Chapter IX: Magellan’s Discovery (12)

[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name (cf. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of chap. vii.

It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 55) that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects, of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect. Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian” was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi (1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others.

[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46.

[1304] Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 193) places it about 1542.

[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library. A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas.

[1306] Repeated in 1545.

[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[1308] See _ante_, p. 177.

[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed by Münster, two of which have American interest:—

_a._ _Typus universalis_,—an elliptical map, showing America on the left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating America from India superior on the northwest.

_b._ _Novæ insulæ_,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41.

There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library, in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_. The same maps were also used in the Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J. H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The _Murphy Catalogue_ shows another, no. 2,066.

[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ in 1554.

There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,078.

Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy copy is no. 2,065 of the _Murphy Catalogue_.

The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555.

[1311] _Ante_, p. 435.

[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.

[1313] Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 137.

[1314] See _ante_, p. 436.

[1315] See _ante_, p. 228.

[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem, who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures, Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage.

[1317] See _ante_, p. 438.

[1318] See _post_, p. 451.

[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an _Atlante maritimo_, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. _Katalog der Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden_, 1882, vol. i. p. 369.

[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, _post_, p. 470.

[1321] See p. 452.

[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s _Monuments de la Géographie_, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets; in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol. ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s _Early Cartography_, p. 38.

[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, _post_, p. 471.

[1324] See the map, _post_, p. 453.

[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College, Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted in the text. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 648; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, _Catalogue_ (1832), nos. 51, 55, etc.

Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast, while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_. Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller (1872), no. 1,255.

Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. _Boston Public Library Catalogue_, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no. 2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps); in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241; Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165), Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde (p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686, with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously.

[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared.

[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and “Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius. Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse.

[1328] See p. 454.

[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage. Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24.

[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102.

[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol. III. p. 80.

The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place (Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft has published vol. i. of his _History of California_; and after giving a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s Bay, and in a volume previously issued (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name (p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at Manilla in 1734 as _Navegacion Especulation_, being used to set this point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants wrote a paper in the _Overland Monthly_ in 1874. The book is not very scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106) seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI_, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc.

[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98.

[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention of Popellinière’s _Les Trois Mondes_. The third world is the great Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time.

[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ is given in fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 151, and in his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 65.

[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is discussed in Vol. I.

[1336] Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C. Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, vol. i. p. 250; Burney, _Voyages_, vol. i., and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 139, where there are references and collections of authorities.

[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, _California_, vol. i. p. 94. The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that prominent point was first named.

[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42.

[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One, of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz), and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in Barrow’s _Chronological History of Voyages_, etc. Another manuscript was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan as _Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico_, translated from a Spanish manuscript (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,746), and again in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti, who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library, no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the _Quarterly Review_, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s _Voyages_, vol. v. p.167. A memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,” is printed in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, vol. xi. (1821). Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave his view of the question in vol. xv. of his _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ in the volume specially called _Examen historico-critico de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete_. Bancroft calls it an elaboration of the voyage of the _Sutil y Méxicana_. (Cf. Arcana, _Bibliographia de obras anonimas_, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his _Memoir on the Straits of Anian_ places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the story and cites the examiners of it, _pro_ and _con_, and gives (p. 96) Maldonado’s map of the strait.

[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849.

[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii.

[1342] Greenhow in his _Oregon_ contends for a certain basis of truth in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. xv., and Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 146, and _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure fiction, and in a long note gives the writers _pro_ and _con_.

[1343] In his _Speculum Orbis Terræ_. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437, and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application of the name that Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 84) finds no earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597.

[1344] _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18.

[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no. 19.

[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of 1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the Hakluyt of 1589.

[1347] _Mapoteca Colombiana_, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol. IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4].

[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan, born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, 219.) The maps showing America are,—

No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work.

Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores.

Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection. (Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v. p. 502.)

This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.)

An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland.

The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in 1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps. There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries.

[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4]

[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions, in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in that language; the first part being without date, while the second and third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, _Bibliographie sur les journaux des navigateurs_, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503, vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,148; Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos. 1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884.

The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p. 206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8_s._; and yet Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50. The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15_s._, and the Jadis copy the same. Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15_s._ 6_d._ The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 1,498.

The first Latin edition, _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, was printed in 1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare; but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150 francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196; 1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks.

The earliest French edition, _Histoire de la Navigation_, etc., bears two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam, 1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii. and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to it a _Description de l’Amérique_ (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map. America is also described in the _Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen_ (Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130 francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no. 2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638 edition), no. 219—£1 10_s._; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638 edition)—£8 10_s._

There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals. The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p. 189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (_Dictionary_, vol. x. p. 375) gives the bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s _Levens van beroemde Nederlanders_, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. _Voyagie ofte Schipvaert by Noorden_, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no. 1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are included in _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, Amsterdam, _circa_ 1663.

[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170.

[1352] Vol. III. p. 80.

[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the following American maps:—

Page 2. The two Americas.

Page 7. The West India Islands.

Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain.

Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala.

Page 38. South America.

Page 47. Audiencia of Quito.

Page 63. The Chile coast.

Jefferys, in his _Northwest Passage_, gives a fac-simile of the American hemisphere.

The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched in Vol. IV. p. 101.

The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn between 1580 and 1600.

[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called.

[1355] Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 89; Bancroft doubts Viscaino’s presence (_North Mexican States_, i. 148).

[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 151) cites other writers.

[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it, and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos_, viii. 539. Torquemada used it, and so did Venegas in his _Noticia de la California_ (Madrid, 1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767; German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172, 1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,599, 1,600; Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 281. An abridged narrative from Lorenzana is given in the _Boletin_ of the Mexican Geographical Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his _Coleccion_, xv. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 154-155, and _California_, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort in the _Magazine of American History_, i. 124.

[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line (42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George (_History of California_, i. 104; _Northwest Coast_, i. 84).

[1359] Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 3; _California_, ii. 97; _North Mexican States_, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published, as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the _Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca_ (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s _Northwest Coast_ (1840), p. 131; Burney’s _South Sea Voyages_ (1806), vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 156; _California_, i. 97, and _Northwest Coast_, i. 101, 146.

[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iv. 184, 185.

[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum_ (1844), i. 33.

[1362] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their part no cartographical expression of the idea.

[1363] In Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, i. 169.

[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 103)—to Jannson’s _Monde Maritime_. If by this is meant Jannson’s _Orbis Maritimus_, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to his edition of the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. Carpenter’s _Geography_ (Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the Amsterdam _Herrera_ of 1622.

[1365] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 104) sketches a similar map which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s _West Indische Spieghel_. Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561.

[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map of 1630.

[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, xv. 215; Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his _Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_, in 1744,—according to Bancroft.

[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time, and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, February, 1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his _History of Boston_ (p. 89), and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_ (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an _alibi_ for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616.

[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in _Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60° is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some _Observations critiques_, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’ _California_, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s _Great Probability of a Northwest Passage_, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north. Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his _Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas_, vol. iii. (1813). William Goldson, in his _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte_ (Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his _Documentos inéditos_, xv., as he had done at less length in his _Sutil y Méxicana_ in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his _Northwest Coast_, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe, _Abrégé des Voyages_ (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in _An Account of a Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage_, by Theodore Swaine Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii.

[1372] _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s _Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific_, 1803.

[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s _Zee Atlas_ of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,” it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called “Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also gives it.

Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his _Description_ (1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later, in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his _Nya Swerige_, p. 10, as shown herewith (p. 464).

It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg. The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy; and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the Asiatic shore of this region.

[1374] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. and _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the _Arcano del Mare_ is sometimes mentioned.

[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s _Amye Robsart and Leicester_, 1870; _Warwickshire Historical Collections_; Dugdale’s _Warwickshire_, p. 166.

[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi., xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661.

[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in 1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747.

[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia, given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852), where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.”

[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.”

[1380] Born 1600; died 1667.

[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 115) is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s _Collection of Voyages_ (1699), thirty years after he had published his own map in 1669.

[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 110.

[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.

[1384] Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.

[1385] _New Voyage round the World._ The map is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 112, 119, for other data.

[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache, and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the first discoverers of California, appended to the _Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, U. S. A._, 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of his associates, Luis Velarde (_Documentos para la historia de México_, ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E. L. Berthoud in the _Kansas City Review_ (June, 1883), that a large area between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level, was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115.

[1388] _Recueil des Voyages au Nord_, vol. iii. p. 268.

[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (_Oregon Question_, 1846) as quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula.

[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ p. 423.

[1391] _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in Bancroft, _Northw. Coast_, i. 123.

[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide himself.

[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 463; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 125, 126.

[1396] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755 Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the _island_ in his map.

[1397] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in the insularity of California.

[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from 1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are found in William Doyle’s _Account of the British Dominions beyond the Atlantic_ (London, 1770), and in the _Mémoires sur la situation des pays septentrionaux_, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in 1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book published in 1772, and in his _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique_, also published at Lausanne in 1779.

[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s _Mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales_ (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and Dobbs’s _Northwest Passage_ (1754).

[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) _Voyages from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr. from the high Dutch of S. Muller_ [should be G. F. Muller], _with 3 maps_: (1) _Part of Japanese map_ [this is sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. p. 130]. (2) _Delisle and Buache’s fictitious map._ (3) _New Discoveries of Russians and French._

Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf. also William Coxe’s _Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia and America_ (2d ed. rev.), _London_, 1780, and later editions in 1787 and 1803; also, see Robertson’s _America_, note 43.

[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, Vol. i. p. 131.

[1402] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian archives.

[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the Oregon question. It is called _Viages de los Españoles a la costa norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790_. My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that department.

[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with references in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 151 _et seq._ Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present paper.

[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in 1802. Cf. Navarrete, _Sutil y Mexicana_.

[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 135.

[1407] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part of his map.

[1408] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map.

[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map.

[1410] Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Historical Magazine_, vol. xviii. p. 155; _Harper’s Magazine_, December, 1882; Bulfinch, _Oregon and El Dorado_, p. 3. The report on the claims of the heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the _Historical Magazine_, September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved in Bulfinch. Cf. also _American Journal of Numismatics_, vi. 33, 63; vii. 7; _Coin-Collectors Journal_, vi. 46; _Magazine of American History_, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 185 _et seq._ He had the help of a journal kept on one of the ships.

[1411] Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., must be consulted for these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages.

[1412] _Relation de Castañeda_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages_, etc., ix. i.

[1413] _Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman_, in Icazbalceta, _Coll. de Docs._, ii. 303; _Quarta relacion_, in Ibid., p. 475; _García de Lopez’ Relacion_, in Pacheco’s _Coll. Doc. Inéd._, tom. xiv. pp. 455-460.

[1414] [See _ante_, p. 391.—ED.]

[1415] _Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca_, translated by Buckingham Smith (chap. xxxi. p. 167).

[1416] [See _ante_, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient Florida.”—ED.]

[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249.

[1418] _A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola_ in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810).

[1419] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 9.

[1420] [See _ante_, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—ED.]

[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson.” _Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 8.

[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—ED.]

[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men, who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were sent back, to the number of sixty. (_Relation_, p. 12.) This latter statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. _Relation_; Hakluyt’s _Collection of Voyages (Principall Navigations)_, iii. 454.

[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290.

[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen, was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage, containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio, _Navigationi_, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula, and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 173; and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr. H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of _United States Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian_. [See also the present volume, p. 443.—ED.]

[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V., dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290.

[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be the ruined structure, called _Casa Grande_, in southern Arizona, near Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol. I. of the present History.—ED.]

[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march, describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito.

[1429] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca.

[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, _Collection of Voyages_, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810).

[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present Moqui villages. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15.

[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon, the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50.

[1433] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.”

[1434] Davis (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 160) suggests that he should have written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.”

[1435] [See _ante_, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast.”—ED.]

[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant Abert’s report, _Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session_, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco.

[1437] Davis (_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 185, note) places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But Mr. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, pp. 20-22), from documentary evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182).

[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion de documentos_, p. 65; Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.”

[1439] General J. H. Simpson, _Coronado’s March_, p. 335, has identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s _Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins in the Valley of Pecos_, p. 113.

[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s _Visit_, pp. 39, 115.

[1441] Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 22) places Tutahaco in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to Davis’s opinion (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 180) that it was at Laguna. Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro. (_Ibid._, p. 24.) General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 323, note) discusses the question of the disappearance of the river.

[1442] Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that it must have been early in 1541.

[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc.

[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth; Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 113) says it was on May 5.

[1445] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 336) has given the reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary of the Pecos.

[1446] Jaramillo (_Relation_ p. 374) says that this was “much nearer New Spain;” but Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 120) makes them to have passed by this very village.

[1447] In his _Letter to Charles V._ (p. 358), Coronado states that having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359). This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda (_Relation_, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a day, as measured by counting their steps.

[1448] _Letter to Charles V._, p. 360. There is a great difference of opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin, Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission founded subsequently to 1629. See _Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico_, 1853, by Major J. H. Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however, (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon the Platte River. _Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society_, April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (_History of New Mexico_, p. 141) thinks that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira with certainty. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 25) is not satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states, and believes that he moved more in a circle.

[1449] Jaramillo (_Relation_, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of August;” but according to Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 141), Coronado got back to Tiguex in August.

[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc., north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 23.

[1451] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) has identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this, Gregg, in his _Commerce of the Prairies_, had given a description corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s _Relation_, p. 139.

[1452] _Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos_, tom. xv. p. 180; Hakluyt, _Voyages_, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810).

[1453] _Coronado’s March_, p. 324.

[1454] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1455] [See _ante_, p. 290.—ED.]

[1456] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1457] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vii. The latest volumes read on the titlepage: _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada._—ED.]

[1458] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vi.—ED.]

[1459] [For bibliography of this _Relacion_ see _ante_, p. 286.—ED.]

[1460] [See _ante_, p. 287.—ED.]

[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session, 1848.

[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session, 1850.

[1463] Cf. also _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, vol. v. p. 194, and _Geographical Magazine_ (1874), vol. i. p. 86.

[1464] This is his _North Mexican States_, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76, 82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He touches it incidentally in his _Central America_, vol. i. p. 153; _Mexico_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; _California_, vol. i. p. 8; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed treatment in his volumes on _New Mexico and Arizona_, which are yet to be published.

[1465] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1857, and October, 1878.

[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent compendium, Shipp’s _De Soto and Florida_ ch. vii.

[1467] [Cf. Markham’s _Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega_, vol. i. chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—ED.]

[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the chief port on the Atlantic side.

[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 317.—ED.]

[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine. Prescott, i. 211.—ED.]

[1471] Helps translates them:—

“My good Lord Governor, Have pity on our woes; For here remains the butcher, To Panamá the salesman goes.”