, 14. Cp. 92, 111, 113.

[511] Diog. Laërt. ix, i, 2.

[512] Fairbanks, Fr. 134.

[513] Id. Frag. 36, 67.

[514] Id. Frag. 43, 44, 46, 62.

[515] Diog. Laërt. last cited. This saying is by some ascribed to the later Herakleides (see Fairbanks, Fr. 119 and note); but it does not seem to be in his vein, which is wholly pro-Homeric.

[516] Clem. Alex. Protrept. ch. 2, Wilson's tr. p. 41. The passage is obscure, but Mr. Fairbanks's translation (Fr. 127) is excessively so.

[517] Clemens, as cited, p.32; Fairbanks, Fr. 124, 125, 130. Cp. Burnet, p. 139.

[518] Fairbanks, Fr. 21.

[519] Cp. Burnet, pp. 175-90.

[520] Theaetetus, 180 D. See good estimates of Parmenides in Benn's Greek Philosophers, i, 17-19, and Philosophy of Greece in Relation to the Character of its People, pp. 83-95; in J. A. Symonds's Studies of the Greek Poets, 3rd ed. 1893, vol. i, ch. 6; and in Zeller, i, 580 sq.

[521] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 26.

[522] Mr. Benn finally gives very high praise to Melissos (Philos. of Greece, pp. 91-92); as does Prof. Burnet (Early Gr. Philos. p. 378). He held strongly by the Ionian conception of the eternity of matter. Fairbanks, p. 125.

[523] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. iv, 3 (§ 24).

[524] Diog. Laërt. ix, 3 (§ 21).

[525] As to this see Windelband, Hist. Anc. Philos. pp. 91-92.

[526] Cp. Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, i. 340.

[527] "The difference between the Ionians and Eleatæ was this: the former endeavoured to trace an idea among phenomena by aid of observation; the latter evaded the difficulty by dogmatically asserting the objective existence of an idea" (Mackay, as last cited).

[528] Cp. Mackay, i, 352-53, as to the survival of veneration of the heavenly bodies in the various schools.

[529] Grote, i, 350.

[530] Meyer, ii, 9, 759 (§§ 5, 465).

[531] Id. §§ 6, 466.

[532] Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. 1886, p. 210.

[533] Compare Meyer, ii, § 502, as to the close resemblances between Pythagoreanism and Orphicism.

[534] Meyer, i, 186; ii, 635.

[535] Fairbanks, pp. 145, 151, 155, etc.

[536] Id. p. 143.

[537] Id. p. 154.

[538] Prof. Burnet insists (introd. p. 30) that "the" Greeks must be reckoned good observers because their later sculptors were so. As well say that artists make the best men of science.

[539] Metaph. i, 5; Fairbanks, p. 136. "It is quite safe to attribute the substance of the First Book of Euclid to Pythagoras." Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 2nd ed. p. 117.

[540] Diog. Laërt. Philolaos (bk. viii, ch. 7).

[541] L. U. K. Hist. of Astron. p. 20; A. Berry's Short Hist. of Astron. 1898, p. 25; Narrien's Histor. Acc. of the Orig. and Prog. of Astron. 1850, p. 163.

[542] See Benn, Greek Philosophers, i, 11.

[543] Diog. Laërt. in life of Philolaos; Cicero, Academica, ii, 39. Cicero, following Theophrastus, is explicit as to the teaching of Hiketas.

[544] Hippolytos, Ref. of all Heresies, i, 13. Cp. Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. i, 201, 205, 238-39.

[545] Pseudo-Plutarch, De Placitis Philosoph. iii, 13, 14.

[546] Ueberweg, i, 49. Cp. Tertullian (Apol. ch. 11), who says Pythagoras taught that the world was uncreated; and the contrary statement of Aetius (in Fairbanks, pp. 146-47).

[547] Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. pp. 22, 25. The question is ably handled by Renouvier, Manuel, i, 199-205.

[548] Diog. Laërt., viii, i, 8.

[549] The whole question is carefully sifted by Grote, iv, 76-94. Prof. Burnet (Early Greek Philos. 2nd ed. pp. 96-98) sums up that the Pythagorean Order was an attempt to overrule or supersede the State.

[550] Cp. Burnet, p. 97, note 3. Prof. Burnet speaks of the Pythagorean Order as a "new religion" appealing to the people rather than the aristocrats, who were apt to be "freethinking." But on the next page he pictures the "plain man" as resenting precisely the religious neology of the movement. The evidence for the adhesion of aristocrats seems pretty strong.

[551] Fairbanks, p. 143.

[552] Grote, Plato and the Other Companions of Socrates, ed. 1885, iv, 163.

[553] Diog. Laërt. bk. viii, ch. i, 19 (§ 21).

[554] Ennius, Fragmenta, ed. Hesselius, 1707, pp. 1, 4-7; Horace, Epist. ii, 1, 52; Persius, Sat. vi.

[555] Grote, History, iv, 97.

[556] Scholiast on Iliad, xx, 67; Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 48 (31); W. Christ, Gesch. der griech. Literatur, 3te Aufl. p. 63; Grote, ch. xvi (i, 374).

[557] See above, p. 145.

[558] K. O. Müller, Dorians, Eng. tr. ii, 365-68; Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, Eng. tr. ed. 1894, iii, 113.

[559] Grote. i, 338, note.

[560] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 22.

[561] Philolaos, as we saw, is said to have been prosecuted, but is not said to have been condemned.

[562] Fairbanks, pp. 245, 255, 261; Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 4 (§ 8).

[563] Fairbanks, pp. 230-45. Cp. Grote, Plato, i, 54, and Ueberweg, i, 66, as to nature of the Nous of Anaxagoras.

[564] Grote, i, 374; Hesychius, s.v. Agamemnona; cp. Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 7 (§ 11); Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 37 (21).

[565] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 6.

[566] Id. chs. 5, 8.

[567] Id. c. 16. The old man is said to have uttered the reproach: "Perikles, those who want to use a lamp supply it with oil."

[568] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 4.

[569] Cp. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. iv, 277.

[570] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 32.

[571] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. ix (§ 57), citing the Defence of Sokrates by Demetrius Phalereus.

[572] Id. bk. ii, ch. iii, 9 (§ 12), citing Sotion. Another writer of philosophers' lives, Hermippus (same cit.), said he had been thrown into prison; and yet a third, Hieronymus, said he was released out of pity because of his emaciated appearance when produced in court by Perikles.

[573] Diog. Laërt. last cit. 10 (§ 14).

[574] Id. 8 (§ 11).

[575] Drews, Gesch. des Monismus im Altertum, p. 205.

[576] Even in the early progressive period "the same time which set up rationalism developed a deep religious influence in the masses." (Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. ii, 728. Cp. iii, 425; also Grote, vii, 30; and Benn, Philosophy of Greece, 1898, pp. 69-70.)

[577] Plutarch, Perikles, ch. 32.

[578] Cp. Grote, v, 24; Curtius, ii, 208-209.

[579] Plutarch, as cited. Plutarch also states, however, that the only occasion on which Perikles gave way to emotion in public was that of the death of his favourite son.

[580] Holm (Griechische Geschichte, ii, 335) decides that Perikles sought to Ionise his fellow Athenians; and Dr. Burnet, coinciding (Early Greek Philosophy, 1892, p. 277), suggests that he and Aspasia brought Anaxagoras to Athens with that aim.

[581] Perikles, ch. 8.

[582] "Der Kleinasiatische Rationalist Herodot" is the exaggerated estimate of A. Bauer, in Ilberg's Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, ix (1902), 235, following Eduard Meyer (iv, § 448), who, however (§ 447), points to the lack of scientific thought or training in Herodotos as in Thukydides. Ignorance of Nature remained a Greek characteristic.

[583] Bk. viii, ch. 77. Cp. viii, 20, 96; ix, 43.

[584] Cp. Meyer, iv, § 446, as to the inadequacy of Athenian culture, and the unchanging ignorance of the populace on matters of physical science.

[585] Plutarch, Against the Stoics, ch. 31; Simplicius, Physica, i, 6.

[586] Clem. Alex. Protrept. c. 4.

[587] Refutation of all Heresies, i, 14.

[588] Cp. Aristotle, Metaphysics, i, 3; De anima, i, 2.

[589] Decharme, Critique des trad. relig. p. 137, citing scholiast on Aristoph., Clouds, 96.

[590] See the point discussed by Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, 3te Aufl. i, 128-29, 131-32, notes 10 and 31 (Eng. tr. i, 15, 39). Ritter and Preller say "Protagoras floret circa a. 450-430"; "Democritus natus circa a. 460 floret a. 430-410, obit. circa a. 357."

[591] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 68-69; Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. i, 238.

[592] Burnet, p. 381.

[593] Diog. Laërt. x, 13.

[594] Lange, i, 10-11 (tr. p. 17); Clem. Alex. Stromata, i, 15; Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, § 35.

[595] On this also see Lange, i, 128 (tr. p. 15, note).

[596] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. vii, 2 (§ 34). Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-41.

[597] See in particular the De principiis atque originibus (Works, Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, pp. 649-50).

[598] Meyer, who dwells on his scientific shortcomings (Gesch. des Alt. v. § 910), makes no account of this, his vital doctrine.

[599] Fairbanks, pp. 189-91. The idea is not put by Empedokles with any such definiteness as is suggested by Lange, i, 23-25 (tr. pp. 33-35), and Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 62, n. But Ueberweg's exposition is illuminating.

[600] Fairbanks, pp. 136, 169.

[601] Id. p. 201.

[602] Benn, i, 28.

[603] Fairbanks, p. 205.

[604] See a good study of Empedokles in J. A. Symonds' Studies of the Greek Poets, 3rd ed. 1893, vol. i, ch. 7; and another in Renouvier, Manuel, i, 163-82.

[605] Cp. Grote, Plato, i, 73, and note.

[606] Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-62; Lange, p. 11 (tr. p. 17).

[607] Cp. Meyer, § 911.

[608] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. ix, ch. viii, § 3 (51); cp. Grote, vii, 49, note.

[609] For a defence of Protagoras against Plato, see Grote, vii, 43-54.

[610] Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, ix, 56.

[611] Beckmann, History of Inventions, Eng. tr. 1846, ii, 513.

[612] Diod. Sic. xiii, 6; Hesychius, cit. in Cudworth, ed. Harrison, i, 131.

[613] Ueberweg, i, 80; Thukydides, v, 116. The bias of Sextus Empiricus is further shown in his account of Diagoras as moved in his denunciation by an injury to himself.

[614] It is told by Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. ix, 53) that Diagoras is said to have invented the dithyramb (in praise of Iacchos), and to have begun a poem with the words, "All things come by the daimon and fortune." But Sextus writes with a fixed skeptical bias.

[615] Grote, vi, 13, 32, 33, 42-45.

[616] Athenagoras, Apol., ch. 4; Clem. Alex., Protrept. ch. 2. See the documentary details in Meyer, iv, 105.

[617] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42; iii, 37 (the last reference gives proof of his general rationalism); Lactantius, De irâ Dei, c. 9. In calling Sokrates "the Melian," Aristophanes (Clouds, 830) was held to have virtually called him "the atheist."

[618] Diod. xiii, 6; Suidas, s.v. Diagoras; Aristophanes, Birds, 1073. It is noteworthy that in their fury against Diagoras the Athenians put him on a level of common odium with the "tyrants" of past history. Cp. Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 355.

[619] Grote, vi, 476-77. As to the freethinking of Kritias, see Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. ix, 54. According to Xenophon (Memorabilia, i, 2), Kritias made his decree in revenge for Sokrates's condemnation of one of his illicit passions. Prof. Decharme (pp. 122-24) gives a good account of him.

[620] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iv; Hippolytos, Refutation of all Heresies, i, 8; Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233-37.

[621] Cp. Cudworth, Intellectual System, ed. Harrison, i, 32; Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233, 289; ii, 268, 292; Tatian, Adv. Græcos, c. 48 (31); Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 7 (§ 11); Grote, i, 374, 395, note; Hatch, Infl. of Greek Ideas, p. 60.

[622] Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 206. Cp. Burnett, p. 278.

[623] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii (§ 22).

[624] "He never so utterly abandoned the religion of his country as to find it impossible to acquiesce in at least some part of traditional religion." Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. 1886. p. 222.

[625] Haigh, The Attic Theatre, 1889, p. 316.

[626] Above, p. 133.

[627] "He had also acquired in no small degree that love of dexterous argumentation and verbal sophistry which was becoming fashionable in the Athens of the fifth century. Not unfrequently he exhibits this dexterity when it is clearly out of place." Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 235. Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. p. 223. Schlegel is much more censorious.

[628] Ion., 436-51, 885-922; Andromache, 1161-65; Electra, 1245-46; Hercules Furens, 339-47; Iphigenia in Tauris, 35, 711-15.

[629] Hercules Furens, 344, 1341-46; Iphigenia in Tauris, 380-91.

[630] Electra, 737-45.

[631] Troades, 969-90.

[632] Ion, 374-78, 685; Helena, 744-57; Iphigenia in Tauris, 570-75; Electra, 400; Phoenissæ, 772; Fragm. 793; Bacchæ, 255-57; Hippolytus, 1059. It is noteworthy that even Sophocles (OEd. Tyr., 387) makes a character taunt Tiresias the soothsayer with venality.

[633] Philoctetes, fr. 793; Helena, 1137-43; Bellerophon, fr. 288.

[634] Bacchæ, 200-203.

[635] Helena, 1013; Fragm. 890, 905, 935; Troades, 848-88.

[636] A. Schlegel, Lectures on Dramatic Literature, Bohn tr. p. 117.

[637] This charge is on a par with that of Hygiainon, who accused Euripides of impiety on the score that one of his characters makes light of oaths. Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii, 15.

[638] K. O. Müller, Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, 1847, p. 359. The complaint is somewhat surprising from such a source. The only play with an entirely invented plot mentioned by Aristotle is Agathon's Flower (Aristotle, Poetic, ix); and such plays would not have been eligible for representation at the great festivals.

[639] Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. pp. 223-24.

[640] Haigh. The Attic Theatre, p. 191. Cp. Müller, pp. 362-64.

[641] See, however, the æsthetic theorem of Prof. Murray, Euripides and his Age, pp. 221-27.

[642] It seems arguable that the aversion of Aristophanes to Euripides was primarily artistic, arising in dislike of some of the features of his style. On this head his must be reckoned an expert judgment. The old criticism found in Euripides literary vices; the new seems to ignore the issue. But a clerical scholar pronounces that "Aristophanes was the most unreasoning laudator temporis acti. Genius and poet as he was, he was the sworn foe to intellectual progress." Hence his hatred of Euripides and his championship of Æschylus. (Rev. Dr. W. W. Merry, introd. to Clar. Press ed. of The Frogs, 1892.)

[643] Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, 1884, pp. 258-59.

[644] Cp. Haigh, The Attic Theatre, p. 315. In the same way Ktesilochos, the pupil of Apelles, could with impunity make Zeus ridiculous by exhibiting him pictorially in child-bed, bringing forth Dionysos (Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxv, 40. § 15).

[645] Bk. x, ad init.

[646] Cp. Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 171.

[647] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. p. 227: Hegel, as there cited Grote, Plato, ed. 1885, i, 423.

[648] Cp. Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 181 sq., 291, 293, 299, etc.

[649] Grote, History, i, 334; Xenophon, Memorabilia, i, 1, §§ 6-9.

[650] Cp. Benn. The Philosophy of the Greeks, 1898, p. 160.

[651] Grote, i, 334-35; Hippocrates, De Aeribus, Aquis, Locis, c. 22 (49).

[652] Plato, Phædrus, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. i. 434; Grote, History, i, 393.

[653] Compare, however, the claim made for him, as promoting "objectivity," by Prof. Drews, Gesch. des Monismus im Altertum, 1913. P. 213.

[654] Memorabilia, i, 4.

[655] "The predominatingly theistic character of philosophy ever since has been stamped on it by Socrates, as it was stamped on Socrates by Athens" (Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 168).

[656] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, as cited, p. 231. The case against Sokrates is bitterly urged by Forchhammer, Die Athenen und Sokrates, 1837; see in particular pp. 8-11. Cp. Grote, Hist. vii, 81.

[657] "Had not all the cultivated men of the time passed through a school of rationalism which had entirely pulled to pieces the beliefs and the morals of their ancestors?" Zeller, as last cited, pp. 231-33. Cp. Haigh, Tragic Drama, p. 261.

[658] See Aristophanes's Frogs, 888-94.

[659] Æschines, Timarchos, cited by Thirlwall, iv, 277. Cp. Xenophon, Mem. i, 2.

[660] "Nothing could well be more unpopular and obnoxious than the task which he undertook of cross-examining and convicting of ignorance every distinguished man whom he could approach." Grote, vii. 95. Cp. pp. 141-44. Cp. also Trevelyan's Life of Macaulay, ed. 1881, p. 316: and Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. 1, iv, § iii. See also, however, Benn, Phil. of Greece, pp. 162-63. For a view of Sokrates's relations to his chief accuser, which partially vindicates or whitewashes the latter, see Prof. G. Murray's Anc. Greek Lit. pp. 176-77. There is a good monograph by H. Bleeckly, Socrates and the Athenians: An Apology, 1884, which holds the balances fairly.

[661] On the desire of Sokrates to die see Grote, vii, 152-64.

[662] The assertion of Plutarch that after his death the prosecutors of Sokrates were socially excommunicated, and so driven to hang themselves (Moralia: Of Envy and Hatred), is an interesting instance of moral myth-making. It has no historic basis; though Diogenes (ii, 23 § 43) and Diodorus Siculus (xiv, 37), late authorities both, allege an Athenian reaction in Sokrates' favour. Probably the story of the suicide of Judas was framed in imitation of Plutarch's.

[663] Grote, History, i, 94.

[664] Id. i, 194. Not till Strabo do we find this myth disbelieved; and Strabo was surprised to find most men holding by the old story while admitting that the race of Amazons had died out. Id. p. 197.

[665] Life of Thukydides, by Marcellinus, ch. 22, citing Antyllas. Cp. Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, p. 239; and the prefaces of Hobbes and Smith to their translations.

[666] Girard, p. 3.

[667] "His writings," remarks Dr. Hatch, "contain the seeds of nearly all that afterwards grew up on Christian soil" (Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890, p. 182).

[668] Clem. Alex. Stromata, v, 14; Fairbanks, pp. 146-47; Grote, Plato, ch. 38.

[669] Cp. Grote, Plato, iv, 162, 381. Professor Bain, however (Practical Essays, 1884, p. 273), raises an interesting question by his remark, as to the death of Sokrates: "The first person to feel the shock was Plato. That he was affected by it to the extent of suppressing his views on the higher questions we can infer with the greatest probability. Aristotle was equally cowed."

[670] Diog. Laër. bk. ix, ch. vii, § 8 (40).

[671] Republic, bk. ii, 377, to iii, 393; Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. iii, 60 sq., 68 sq. In bk. x, it is true, he does speak of the poets as unqualified by knowledge and training to teach truth (Jowett's tr. iii, 311 sq.); but Plato's "truth" is not objective, but idealistic, or rather fictitious-didactic.

[672] Id. Jowett. pp. 59, 69, etc.

[673] Id. bk. iii; Jowett, pp. 103-105.

[674] Laws, x; Jowett, v, 295-98.

[675] Received myths are forbidden; and the preferred fictions are to be city law. Cp. the Laws, ii, iii; Jowett, v, 42, 79.

[676] Laws, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. v, 271-72. Cp. the comment of Benn, i, 271-72.

[677] Republic, bk. ii, 379; Jowett, iii, 62.

[678] Laws, x, 906-907, 910; Jowett, v, 293-94, 297-98.

[679] On the inconsistency of the whole doctrine see see Grote's Plato, iv, 379-97.

[680] Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 25. Cp. Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, i, 38-39 (tr. i, 52-54), and the remarkable verdict of Bacon (De Augmentis, bk. iii, ch. 4; Works, 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 471; cp. Advancement of Learning, bk. ii, p. 96) as to the superiority of the natural philosophy of Demokritos over those of Plato and Aristotle. Bacon immediately qualifies his verdict; but he repeats it, as regards both Aristotle and Plato, in the Novum Organum, bk. i, aph. 96. See, however, Mr. Benn's final eulogy of Plato as a thinker, i, 273, and Murray's Anc. Greek Lit. pp. 311-13.

[681] Laws, x, 908; Jowett, v, 295.

[682] Grote, History, vii, 168.

[683] Cp. Grote, Aristotle, 2nd ed. p. 10.

[684] Origen, Against Celsus, ii, 13; cp. i, 65; iii, 75; vii, 3.

[685] Grote, Aristotle, p. 13.

[686] Benn, Greek Philosophers, i, 352. Mr. Benn refutes Sir A. Grant's view that Aristotle's creed was a "vague pantheism"; but that phrase loosely conveys the idea of its non-religiousness. It might be called a Lucretian monotheism. Cp. Benn, i, 294; and Drews, Gesch. des Monismus, p. 257.

[687] Metaphysics, xi (xii), 8, 13 (p. 1074, b). The passage is so stringent as to raise the question how he came to run the risk in this one case. It was probably a late writing, and he may have taken it for granted that the Metaphysics would never be read by the orthodox.

[688] Cp. the severe criticisms of Benn, vol. i, ch. vi; Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. p. 33; and Lange, Ges. des Mater. i, 61-68, and notes, citing Eucken and Cuvier. Aristotle's science is very much on a par with that of Bacon, who saw his imperfections, but fell into the same kinds of error. Both insisted on an inductive method; and both transgressed from it. See, however, Lange's summary, p. 69, also p. 7, as to the unfairness of Whewell; and ch. v of Soury's Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, 1881, especially end.

[689] Politics, i, 2.

[690] Strabo, bk. ix, ch. iii, § 11. Strabo reproaches Ephoros with repeating the current legends all the same; but it seems clear that he anticipated the critical tactic of Gibbon.

[691] As to the Stoics, cp. Zeller, § 34, 4; Benn, The Philosophy of Greece, pp. 255-56. As to Epicurus, cp. Benn, p. 261.

[692] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 5, § 64. The lengthy notice given by Diogenes shows the impression Pyrrho's teaching made. See a full account of it, so far as known, in the Rev. J. Owen's Evenings with the Skeptics, 1881, i, 287 sq., and the monograph of Zimmerman, there cited.

[693] These propositions occur in the first of the ten Pyrrhonian tropoi or modes (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 9), of which the authorship is commonly assigned to Ænesidemos (fl. 80-50). Cp. Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 290, 322-23. But as given by Diogenes they seem to derive from the early Pyrrhonian school.

[694] Thus, where Democritos pronounced the sun to be of vast size, Epicurus held it to be no larger than it seemed (Cicero, De Finibus, i, 6)--a view also loosely ascribed to Herakleitos (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. i, 6, § 7). See, however, Wallace's Epicureanism ("Ancient Philosophies" series), 1889, pp. 176 sq., 186 sq., 266, as to the scientific merits of the system.

[695] The Epicurean doctrine on this and other heads is chiefly to be gathered from the great poem of Lucretius. Prof. Wallace's excellent treatise gives all the clues. See p. 202 as to the Epicurean God-idea.

[696] Grote, History, i, 395, note; Plutarch, Non posse suaviter vivi sec. Epicur.

[697] Compare Wallace, Epicureanism, pp. 64-71, and ch. xi; and Mackintosh, On the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, 4th ed. p. 29.

[698] De rerum natura, i, 62-79.

[699] Alexander seu Pseudomantis, cc. 25, 38, 47, 61, cited by Wallace, pp. 249-50.

[700] The repute of the Epicureans for irreligion appears in the fact that when Romanized Athens had consented to admit foreigners to the once strictly Athenian mysteries of Eleusis, the Epicureans were excluded.

[701] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13; Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, v, 14; Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Mathematicos, ix, 51, 55.

[702] Diog. Laërt. bk ii, ch. viii, §§ 7, 11-14 (86, 97-100). He was also nicknamed "the God." Id. and ch. xii, 5 (§ 116).

[703] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42.

[704] Diogenes, as last cited, § 12 (97).

[705] Id. §§ 15, 16 (101-102).

[706] Professor Wallace's account of the court of Lysimachos of Thrace as a "favourite resort of emancipated freethinkers" (Epicureanism, p. 42) is hardly borne out by his authority, Diogenes Laërtius, who represents Lysimachos as unfriendly towards Theodoros. Hipparchia the Cynic, too, opposed rather than agreed with the atheist.

[707] Diog., last cit. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 43. Philo Judæus (Quod Omnis Probus Liber, c. 18; cp. Plutarch, De Exilio, c. 16) has a story of his repelling taunts about his banishment by comparing himself to Hercules, who was put ashore by the alarmed Argonauts because of his weight. But he is further made to boast extravagantly, and in doing so to speak as a believer in myths and deities. The testimony has thus little value.

[708] Diog. bk. ii, ch. xii, § 5 (116).

[709] Id. ch. x, § 2 (106).

[710] Id. ch. xii, § 5 (117) and bk. iv, ch. vii, §§ 4, 9, 10 (52, 54, 55).

[711] Plutarch, De defectu orac. ch. 19. Bion seems to have made an impression on Plutarch, who often quotes him, though it be but to contradict him.

[712] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13.

[713] Id. ib.; Academics, iv, 38.

[714] Cicero, Tusculans, i, 10, 31; Academics, ii, 39; and refs. in ed. Davis.

[715] Sir A. Grant's tr. of the hymn is given in Capes's Stoicism ("Chief Ancient Philosophies" series), 1880, p. 41; and the Greek text by Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, p. 262. Cp. Cicero, De nat. Deor. i, 14.

[716] Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosoph. i, 7.

[717] Eusebius, Præp. Evang. bk. ii, ch. 2; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, ch. 23.

[718] P. 80.

[719] It may be noted that Diogenes of Babylon, a follower of Chrysippos, applied the principle to Greek mythology. Cicero, De nat. Deor. i, 15.

[720] Above, p. 80, note 4.

[721] See Grote, i, 371-74 and notes.

[722] Palaiphatos, De Incredibilibus: De Actæone, De Geryone, De Cerbero, De Amazonibus, etc.

[723] E. R. Bevan (art. "The Deification of Kings in the Greek Cities" in Eng. Histor. Rev. Oct. 1901, p. 631) argues that the practice was not primarily eastern, but Greek. See, however, Herodotos, vii, 136; Arrian, Anabas. Alexand. iv, 11; Q. Curtius, viii, 5-8; and Plutarch, Artaxerxes, ch. 22, as to the normal attitude of the Greeks, even as late as Alexander.

[724] See Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, chs. 22, 23, for the later Hellenistic tone on the subject of apotheosis apart from the official practice of the empire.

[725] Gibbon, ch. xl. Bohn ed. iv, 353, and note.

[726] Mahaffy, Greek Life, pp. 133-35; Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. v, 5 (§ 38).

[727] Wallace, Epicureanism (pp. 245-46), citing Suidas, s.v. Epicurus.

[728] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. vii, ch. i, 28 (§ 33); cp. Origen, Against Celsus, bk. i, ch. 5; Clemens Alex, Stromata, bk. v, ch. ii.

[729] Mahaffy, as cited, p. 135, n.; Athenæus, ix, 63 (p. 400).

[730] (297 B.C.) Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 213; Pausanias, i, 29.

[731] Cp. G. Guizot, Ménandre, 1855, pp. 324-27, and App.

[732] Cp. Guizot, pp. 327-31, and the fragments cited by Justin Martyr, De Monarchia, ch. 5.

[733] Whittaker, as cited, p. 85.

[734] Martha, as cited, p. 78.

[735] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 8 (§ 65).

[736] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 4, 5 (§ 63); Noumenios in Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv, 8; Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 38; Lucilius, cited by Lactantius, Div. Inst.

[737] Cicero, Academics, ii, 34.

[738] Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. pp. 34-62; Narrien, Histor. Account, as cited, ch. xi; L. U. K. Hist. of Astron. ch. vi. It is noteworthy that Hipparchos, like so many of his predecessors, had some of his ideas from Babylonia. Strabo, prooem., § 9.

[739] Ptolemy normally lumps unbelief in religion with all the vices of character. Cp. the Tetrabiblos, iii, 18 (paraphrase of Proclus).

[740] Hist. Nat. ii, 26.

[741] Lucian's dialogue Philopseudes gives a view of the superstitions of average Greeks in the second century of our era. Cp. Mr. Williams's note to the first Dialogue of the Dead, in his tr. p. 87.

[742] See M. Foucart's treatise, Des assoc. relig. chez les Grecs, 1873, 2e ptie.

[743] On the early tendency to orthodox conformity among the unbelieving Alexandrian scholars, see Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, pp. 260-61.

[744] Frag. cited by Wallace, p. 258.

[745] Rev. Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 79.

[746] De Oratore, iii, 17; De Finibus, ii, 12, 13.

[747] See Saisset, Le Scepticisme, 1865, pp. 22-27, for a careful discussion of dates.

[748] His own claim was to be of the "methodical" school. Hypotyp. i, 34.

[749] See his doctrine expounded by Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 332 sq.

[750] Cp. Owen, p. 349.

[751] These seem to be derived from Carneades. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 217.

[752] "The general character of the Greek Skeptics from Sokrates to Sextos is quite unexceptionable" (Owen, Evenings, i, 352).

[753] Polybius, bk. vi, ch. lvi. Cp. bk. xvi, Frag. 5 (12), where he speaks impatiently of the miracle-stories told of certain cults, and, repeating his opinion that some such stories are useful for preserving piety among the people, protests that they should be kept within bounds.

[754] Bk. i, ch. ii, § 8. Plutarch (Isis and Osiris, ch. 8) puts the more decent principle that all the apparent absurdities have good occult reasons.

[755] Bk. ix, ch. iii, § 12. Cp. bk. x, ch. iii, § 23. The hand of an interpolator frequently appears in Strabo (e.g., bk. ix, ch. ii, § 40; ch. iii, § 5); and the passage cited in bk. i is more in the style of the former than of the latter.

[756] See Dr. Hatch, Influence of Greek Ideas upon the Christian Church, 1890, pp. 60-64, notes; also above, pp. 143 and 161, note.

[757] De defect. orac. c. 19; Isis and Osiris, ch. 67.

[758] De Amore, c. 13; Isis and Osiris, chs. 66, 67; and De defect. orac. c. 13.

[759] Schmidt, Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im erst. Jahr., 1847, p. 22.

[760] Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 1892, p. 276. Cp. 2nd ed. p. 294.

[761] It is to be presumed that Dr. Burnet, when penning his estimate, had not in memory such a record as Dr. A. D. White's History of the Warfare between Science and Theology.

[762] Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. i, ch. 14 (Eng. tr. 1894, vol. i, pp. 282-83). Mommsen's view of the antiquity of writing among the Latins (p. 280) is highly speculative. He places its introduction about or before 1000 B.C.; yet he admits that they got their alphabet from the Greeks, and he can show no Greek contacts for that period. Cp. pp. 167-68 (ch. x). Schwegler (Römische Geschichte, 1853, i, 36) more reasonably places the period after that of the Etruscan domination, while recognizing the Greek origin of the script. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History, Eng. tr. 1906, pp. 26-28; Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, 1893, p. 32.

[763] Schwegler, i, ch. i, § 12; Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Lit. ed. Schwabe, Eng. tr. 1900, i, 100-101, 104-10.

[764] Teuffel, i, 110-11.

[765] Mommsen, bk. ii, ch. 8. Eng. tr. ii, 70. Such creation of deities by mere abstraction of things and functions had been the rule in the popular as distinguished from the civic religion. Cp. Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv, 16, 23; vi, 9, etc. It was the concomitant of the tendency noted by Livy: adeo minimis etiam rebus prava religio inserit deos (xxvii, 23). But the practice was not peculiar to the Romans, for among the Greeks were Gods or Goddesses of Wealth, Peace, Mercy, Shame, Fortune, Rumour, Energy, Action, Persuasion, Consolation, Desire, Yearning, Necessity, Force, etc. See Pausanias passim. The inference is that the more specific deities in all religions, with personal names, are the product of sacerdotal institutions or of poetic or other art. M. Boissier (i, 5), like Ihne, takes it for granted that the multitude of deified abstractions had no legends; but this is unwarranted. They may have had many; but there were no poets to sing, or priests to preserve and ritualize them.

[766] De natura Deorum, i, 42.

[767] Mr. Schuckburgh (History of Rome, 1894, p. 401, note) cites a translated passage in his fragments (Cicero, De Div. ii, 50; De nat. Deorum, iii, 32), putting the Epicurean view that the Gods clearly did not govern human affairs, "which he probably would have softened if he had not agreed with it." Cp. Mommsen, iii, 113 (bk. ii, ch. 13).

[768] Fragmenta, ed. Hesselius, p. 226; Cicero, De Divinatione, i, 58.

[769] Mommsen, i, 301; ii, 71; iii, 117 (bk. i, ch. 15; bk. ii, ch. 8; bk. iii, ch. 13). Cicero, De Div. i, 41.

[770] Livy, xxix, 18. Dr. Warde Fowler (Religious Experience of the Roman People, p. 346) censures Mr. Heitland for calling Livy's story "an interesting romance" (Hist. of Rom. Rep. ii, 229 note); remarking that "it is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising," and adding (p. 347): "It is certain, from the steps taken by the government ... that it is in the main a true account." It may suffice to ask whether Dr. Fowler believes in all or any of the prodigia mentioned by Livy because the government "took steps" about them.

[771] Cp. Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 39, 346.

[772] Teuffel, i, 122.

[773] Aulus Gellius (xv, 11) says the edict was de philosophis et de rhetoribus Latinis, but the senatus-consultum, as given by him, does not contain the adjective; and he goes on to tell that aliquot deinde annis post--really sixty-nine years later--the censors fulminated against homines qui NOVUM genus disciplinæ instituerunt ... eos sibi nomen imposuisse Latinas rhetoras. The former victims, then, were presumably Greek. Cp. Shuckburgh, p. 520; and Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, 1866, ii, 146. Professor Pelham (Outlines of Roman History, 1893, p. 179, note) mistakenly cites the senatus-consultum as containing the word "Latini." The reading Latinis in Gellius's own phrase has long been suspected. See ed. Frederic and Gronov, 1706.

[774] Plutarch, Cato, c. 22.

[775] Cicero, De. Repub., passim, ed. Halm.

[776] Polybius, xxxii, 10.

[777] Suetonius, De claris rhetoribus.

[778] See in Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 24, the account by the censor Crassus of his reasons for preferring the Greek rhetors.

[779] Valerius Maximus, i, 3, 1.

[780] The culture history of the republican period, as partially recovered by recent archæology, shows a process of dissolution and replacement from a remote period. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History, Eng. tr. 1906, ch. ii, notably p. 18.

[781] De rerum natura, i, 50-135; cp. v, 1166.

[782] ii, 646-50 (the passage cited by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons in one of the Bradlaugh debates, with a confession of its noble beauty); and again ii, 1090-1105, and iii, 18-22.

[783] See Christianity and Mythology, pp. 52-57.

[784] See the account of the doctrine of the high-priest Scaevola, preserved by Augustine, De civ. Dei, iv, 27. He and Varro (id. iv, 31; vi, 5-7) agreed in rejecting the current myths, but insisted on the continued civic acceptance of them. On the whole question compare Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 47-63.

[785] Thus the satirist Lucilius, who ridiculed the popular beliefs, was capable, in his capacity of patriot, of crying out against the lack of respect shown to religion and the Gods (Boissier, pp. 51-52). The purposive insincerity set up in their thinking by such men must, of course, have been injurious to character.

[786] Cp. the De Divinatione, i, 2.

[787] E.g., Mr. A. J. Balfour's Foundations of Belief.

[788] Tusc. Disp. i, 26.

[789] De Divinatione, ii, 33, 34, cp. ii, 12; and De nat. Deorum, i, 22. It is not surprising that in a later age, when the remaining pagans had no dialectic faculty left, the Christian Fathers, by using Cicero as a weapon against the cults, could provoke them into calling him impious (Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, iii, 6, 7).

[790] De Divinatione, ii, 22.

[791] Boissier, i, 58.

[792] De nat. Deorum, ii, 1.

[793] Boissier, p. 59.

[794] "It seems to me that, on the whole, among the educated and the rich, the indifferent must have been in the majority" (Boissier, p. 61).

[795] Id. p. 59.

[796] Cp. Long, Decline of Roman Republic, i, 438; ii, 38-40. Long remarks that Domitius, the accuser of Scaurus (who had prevented his election to the college of augurs), "used the name of religion for the purpose of damaging a political enemy; and the trick has been repeated, and is repeated, up to the present day. The Romans must have kept records of many of these trials. They were the great events of the times ...; and so we learn that three tribes voted against Scaurus, and thirty-two voted for him; but in each of these thirty-two tribes there was only a small majority of votes (pauca puncta) in favour of Scaurus."

[797] See Long, i, 56, for a cynical estimate of the mode of manipulation of the Sibylline and other sacred books.

[798] Sallust, Bellum Catilin. c. 51.

[799] Suetonius, Julius, cc. 59, 77; Cicero, De Divinatione, ii, 24. Cp. Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire, ed. 1865, ii, 424.

[800] Plutarch, Sulla, c. 29; Marius, c. 16. Long (Decline of Roman Republic, ii, 369) says of Sulla that, "though he could rob a temple when he wanted money, he believed in the religion of his time. We should call him superstitious; and a man who is superstitious is capable of any crime, for he believes that the Gods can be conciliated by prayers and presents."

[801] Compare the fears which grew upon Cromwell in his last days.

[802] Pompeius, on the other hand, had many seers in his camp; but after his overthrow expressed natural doubts about Providence. Cicero, De Div. ii, 24, 47; Plutarch, Pompeius, c. 75.

[803] Boissier, i, 73.

[804] See Augustine's citation from Varro, De civ. Dei, vi, 2. Cp. Sueton. Aug. 29.

[805] The only record to the contrary is the worthless scandal as to his "suppers of the Twelve Gods" (Sueton. Aug. 70). The statement of W. A. Schmidt that "none of the Julians was orthodox" (Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im ersten Jahrhundert, 1847, p. 175) is somewhat overstrained.

[806] Dio Cassius, lii, 36.

[807] E.g., his encouragement of a new college of priests founded in his honour. Dio, xliv, 6.

[808] Sueton. Julius, 44, 56. The first public library actually opened in Rome was founded by Asinius Pollio under Augustus, and was placed in the forecourt of the temple of Liberty: Augustus founded two others; Tiberius a fourth, in his palace; Vespasian a fifth, in the temple of Peace; Domitian a sixth, on the Capitol. W. A. Schmidt, Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 151-52, and refs.

[809] Boissier, pp. 67-108; Suetonius, Aug. xxix-xxxi.

[810] L'Abbé Beurlier, Le Culte Impérial, 1891, introd. and ch. 1; Boissier, ch. 2. Cp. p. 185, note, above.

[811] It would seem that the occasion on which he enraged the Senate by not rising to receive them (Sueton. Jul. 78) was that on which they came to announce that they had made him a God, Jupiter Julius, with a special temple and a special priest. See Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, v, 418. He might very well have intended to rebuke their baseness. But cp. Boissier, i, 122, citing Dio, xlvi, 6.

[812] iii, 46; x, 40; xliii, 13.

[813] 1 Sat. v, 98-103.

[814] As to the conflict between Horace's bias and his policy, cp. Boissier, i. 193-201.

[815] E.g., Carm. iii, 6.

[816] Fasti, v, 673-92.

[817] Fasti, ii, 61-66.

[818] Fasti, iv, 204. The preceding phrase, pro magno teste vetustas creditur, certainly has an ironic ring.

[819] Æneid, vi, 724-27.

[820] Cp. Boissier, i, 228-29.

[821] Georgics, ii, 490, 493. Diderot originated the idea that the first of these lines and the two which follow it in Virgil had reference to Lucretius. Grimm, Correspondance Littéraire, ed. 1829-30, vi, 21-25. It is acquiesced in by W. Warde Fowler, Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero, 1909, p. 327. Sellar (Roman Poets of the Augustan Age: Virgil, 1877. p. 201) is doubtful on the point.

[822] Cp. Boissier, i, 193.

[823] Boissier, ii, 84-92.

[824] Ep. xcv.

[825] Suetonius, Jul. 88.

[826] The same note occurs in Virgil, Æneid, vi, 719-21.

[827] Hist. Nat. ii, 1, 5 (7). Pliny identifies nature and deity: "Per quæ declaratur haud dubie naturæ potentia, idque esse quod Deum vocamus" (last cit., end).

[828] Hist. nat. vii, 55 (56). Cp. Boissier, i, 300.

[829] Id. pp. 301-303.

[830] See the praiseworthy treatise of Mr. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, 1891, chs. 5, 6, and 7.

[831] "... vires religionis, ad quas maxime etiamnum caligat humanum genus." Hist. nat. xxx, 1.

[832] Above, p. 188.

[833] Primus in orbe deos fecit timor. Frag. 22, ed. Burmanni. The whole passage is noteworthy. See also his Satyricon, c. 137, as to his estimate of sacerdotal sincerity.

[834] Thebaid, iii, 661.

[835] Porphyry, Epistle to Anebo (with Jamblichus). Chaeremon, however, is said to have regarded comets as divine portents. Origen, Ag. Celsus, bk. i, ch. 59.

[836] Prof. C. Martha, Les moralistes sous l'empire romain, ed. 1881, p. 341.

[837] W. A. Schmidt, who cites this act (Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 31-33) as the beginning of the end of free speech in Rome, does not mention the detail given by Dio (xliv, 10), that Cæsar suspected the tribunes of having set on some of the people to hail him as king. But the unproved suspicion does not justify his course, which was a bad lapse of judgment, even if the suspicion were just. From this point a conspiracy against his life was natural. Cp. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, v, 432-33. as to the facts.

[838] See W. A. Schmidt, pp. 34-108, for a careful analysis of the evolution. As to the book-censure, see pp. 101-104.

[839] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 28.

[840] Id. c. 61.

[841] Annals, i, 73. That such a phrase should have been written by an emperor in an official letter, and yet pass unnoticed through antiquity save in one historical work, recovered only in the Renaissance, is one of the minor improbabilities that give colour to the denial of the genuineness of the Annals.

[842] Tiberius, c. 69.

[843] Petronius, Satyricon, ad init.

[844] In the Annals (xiv, 50) it is stated that the book attacked senators and pontiffs; that it was condemned to be burned, and Vejento to be exiled; and that the book was much sought and read while forbidden; but that it fell into oblivion when all were free to read it. Here, again, there is no other ancient testimony. Vejento is heard of, however, in Juvenal, iv, 113, 123-29.

[845] Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, iv. 47.

[846] Cp. Schmidt, pp. 346-47.

[847] Suetonius, Domitian, c. 10.

[848] Cp. Schmidt, p. 157.

[849] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 36; Josephus, Antiquities, xviii, 3, §§ 4, 5. Josephus specifies isolated pretexts, which Suetonius does not mention. They are not very probable.

[850] Who destroyed 2,000 copies of prophetical books. Suetonius, Aug. c. 31.

[851] See, in the next chapter, as to the rationalistic mythology of Macrobius.

[852] Cp. Propertius, ii, 14, 27 sqq.; iii, 23, 19-20; iv, 3, 38; Tibullus, iv, 1, 18-23; Juvenal, as before cited, and xv, 133, 142-46.

[853] Plato, 2 Alcib.; Cicero, Pro Cluentio, c. 68; Horace, Carm. iii, 23, 17; Ovid, Heroides, Acont. Cydipp. 191-92; Persius, Sat. ii, 69; Seneca, De Beneficiis, i, 6. Cp. Diod. Sic. xii, 20; Varro, in Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, vii, 1.

[854] 1 Sat. iii, 96-98. Cp. Cicero, De Finibus, iv, 19, 27, 28; Matt. v. 19-28; James, ii, 10. Lactantius, again (Div. Inst. iii, 23). denounces the doctrine of the equality of offences as laid down by Zeno, giving no sign of knowing that it is also set forth in his own sacred books.

[855] On Seneca's moral teaching, cp. Martha, Les Moralistes sous l'empire romain, pp. 57-66; Boissier, La religion romaine, ii, 80-82. M. Boissier further examines fully the exploded theory that Seneca received Christian teaching. On this compare Bishop Lightfoot, Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, pp. 237-92.

[856] Seneca was so advanced in his theoretic ethic as to consider all war on a level with homicide. Epist. xcv, 30.

[857] It is to be noted that preaching had begun among the moralists of Rome in the first century, and was carried on by the priests of Isis in the second; and that in Egypt monasticism had long been established. Martha, as cited, p. 67; Boissier, i, 356-59. Cp. Mosheim, 2 Cent. pt. ii, c. iii, §§ 13, 14, as to monasticism.

[858] Mt. xxii, 39; Mk. xii, 31.

[859] Talmud, tract. Sabbath, 306.

[860] Mk. xii, 32.

[861] Lk. xviii, 20.

[862] See the impressive argument of Dr. Moncure Conway in his Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, ch. xviii.

[863] See Dr. Nicholson's The Gospel According to the Hebrews, 1879, p. 77. Cp. Conway, p. 222. Dr. Nicholson insists that at least the word "sacrificing" must be spurious, because "it is surely impossible that Jesus ever uttered this threat"!

[864] Cp. the author's Christianity and Mythology, pt. iii. div. ii, § 6.

[865] The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, known as the "Slavonic Enoch," ch. xliv, 1 (Eng. tr. 1896, pp. 60, 67).

[866] See the author's Pagan Christs, pt. ii.

[867] Above, p. 215.

[868] Hosea, vi, 6; Psalms, xl, 6, 7; Ecclesiastes, v, 1.

[869] Talmud, Yoma-Derech Eretz; Midrash, Vayikra-Rabba, xxvii, 11 and 12.

[870] Ch. lii (p. 69).

[871] Luke xiii, 4.

[872] Cp. Conway, Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, pp. 57, 201, 219.

[873] John iv, 21.

[874] E.g., Plato, Crito, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. ii, 150; Seneca, De Ira, ii, 32. Valerius Maximus (iv, 2, 4) even urges the returning of benefits for injuries.

[875] It is impossible to find in the whole patristic literature a single display of the "love" in question. In all early Christian history there is nothing to represent it save the attitude of martyrs towards their executioners--an attitude seen often in pagan literature. (E.g., Ælian, Var. Hist. xii, 49.)

[876] 1 Thess. v, 21.

[877] 2 Cor. xi, 4; Gal. i, 6.

[878] Cp. Rom. ix, 14-21.

[879] 2 Cor. x, 5. Needless to say, such an expression savours strongly of late invention; but in any case it tells of the attitude of the Christian teachers of the second century.

[880] 1 Cor. vii, 20-24 (where the phrase translated in English "use it rather" unquestionably means "rather continue" = remain a slave. Cp. Eph. vi, 5, and Variorum Teacher's Bible in loc.).

[881] Rom. xiii, 1. Cp. 1 Peter ii, 13-14; Tit. iii, 1. The anti-Roman spirit in the Apocalypse is Judaic, not Gentile-Christian; the book being of Jewish origin.

[882] James ii, 21.

[883] 1 Cor. xv, 12.

[884] The Apology of Athenagoras (2nd c.) is rather a defence of monotheism than a Christian document; hence, no doubt, its speedy neglect by the Church.

[885] Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. c. 5; Min. Felix, Octavius, c. 10.

[886] "The inhabitants of Coelesyria, Idumea, and Judea are principally influenced by Aries and Ares, and are generally audacious, atheistical, and treacherous" (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ii, 3--Paraphrase of Proclus).

[887] Cp. Tertullian, De Idolatria, passim, and Ad Scapulam, c. 5.

[888] For the refusal to worship men as Gods they had, of course, abundant pagan precedent. See above, p. 186, note.

[889] E.g., Tertullian, De Testimonio Animæ, c. 1; Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, i, 41, etc.; Lactantius, Divine Institutes, c. xv; Epit. c. vii.

[890] Cp. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, ch. vii.

[891] Irenæus, Against Heresies, i, 26. Cp. Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 3te Aufl. § 23, 4 (p. 37), as to Cerinthus.

[892] 1 Tim. vi, 20. The word persistently translated "oppositions" is a specific term in Gnostic lore. Cp. R. W. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, 1854, p. 115, note.

[893] Cp. Harnack, Outlines of the History of Dogma, Mitchell's trans. p. 77 (ch. vi), p. 149 (bk. ii, ch. vi); Gieseler, Comp. of Eccles. Hist. i, § 63, Eng. tr. i, 234, as to the attitude of Origen.

[894] The term "Gnostic," often treated as if applicable only to heretical sects, was adopted by Clemens of Alexandria as an honourable title. Cp. Gieseler, p. 241, as cited.

[895] Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 4-12. Cp., however, Abbé Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie, 1859, pp. 421-23, and Ueberweg, i, 239, as to the obscurity resting on the original teaching of Ammonios.

[896] Cp. Gieseler, Compendium, i, § 52 (tr. vol. i, p. 162).

[897] Id. §§ 54, 55, pp. 186-90.