Chapter IX: Magellan’s Discovery (9)

[803] _Asiento y capitulacion que se hizo demas con Joan Ponce de Leon sobre la ysla Binini y la ysla Florida_, in the volume of _Asientos y capitulaciones_(1508-1574), Royal Archives at Seville, in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxii. pp. 33-38.

[804] _Cédula_ to the Jeronymite Fathers, July 22, 1517 (_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xi. 295-296). One of these surreptitious voyages was made by Anton de Alaminos as pilot (Ibid., pp. 435-438). [See _ante_, p. 201, for the voyage of Alaminos.—ED.]

[805] Ponce de Leon to Charles V., Porto Rico, Feb. 10, 1521.

[806] Extracted from a letter of Ponce de Leon to the Cardinal of Tortosa (who was afterward Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Rico, February 10, 1521.

[807] Herrera, dec. iii. book 1, chap. xiv.; Oviedo, lib. 36, chap. i. pp. 621-623; Barcia, _Ensaio cronologico_, pp. 5, 6.

[808] Oviedo (edition of Amador de los Rios, ii. 143), gives in his _Derrotero_, “la bahia que llaman de Miruelos” as west of Apalache Bay. See Barcia’s _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 2.

[809] [The Córdoba of chap. iii. _ante_.—ED.]

[810] [See chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[811] The great river might be supposed to be the Rio Grande; but its volume is scarcely sufficient to justify the supposition, while the Mississippi is indicated on the map of his province with its name R. del Espiritu Santo, evidently given by Garay.

[812] [See _ante_, p. 218.—ED.]

[813] [See chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[814] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos; Act of taking possession by Quexos.

[815] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos.

[816] Act of possession; Testimony of Aldana.

[817] Answer of Ayllon to Matienzo.

[818] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 69.

[819] Ibid., p. 153.

[820] _Cédula_, June 12, 1523.

[821] _Cédula_ given at Burgos.

[822] Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos.

[823] Testimony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes and of Father Antonio de Cervantes, O.S.D., in 1561. The date is clearly fixed after May 26, and before June 9, as Ayllon testified on the former day, and on the latter his procurator appeared for him. Navarrete is wrong in making him sail about the middle of July (_Coleccion_, iii. 72).

[824] If Ayllon really reached the Jordan, this was the Wateree.

[825] [See Vol. III. p. 130.—ED.]

[826] See _ante_, p. 221; and references to reproductions, on p. 222.

[827] Duro, _Informe relativo a los pormenores de descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1883. p. 266, where Cabot’s testimony in the Colon-Pinzon suit is given.

[828] [See chapter vi. of this volume.—ED.]

[829] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 86.

[830] “Aqui desembarco Panfilo de Narvaez.” Mappemonde of Sebastian Cabot in Jomard. This map has always been supposed to be based on Spanish sources; but owing to the strict prohibition of publication in Spain, it was probably printed elsewhere, “in Brussels or Amsterdam, or some such place,” as Gayangos thinks. It is seemingly engraved on wood (Smith’s _Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 56); or at least some have thought so.

[831] Compare Cabeza de Vaca’s account, Oviedo, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii., pp. 582-618; and the French accounts of La Salle’s expedition,—Joutel and Anastase Douay in Le Clercq, _Établissement de la Foi_, for the animals and plants of the district.

[832] _Relaçam verdadeira_ (Evora, 1557), chaps. i.-vi., continued in Smith’s translation, pp. 1-21; in Hakluyt’s Supplementary Volume (London, 1812), pp. 695-712; and in Force’s _Tracts_. Rangel in Oviedo, book xvii. chap. xxii. p. 546.

[833] Biedma’s _Relacion_ in Smith’s _Coleccion_, and his _Soto_, p. 231; _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iii. 414-441.

[834] Cf. Buckingham Smith on “The Captivity of Ortis,” in the appendix to his _Letter on De Soto_.

[835] Oviedo, i. 547.

[836] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xi.; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 43-44; Biedma, Ibid., 234.

[837] Oviedo, i. 554-557.

[838] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xii.-xv.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 49-68, 236-241; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, i. 562.

[839] Oviedo, i. 563.

[840] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xv.-xvi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 66-77, 240-242; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 563-566.

[841] It is variously written also _Mavila_ and _Mavilla_.

[842] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chs. xvii.-xix.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 80-90, 242-245.

[843] See Smith’s _Soto_, p. 90; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 569. The requiems said years afterward to have been chanted over Soto’s body are therefore imaginary. No Mass, whether of requiem or other, could have been said or sung after the battle of Mauila.

[844] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xx.-xxi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 91-100, 246-248; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, chap. xxviii. pp. 571-573.

[845] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith, _Soto_, pp. 101-105, 249-250; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.

[846] Oviedo, p. 573.

[847] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxiii., xxiv.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 106-117, 250-252; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo. Compare _Relacion_ of Coronado’s expedition in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 153.

[848] Rangel in Oviedo, i. 576.

[849] Oviedo, p. 577. Here, unfortunately, his abridgment of Rangel ends. The contents of two subsequent chapters are given, but not the text.

[850] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxv.-xxx.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 118-149, 252-257.

[851] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxxi.-xlii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 150-196, 257-261.

[852] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24; Gomara, _Hist. gen._, lib. i. c. 45.

[853] Cf. Vol. IV. chap. 2.

[854] Documents printed in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 103-118.

[855] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24.

[856] Las Casas, _Destruccion de las Indias_. _De las provincias de la Tierra Firme por la parte que se llama la Florida_,—a chapter written partly before and partly after Moscoço’s arrival in Mexico. [See the chapter on Las Casas, following the present one.—ED.]

[857] The best account of this affair is a “Relacion de la Florida para el Ill^{mo} Señor Visorrei de la N^a España la qual trajo Fray Greg^o de Beteta,” in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 190-202. The first part is by Cancer himself, the conclusion by Beteta. There are also extant “Requirimentos y respuestas que pasaron en la Nao S^a Maria de la Encina,” and the Minutes of discussions between the missionaries, and the Captain’s order to his pilot and sailors. There is a somewhat detailed sketch of Cancer’s life in Davila Padilla’s _Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México_, 1596, chapters liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, vi. 81. Cf. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. 5, p. 112; Gomara, c. xlv.; Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 25-26.

[858] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 26.

[859] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 28-29. “Don Luis Velasco a los officiales de Sevilla,” Mexico, November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan. 3, 1555. The vessels were wrecked at Cape Santa Elena, 9° N. Villafañe was sent to rescue the survivors. Davila Padilla gives details in his sketches of Fathers Diego de la Cruz, Juan de Mena, Juan Ferrer, and Marcos de Mena.

[860] “The Viceroy has treated this matter in a most Christian way, with much wisdom and counsel, insisting strenuously on their understanding that they do not go to conquer those nations, nor do what has been done in the discovery of the Indies, but to settle, and by good example, with good works and with presents, to bring them to a knowledge of our holy Faith and Catholic truth.”—FATHER PEDRO DE FERIA, _Letter of March 3, 1559_.

[861] Alaman, _Disertaciones históricas_, vol. iii., apendice, p. 11.

[862] _Declaracion de Guido de Bazares de la Jornada que hizo á descubrir las puertos y vaias q^e hai en la costa de la Florida_, Feb. 1, 1559. A poor translation of this document is given in French in Ternaux’ _Voyages_, vol. x., and a still worse one in English in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, etc., new series, ii. 236.

[863] _Relacion de Dn Luis de Velasco a S. M. Mexico_, Sept. 24, 1559. This was written after receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by Tristan de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 10. See Davila Padilla, _Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México_ (Madrid, 1596), chaps. lviii.-lix., pp. 231-234. Ichuse in some documents is written Ochuse.

[864] _Testimony of Cristóval Velasquez._

[865] Davila Padilla (p. 236) says August 20; but it was evidently September.

[866] _Letter of Velasco_, Oct. 25, 1559, citing a letter of Tristan de Luna. Said by Montalvan and Velasquez to have been one hundred and fifty men, horse and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, the sergeant-major, and Captain Christopher de Arellano, accompanied by Fathers Annunciation and Salazar (_Testimony of Miguel Sanchez Serrano_). He remained three months at Ichuse before he heard from Ypacana; and though urged to go there, lingered five or six months more.

[867] _Letter of Tristan de Luna to the King_, Sept. 24, 1559, in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 280-283.

[868] _Letter of Velasco to Luna_, Oct. 25, 1559; Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxi. pp. 242-244.

[869] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 33-34; Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxii., pp. 245-246.

[870] Ochechiton, like Mississippi, means great river,—from _okhina_, river; _chito_, great (Byington’s _Choctaw Definer_, pp. 79, 97).

[871] Testimony of soldiers.

[872] Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxiii.-lxvi. pp. 247-265.

[873] These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and Rio Tome.

[874] Ceron, _Respuesta_, Sept. 16, 1560. Velasco, _Letter, Aug. 20-Sept. 3, 1560_; Davila Padilla, book i. p. 268.

[875] Davila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of Cancer and of Feria and his companions are treated briefly in the _Relacion de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago_, 1567. Cf. _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, v. 447.

[876] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 34-41; Davila Padilla, pp. 271-277.

[877] _Testimony of Velasquez and Miguel Sanchez Serrano._ The expedition sent out by Tristan de Luna to occupy Santa Elena was composed of three vessels, bearing one hundred men. The vessels were scattered in a storm, and ran to Mexico and Cuba. After that Pedro Menendez, who was in command of a fleet sailing from Vera Cruz, was ordered to run along the Atlantic coast for a hundred leagues above Santa Elena. _Letter of Velasco_, Sept. 3, 1560; _Testimony of Montalvan_.

[878] _Testimonio de Francisco de Aguilar, escrivano que fue en la jornada á la Florida con Angel de Villafañe Relacion del reconocimiento que hizo el Capitan General Angel de Villafañe de la costa de la Florida, y posesion que tomó ... desde 33° hasta 35°._ Testimony of Montalvan, Velasquez, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may have been found among a still more southerly tribe.

[879] A council held in Mexico of persons who had been in Florida agreed that the royal order was based on accurate information (_Parecer que da S. M. el conséjo de la Nueva España_, March 12, 1562). Tristan de Luna sailed to Spain, and in a brief, manly letter solicited of the King an investigation into his conduct, professing his readiness to submit to any punishment if he was deemed deserving of it (_Memorial que dió al Rey Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano dandole cuenta del suceso de la jornada de la Florida_).

[880] There is a copperplate engraving of “Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Natural de Avilés en Asturias, Comendador de la orden de Santiago, Conquistador de la Florida, nombrado Gral de la Armada contra Jnglaterra. Murió en Santander A^o 1574, á los 55, de edad.” Drawn by Josef Camaron, engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791 (7⅛ × 11⅜ inches). Mr. Parkman engraved the head for his _France in the New World_, and Dr. Shea used the plate in his _Charlevoix_.

[881] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxii. 242.

[882] “They burned it [Havana], with all the town and church, and put to death all the inhabitants they found, and the rest fled to the mountains; so that nothing remained in the town that was not burned, and there was not an inhabitant left alive or dwelling there” (_Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles á S.M. sobre los agravios ... que recivio de los oficiales de la casa de contratacion_, 1564). Menendez was personally cognizant, as he sent a vessel and men from his fleet to help restore the place.

[883] [Laudonnière’s account of this relief is translated in the _Hawkins Voyages_ (p. 65), published by the Hakluyt Society. A project of the English for a settlement on the Florida coast (1563), under Stukely, came to nought. Cf. Doyle’s _English in America_, p. 55.—ED.]

[884] “En fermant ceste lettre i’ay eu certain aduis, comme dom Petro Melandes se part d’Espagne, pour aller à la coste de la Nouvelle Frāce; vous regarderez n’endurer qu’il n’entrepreine sur nous non plus qu’il veut que nous n’entreprenions sur eux.” As Mr. Parkman remarks, “Ribault interpreted this into a command to attack the Spaniards.”—_Pioneers of France in the New World._

[885] _Relacion de Mazauegos. Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana cerca de la entrada de los Franceses._ Smith, _Coleccion_, p. 202. _Relacion de los robos que corsarios franceses han hecho 1559-1571. Relacion de los navios quo robaron franceses los años de 1559 y 1560._

[886] One was commanded by Captain Cossette (_Basanier_, p. 105).

[887] Letter of Menendez to the King, dated Province of Florida, Sept. 11, 1565. Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion de la jornada de P^o Menendez_, 1565.

[888] Letter of Menendez to the King, Oct. 15, 1565; Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion_ in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (edited by Pacheco, etc.), iii. 441-479.

[889] Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion_.

[890] Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, after pledging his word to spare the lives of the Spaniards who surrendered, put them and his Portuguese prisoners to death; negroes he hung up and shot while still alive (_Relacion de Diego de Mazauegos, MS._; Letter of Bishop Sarmiento in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, v. 555). Priests, especially those of religious Orders, met no mercy at the hands of the French cruisers at this period, the most atrocious case being that of the Portuguese Jesuit Father Ignatius Azevedo, captured by the French on his way to Brazil with thirty-nine missionary companions, all of whom were put to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find no case where the French in Spanish waters then gave quarter to Spaniards, except in hope of large ransom. Two of the vessels found at Caroline were Spanish, loaded with sugar and hides, captured near Yaguana by the French, who threw all the crew overboard; and Gourgues, on reaching Florida, had two barks, evidently captured from the Spaniards, as to the fate of whose occupants his eulogists observe a discreet silence.

[891] This is the Spanish account of Solis de Meras. Lemoyne, who escaped from Caroline, gives an account based on the statement of a Dieppe sailor who made his way to the Indians, and though taken by the Spaniards, fell at last into French hands. Challeux, the carpenter of Caroline, and another account derived from Christophe le Breton, one of those spared by Menendez, maintain that Menendez promised La Caille, under oath and in writing to spare their lives if they surrendered. This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez from first to last held to his original declaration, “_el que fuere herege morira_.” Lemoyne is so incorrect as to make this last slaughter take place at Caroline.

[892] Menendez to the King,—writing from Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and again from Havana, Dec. 12, 1565. Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 91.

[893] Juan de la Vandera, _Memoir_,—in English in _Historical Magazine_, 1860, pp. 230-232, with notes by J. G. Shea, from the original in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iv. 560-566, and in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_. There is also a version in B. F. French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p. 289.

[894] Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in Alcazar, _Chrono. historia de la Compañía de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo_ (Madrid, 1710), vol. ii. dec. iii. año vi. cap. iii., translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 292.

[895] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 133.

[896] _La Reprise de la Floride_, etc. Garibay says briefly that they went to Florida and destroyed and carried off the artillery of San Mateo, and then menaced Havana (_Sucesos de la Isla de Santo Domingo_).

[897] _Parecer que da á S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva España_, Jan. 19, 1569. The fort at San Mateo was not immediately restored; a new fort, San Pedro, was established at Tacatacuru (_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 307-308). Stephen de las Alas in 1570 withdrew the garrisons, except fifty men in each fort,—a step which led to official investigation (Ibid., xii. 309, etc.).

[898] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 137-146. For the Jesuit mission in Florida, see Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, pp. 44, etc.; Tanner, _Societas militans_, pp. 447-451; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 9, 1570, in the _Chrono. historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo_, by Alcazar (Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 327, and chap. v. of his _Floridian Peninsula_; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 2, 1569, MS.; one of Dec. 11, 1569, in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 301; one of Quiros and Segura from Axacan, Sept. 12, 1570; Sacchini, _Historia Societatis Jesu_, part iii., pp. 86, etc.

[Dr. Shea, in 1846, published a paper in the _United States Catholic Magazine_, v. 604 (translated into German in _Die Katolische Kirche in den V. S. von Nordamerika_, Regensburg, 1864, pp. 202-209), on the Segura mission; and another in 1859 in the _Historical Magazine_, iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in 1570 is given in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, or the “Log Chapel on the Rappahannock” in the _Catholic World_, March, 1875. Cf. present _History_, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the _Historical Register; Notes and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania_, 1883, p. 115 _et seq._ De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y., were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—ED.]

[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez!

[900] Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 146-151.

[901] _Historia general de las Indias_ (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313).

[902] _Historia general_ (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii.

[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini (“illa de Beimeni”—see _ante_ p. 110) in the relative position of Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 99) has collected the varying statements as to the position of this fountain.—ED.]

[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482.

[905] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias_ (1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii.

[906] _Dos libros de cosmografia_ (Milan, 1556), p. 192.

[907] Bernal Diaz, _Historic verdadera_ (1632).

[908] _Cabeça de Vaca_, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched _ante_, p. 218.—ED.]

[909] _De insulis nuper inventis_ (Cologne, 1574), p. 349.

[910] _Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida, por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano_ [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ _Crísis del ensayo cronológico_ (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 51.—ED.]

[911] Barcia, in the _Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft, and Irving; but after Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512 did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted 1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (_Congrès des Américanistes_, 1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his _De Soto and Florida_, and by H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the _Westerne Planting_ (p. 230), says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in chapter iv. settle the point. The _Capitulacion_ under which Ponce de Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico, was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had sailed in that year.

[912] _Coleccion_ (_Viages minores_), iii. 50-53.

[913] _Historia verdadera_ (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, _verso_.

[914] Duro, _Colon y Pinzon_, p. 268.

[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii. p. 139; Herrera, _Historia general_, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 53; Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 3; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta, _Coleccion_, i. 338.

[916] _Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in provincia de Amichel en la costa firme_, Burgos, 1521.

[917] _Coleccion_, iii. 147-153.

[918] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, ii. 558-567.

[919] _Decades_, dec. v. cap. 1.

[920] In his _Historia_.

[921] _Historia_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18.

[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_ are a good guide to the study of the various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—ED.]

[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135.

[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in _Opus epistolarum_, pp. 471-476.

[926] _Historia_, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263.

[927] _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153.

[928] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516.

[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562.

[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers (Stevens, _Notes_, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the landfall, conjecture is idle.

[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many writers since.

[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586.

[933] Gomara, _Historia_, cap. xlii.; Herrera, _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5.

[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9.

[935] Ecija, _Relacion del viage_ (June-September, 1609).

[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another view. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 70; Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 123.

[937] _Historia_, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633.

[938] _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 347.

[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account of his day.

[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The _capitulacion_ is given in the _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 74.

[941] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the _Relacion_ as given in the _Documentos inéditos_, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the “Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p. 224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness of this narrative; cf. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, iv. 397, and Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is confused.”—BANCROFT: _History of the United States_, revised edition, vol. i. p. 31.—ED.]

[942] The _Comentarios_ added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez, and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America.

[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441), Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (_Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4_s._ Leclerc (no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been reported at £21, £25, £39 10_s._, and £42.—ED.]

[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79.—ED.]

[945] [_Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis_, 1621. Ardoino’s _Exámen apologético_ was first published separately in 1736 (_Carter-Brown_, iii. 545).—ED.]

[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330.

[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his _Voyages_, at Paris.

[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556.

[949] [_Menzies Catalogue_, no. 315; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 227-229.—ED.]

[950] [Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 364.,—ED.]

[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W. Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.]

[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett, the editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (see vol. i. p. 188), who has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them. Davis, in his _Conquest of New Mexico_, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s route. H. H. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 63) finds no ground for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s _New Mexico_ (1883), p. 89.—ED.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing the limits of his route.

[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, second series, ii. 153; _Historical Magazine_, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867.

[954] Smith’s _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 100; Torquemada (_Monarquia Indiana_, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop, but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops. We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region and this time, in a _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_,—only vol. i. of the contemplated work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of Ferdinand V., which is reproduced _ante_, p. 85. Various manuscripts of Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society.

[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the _Historical Magazine_, xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i. 62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp. 582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his _Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also L. P. Fisher’s paper in the _Overland Monthly_, x. 514. Galvano’s summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p. 170.—ED.]

[956] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 27.

[957] _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s _Florida_, chap. ii.

[958] _Cabeça de Vaca_, pp. 20, 204.

[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 113).—ED.]

[960] B. Smith’s _De Soto_, pp. 47, 234.

[961] _Nouvelle France_, iii. 473.

[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz, _Geographia de la America_ (1758).

[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas narrative. Cf. Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 266-272; _Historical Magazine_, v. 42; _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the _Historical Magazine_ (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (_ante_, p. 253).—ED.]

[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10_s._, which at that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s _Letter of De Soto_, p. 66). It was reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy, no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled _A Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards_ (see Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 844; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 20). There is a Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-und Landreizen_ (1727), vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—ED.]

[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[966] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,338.

[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s _Versameling_ (Leyden, 1706). The _Relaçam_ of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day, contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title of _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_ (Rotterdam, 1658), passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in 1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version, entitled _History of the Caribby Islands_, was printed in London in 1666. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyclopædia of American Literature_, supplement, p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—ED.]

[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox Library.—ED.]

[969] _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride._

[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, apparently from the same source.

[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an illiterate soldier.” Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 414.

[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815; Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_ no. 587; Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[973] [Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (_Marquette_, in _American Biography_, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written source.—ED.]

[974] [Theodore Irving, _The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto_, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence on Garcilasso (cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 765), whom its author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas. Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (_Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De Soto.—ED.]

[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in 1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, _Histoire de la conquête de la Floride_, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731, 1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132, 470; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 965). A German translation by H. L. Meier, _Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida_, was printed at Zelle in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in Bernard Shipp’s _History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_ (p. 229, etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses, not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711, and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one mainly of compilation.—ED.]

[976] _Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda._ [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz “as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his _Historia general_] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s _Historical Collection of Louisiana_ (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux; cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 26. The Editor appends various notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the will of De Soto in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1861), v. 134.—ED.]

[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is translated in the _Historical Magazine_ (September, 1860), iv. 257.—ED.]

[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his _Letter of De Soto_ (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—ED.]

[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii. of his _History of Georgia_ (Boston, 1883). In the _Annual Report_ of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped (June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer. Stevens (_History of Georgia_, i. 26) thinks but little positive knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—ED.]

[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his proposed work in a tract called, _Invasion of the Territory of Alabama by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540_ (Montgomery, 1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—ED.]

[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla” by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The _u_ and _v_ were interchangeable letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to _b_. (Irving, second edition, p. 261).

[982] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.; Martin’s _Louisiana_, i. 12; Nuttall’s _Travels into Arkansas_ (1819), p. 248; Fairbanks’s _History of Florida_, chap. v.; Ellicott’s _Journal_, p. 125; Belknap, _American Biography_, i. 192. [Whether this passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute, even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_; Sparks’s _Marquette_; Gayarré’s _Louisiana_; Theodore Irving’s _Conquest of Florida_; Gravier’s _La Salle_, chap. i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in _Congrès des Américanistes_ (1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s _Commercial Review_, 1849 and 1850; _Southern Literary Messenger_, December, 1848; _North American Review_, July, 1847.—ED.]

[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 160.

[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—ED.]

[985] _Pioneers of France in the New World_; cf. Gaffarel, _La Floride Française_, p. 341.

[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ _Recueil de la Floride_, and an English one in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is minute upon interesting points.

[987] Cf. Sparks, _Ribault_, p. 155; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 20. Fairbanks in his _History of St. Augustine_ tells the story, mainly from the Spanish side.

[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20, 195, 213.

[989] _Life of Ribault_, p. 147.

[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library, and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no. 40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the _Divers Voyages_, is reprinted in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 110; Hakluyt, _Divers Voyages_, edition by J. W. Jones, p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—ED.]

[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,236)—ED.]

[992] [Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 39. The original French text was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne;_ and this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced by Rich in 1832 at £5 5_s._, and has been sold of late years for $250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no. 1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 24. Gaffarel in his _La Florida Française_ (p. 347) gives the first letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586 edition.—ED.]

[993] Cf. Stevens _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870,) p. 224; Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 32.

[994] _Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ. Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum. Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea Navigatione Sequnto._ [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609) and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii, no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about 100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692).

The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875 as the _Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière_, 1564. These engravings have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in the _Magazin pittoresque_, in _L’univers pittoresque_, in Pickett’s _Alabama_, etc.—ED.]

[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262.

[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London in 1566 as _A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of Ribaut_, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ _Reçueil de pièces sur la Floride_ and in Gaffarel’s _La Floride Française_, p. 457 (cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France_ (Paris, 1835), vi. 200. The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title: _Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé d’une notice historique et bibliographique_. Cf. Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 30.—ED.]

[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii. 123). Sparks (_Life of Ribault_, p. 152) reports a _De navigatione Gallorum in terram Floridam_ in connection with an Antwerp (1568) edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 36)—ED.].

[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853.

[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330; Dufossé, no. 4,211.

[1000] This petition is known as the _Epistola supplicatoria_, and is embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni. It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses_, vi. 232, and in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, p. 477; and in Latin in De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s _Ribault_, appendix). [There are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted, and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used by Du Prat in his _Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois_ (1859), and some of which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts of Popellinière in his _Trois mondes_ (1582) and in the _Histoire universelle_ of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The volume of Ternaux’ _Voyages_ known as _Recueil de pièces sur la Floride inédites_, contains, among eleven documents, one called _Coppie d’une lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort que les François y ont faict_ (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, vol. iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, _recto_, was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—ED.]

[1001] _Ensayo cronológico._

[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—ED.]

[1003] Page 340. Cf. _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, iv. 72.

[1004] [They are: _a._ Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages.

_b._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by Ternaux-Compans in his _Recueil_, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p. 483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 267. This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142).

_c._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in 1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving also the text marked _e_ below.

_d._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in the _Revue rétrospective_ (1835), ii. 321.

_e._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See _c_ above.

The account in the _Histoire notable_ is called an abridgment by Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part ii.,—_De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio_. See other abridgments in Popellinière, _Histoire des trois mondes_ (1582), Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.]

[1005] _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 35.

[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s _Histoire des Indes_; D’Aubigné’s _Histoire universelle_ (1626); De Laet’s _Novus orbis_, book iv.; Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_; Champlain’s _Voyages_; Brantôme’s _Grands capitaines François_ (also in his _Œuvres_). Faillon (_Colonie Française_, i. 543) bases his account on Lescarbot.

[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé du Fresnoy, in his _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_, falls into some errors.

[1008] _American Biography_, vol. vii. (new series).

[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in the _Atlantic Monthly_, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530.

[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events.

[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s _United States_, chap. ii.; Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, chap. viii.; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in the West_, ii. chap. xvii. _et seq._; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; Fairbanks’s _Florida_; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,—among American writers; and among the French,—Guérin, _Les navigateurs Français_ (1846); Ferland, _Canada_; Martin, _Histoire de France_; Haag, _La France protestante_; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in _Le tour du monde_, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344.

There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the _Catholic World_, xxi. 701.

[1012] _The Acts of the Apostles_, xxviii. 2-6.

[1013] [See Chapter I.—ED.]

[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII.

[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving, following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498, having become rich (_Columbus_ iii. 415). He also says that Llorente is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca. Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502, at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance with the scenes which he describes.

[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information, petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted “Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great admiral. (Irving’s _Columbus_, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of a _repartimiento_ in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves.