Chapter I (5)

Proceeding upon his hypothesis of atoms and vacua as the only objective existences, he tried to show what particular modifications of atoms, in figure, size, and position, produced upon the sentient the impressions of different colours. He recognised four fundamental or simple colours--white, black, red, and green--of which all other colours were mixtures and combinations.[227] White colour (he said) was caused by smooth surfaces, which presented straight pores and a transparent structure, such as the interior surface of shells: where these smooth substances were brittle or friable, this arose from the constituent atoms being at once spherical and loosely connected together, whereby they presented the clearest passage through their pores, the least amount of shadow, and the purest white colour. From substances thus constituted, the effluvia flowed out easily, and passed through the intermediate air without becoming entangled or confused with it. Black colour was caused by rough, irregular, unequal substances, which had their pores crooked and obstructed, casting much shadow, and sending forth slowly their effluvia, which became hampered and entangled with the intervening medium of air. Red colour arose from the effluvia of spherical atoms, like those of fire, though of larger size: the connection between red colour and fire was proved by the fact that heated substances, man as well as the metals, became red. Green was produced by atoms of large size and wide vacua, not restricted to any determinate shape, but arranged in peculiar order and position. These four were given by Demokritus as the simple colours. But he recognised an infinite diversity of compound colours, arising from mixture of them in different proportions, several of which he explained--gold-colour, purple, blue, violet, leek-green, nut-brown, &c.[228]

[Footnote 227: Theophrastus, De Sensu, s. 73 seq.; Aristotel. De Sensu, c. iv. p. 442, b. 10. The opinions of Demokritus on colour are illustrated at length by Prantl in his Uebersicht der Farbenlehre der Alten (p. 49 seq.), appended to his edition of the Aristotelian or Pseudo-Aristotelian treatise, [Greek: Peri\ Chrôma/tôn] (Munich, 1849).

Demokritus seems also to have attempted to show, that the sensation of cold and shivering was produced by the irruption of jagged and acute atoms. See Plutarch, De Primo Frigido, p. 947, 948, c. 8.]

[Footnote 228: Theophrastus, De Sensu, s. 76-78. [Greek: a)/peira ta\ chrô/mata kai\ tou\s chulou\s kata\ ta\s mi/xeis--ou)de\n ga\r o(/moion e)/sesthai tha)/teron tha)te/rou.]]

[Side-note: Vision caused by the outflow of effluvia or images from objects. Hearing.]

Besides thus setting forth those varieties of atoms and atomic motions which produced corresponding varieties of colour, Demokritus also brought to view the intermediate stages whereby they realised the act of vision. All objects, compounds of the atoms, gave out effluvia or images resembling themselves. These effluvia stamped their impression, first upon the intervening air, next upon the eye beyond: which, being covered by a fine membrane, and consisting partly of water, partly of vacuum, was well calculated to admit the image. Such an image, the like of which any one might plainly see by looking into another person's eye, was the immediate cause of vision.[229] The air, however, was no way necessary as an intervening medium, but rather obstructive: the image proceeding from the object would be more clearly impressed upon the eye through a vacuum: if the air did not exist, vision would be so distinct, even at the farthest distance, that an object not larger than an ant might be seen in the heavens.[230] Demokritus believed that the visual image, after having been impressed upon the eye, was distributed or multiplied over the remaining body.[231] In like manner, he believed that, in hearing, the condensed air carrying the sound entered with some violence through the ears, passed through the veins to the brain, and was from thence dispersed over the body.[232] Both sight and hearing were thus not simply acts of the organ of sense, but concurrent operations of the entire frame: over all which (as has been already stated) the mental or vital particles were assumed to be disseminated.

[Footnote 229: Theophrast. De Sensu, s. 50. [Greek: to\n a)e/ra to\n metaxu\ tê=s o)/pseôs kai\ tou= o(rôme/nou tupou=sthai], &c. Aristotel. De Sensu, c. 2, p. 438, a. 6.

Theophrastus notices this intermediate [Greek: a)potu/pôsis e)n tô=| a)e/ri] as a doctrine peculiar ([Greek: i)di/ôs]) to Demokritus: he himself proceeds to combat it (51, 52).]

[Footnote 230: Aristotel. De Animâ, ii. 7-9, p. 419, a. 16.]

[Footnote 231: Theophrastus, De Sensu, s. 54.]

[Footnote 232: Theophrastus, De Sensu, 55, 56. [Greek: tê\n ga\r phônê\n ei)=nai puknoume/nou tou= a)e/ros kai\ meta\ bi/as ei)sio/ntos], &c.

Demokritus thought that air entered into the system not only through the ears, but also through pores in other parts of the body, though so gently as to be imperceptible to our consciousness: the ears afforded a large aperture, and admitted a considerable mass.]

[Side-note: Differences of taste--how explained.]

Farther, Demokritus conceived that the diversities of taste were generated by corresponding diversities of atoms, or compounds of atoms, of particular figure, magnitude and position. Acid taste was caused by atoms rough, angular, twisted, small, and subtle, which forced their way through all the body, produced large interior vacant spaces, and thereby generated great heat: for heat was always proportional to the amount of vacuum within.[233] Sweet taste was produced by spherical atoms of considerable bulk, which slid gently along and diffused themselves equably over the body, modifying and softening the atoms of an opposite character. Astringent taste was caused by large atoms with many angles, which got into the vessels, obstructing the movement of fluids both in the veins and intestines. Salt taste was produced by large atoms, much entangled with each other, and irregular. In like manner Demokritus assigned to other tastes particular varieties of generating atoms: adding, however, that in every actual substance, atoms of different figures were intermingled, so that the effect of each on the whole was only realised in the ratio of the preponderating figure.[234] Lastly, the working of all atoms, in the way of taste, was greatly modified by the particular system upon which they were brought to act: effects totally opposite being sometimes produced by like atoms upon different individuals.[235]

[Footnote 233: Theophrast. De Sensu, 65-68.]

[Footnote 234: Theophrast. De Sensu, 67. [Greek: a(pa/ntôn de\ tô=n schêma/tôn ou)de\n a)ke/raion ei)=nai kai\ a)mige\s toi=s a)/llois, a)ll' e)n e(ka/stô| polla\ ei)=nai . . . . ou)= d' a)\n e)nê=| plei=ston, tou=to ma/lista e)nischu/ein pro/s te tê\n ai)/sthêsin kai\ tê\n du/namin].

This essential intermixture, in each distinct substance, of atoms of all different shapes, is very analogous to the essential intermixture of all sorts of Homoeomeries in the theory of Anaxagoras.]

[Footnote 235: Theophrast. De Sensu, 67. [Greek: ei)s o(poi/an e(/xin a)\n ei)se/lthê|, diaphe/rein ou)k o)li/gon; kai\ dia\ tou=to to\ au)to\ ta)nanti/a, kai\ ta)nanti/a to\ au)to\ pa/thos poiei=n e)ni/ote.]]

[Side-note: Thought or Intelligence--was produced by influx of atoms from without.]

As sensation, so also thought or intelligence, was produced by the working of atoms from without. But in what manner the different figures and magnitudes of atoms were understood to act, in producing diverse modifications of thought, we do not find explained. It was, however, requisite that there should be a symmetry, or correspondence of condition between the thinking mind within and the inflowing atoms from without, in order that these latter might work upon a man properly: if he were too hot, or too cold, his mind went astray.[236] Though Demokritus identified the mental or vital particles with the spherical atoms constituting heat or fire, he nevertheless seems to have held that these particles might be in excess as well as in deficiency, and that they required, as a condition of sound mind, to be diluted or attempered with others. The soundest mind, however, did not work by itself or spontaneously, but was put in action by atoms or effluvia from without: this was true of the intellectual mind, not less than of the sensational mind. There was an objective something without, corresponding to and generating every different thought--just as there was an objective something corresponding to every different sensation. But first, the object of sensation was an atomic compound having some appreciable bulk, while that of thought might be separate atoms or vacua so minute as to be invisible and intangible. Next, the object of sensation did not reveal itself as it was in its own nature, but merely produced changes in the percipient, and different changes in different percipients (except as to heavy and light, hard and soft, which were not simply modifications of our sensibility, but were also primary qualities inherent in the objects themselves[237]): while the object of thought, though it worked a change in the thinking subject, yet also revealed itself as it was, and worked alike upon all.

[Footnote 236: Theophrast. De Sensu, 58. [Greek: Peri\ de\ tou= phronei=n e)pi\ tosou=ton ei)/rêken, o(/ti gi/netai summe/trôs e)chou/sês tê=s psuchê=s meta\ tê\n ki/nêsin; e)a\n de\ peri/thermo/s tis ê)\ peri/psuchros ge/nêtai, metalla/ttein phêsi/.]]

[Footnote 237: Theophrastus, De Sensu, 71. [Greek: nu=n de\ sklêrou= me\n kai\ malakou= kai\ bare/os kai\ kou/phou poiei= tê\n ou)si/an, _o(/per (a(/per) ou)ch' ê(=tton e)/doxe le/gesthai pro\s ê(ma=s,_ thermou= de\ kai\ psuchrou= kai\ tô=n a)/llôn ou)deno/s].

This is a remarkable point to be noted in the criticisms of Theophrastus on the doctrine of Demokritus. Demokritus maintains that _hot_ and _cold_ are relative to us: _hard_ and _soft_, _heavy_ and _light_, are not only relative to us, but also absolute, objective, things in their own nature,--though causing in us sensations which are like them. Theophrastus denies this distinction altogether: and denies it with the best reason. Not many of his criticisms on Demokritus are so just and pertinent as this one.]

[Side-note: Sensation, obscure knowledge relative to the sentient; Thought, genuine knowledge--absolute, or object per se.]

Hence Demokritus termed sensation, _obscure knowledge_--thought, _genuine knowledge_.[238] It was only by thought (reason, intelligence) that the fundamental realities of nature, atoms and vacua, could be apprehended: even by thought, however, only imperfectly, since there was always more or less of subjective movements and conditions, which partially clouded the pure objective apprehension--and since the atoms themselves were in perpetual movement, as well as inseparably mingled one with another. Under such obstructions, Demokritus proclaimed that no clear or certain knowledge was attainable: that the sensible objects, which men believed to be absolute realities, were only phenomenal and relative to us,--while the atoms and vacua, the true existences or things in themselves, could scarce ever be known as they were:[239] that truth was hidden in an abyss, and out of our reach.

[Footnote 238: Demokritus Fragm. Mullach, p. 205, 206; ap. Sext. Empir. adv. Mathemat. vii. 135-139, [Greek: gnô/mês du/o ei)si\n i)de/ai; ê( me\n gnêsi/ê, ê( de\ skoti/ê], &c.]

[Footnote 239: Democr. Frag., Mull., p. 204-5. [Greek: A(/per nomi/zetai me\n ei)=nai kai\ doxa/zetai ta\ ai)sthêta/, _ou)k e)/sti de\ kata\ a)lê/theian tau=ta;_ a)lla\ ta\ a)/toma mo/non kai\ keno/n. ê(me/es de\ tô=| me\n e)o/nti ou)de\n a)treke\s xuni/emen, meta/pipton de\ kata/ te sô/matos diathigê/n, kai\ tô=n e)peisio/ntôn, kai\ tô=n a)ntistêrizo/ntôn . . . . e)teê=| me/n nun, o(/ti oi(/on e(/kasto/n e)stin ê)\ ou)/k e)stin, ou) xuni/emen, pollachê= dedê/lôtai], &c.

Compare Cicero, Acad. Quæst. i. 13, ii. 10; Diog. Laert. ix. 72; Aristotel. Metaphys. iii. 5, p. 1009, b. 10.]

[Side-note: Idola or images were thrown off from objects, which determined the tone of thoughts, feelings, dreams, divinations, &c.]

As Demokritus supposed both sensations and thoughts to be determined by effluvia from without, so he assumed a similar cause to account for beliefs, comfortable or uncomfortable dispositions, fancies, dreams, presentiments, &c. He supposed that the air contained many effluences, spectres, images, cast off from persons and substances in nature--sometimes even from outlying very distant objects which lay beyond the bounds of the Kosmos. Of these images, impregnated with the properties, bodily and mental, of the objects from whence they came, some were beneficent, others mischievous: they penetrated into the human body through the pores and spread their influence all through the system.[240] Those thrown off by jealous and vindictive men were especially hurtful,[241] as they inflicted suffering corresponding to the tempers of those with whom they originated. Trains of thought and feeling were thus excited in men's minds; in sleep,[242] dreams, divinations, prophetic warnings, and threats, were communicated: sometimes, pestilence and other misfortunes were thus begun. Demokritus believed that men's happiness depended much upon the nature and character of the images which might approach them, expressing an anxious wish that he might himself meet with such as were propitious.[243] It was from grand and terrific images of this nature, that he supposed the idea and belief of the Gods to have arisen: a supposition countenanced by the numerous tales, respecting appearances of the Gods both to dreaming and to waking men, current among the poets and in the familiar talk of Greece.

[Footnote 240: Demokriti Frag. p. 207, Mullach; Sext. Empiric. adv. Mathemat. ix. 19; Plutarch, Symposiac. viii. 10, p. 735 A.]

[Footnote 241: Plutarch, Symposiac. v. 7, p. 683 A.]

[Footnote 242: Aristotel. De Divinat. per Somnum, p. 464, a. 5; Plutarch, Symposiac. viii. 9, p. 733 E. [Greek: o(/ti kai\ ko/smôn e)kto\s phthare/ntôn kai\ sôma/tôn a)llophu/lôn e)k tê=s a)por)r(oi/as e)pir)r(eo/ntôn, e)ntau=tha polla/kis a)rchai\ parempi/ptousi loimô=n kai\ pathô=n ou) sunê/thôn.]]

[Footnote 243: Plutarch, De Oraculor. Defectu, p. 419. [Greek: au)to\s eu)/chetai eu)lo/gchôn ei)dôlôn tugcha/nein.]]

[Side-note: Universality of Demokritus--his ethical views.]

Among the lost treasures of Hellenic intellect, there are few which are more to be regretted than the works of Demokritus. Little is known of them except the titles: but these are instructive as well as multifarious. The number of different subjects which they embrace is astonishing. Besides his atomic theory, and its application to cosmogony and physics, whereby he is chiefly known, and from whence his title of _physicus_ was derived--we find mention of works on geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, optics, geography or geology, zoology, botany, medicine, music, and poetry, grammar, history, ethics, &c.[244] In such universality he is the predecessor, perhaps the model, of Aristotle. It is not likely that this wide range of subjects should have been handled in a spirit of empty generality, without facts or particulars: for we know that his life was long, his curiosity insatiable, and his personal travel and observation greater than that of any contemporary. We know too that he entered more or less upon the field of dialectics, discussing those questions of evidence which became so rife in the Platonic age. He criticised, and is said to have combated, the doctrine laid down by Protagoras, "Man is the measure of all things". It would have been interesting to know from what point of view he approached it: but we learn only the fact that he criticised it adversely.[245] The numerous treatises of Demokritus, together with the proportion of them which relate to ethical and social subjects, rank him with the philosophers of the Platonic and Aristotelian age. His Summum Bonum, as far as we can make out, appears to have been the maintenance of mental serenity and contentment: in which view he recommended a life of tranquil contemplation, apart from money-making, or ambition, or the exciting pleasures of life.[246]

[Footnote 244: See the list of the works of Demokritus in Diogen. Laert. ix. 46, and in Mullach's edition of the Fragments, p. 105-107. Mullach mentions here (note 18) that Demokritus is cited seventy-eight times in the extant works of Aristotle, and sometimes with honourable mention. He is never mentioned by Plato. In the fragment of Philodemus de Musica, Demokritus is called [Greek: a)nê\r ou) phusiologô/tatos mo/non tô=n a)rchai/ôn, a)lla\ kai\ peri\ ta\ i(storou/mena ou)deno\s ê)=tton polupra/gmôn] (Mullach, p. 237). Seneca calls him "Democritus, subtilissimus antiquorum omnium".--Quæstion. Natural. vii. 2. And Dionysius of Hal. (De Comp. Verb. p. 187, R.) characterises Demokritus, Plato, and Aristotle (he arranges them in that order) as first among all the philosophers, in respect of [Greek: su/nthesis tô=n o)noma/tôn].]

[Footnote 245: Plutarch, adv. Kolôten, p. 1108.

Among the Demokritean treatises, was one entitled Pythagoras, which contained probably a comment on the life and doctrines of that eminent man, written in an admiring spirit. (Diog. Laert. ix. 38.)]

[Footnote 246: Seneca, De Tranquill. Animæ, cap. 2. "Hanc stabilem animi sedem Græci [Greek: Eu)thumi/an] vocant, de quo Democriti volumen egregium est." Compare Cicero De Finib. v. 29; Diogen. Laert. ix. 45. For [Greek: eu)thumi/a] Demokritus used as synonyms [Greek: eu)estô/, a)thambi/ê, a)taraxi/ê], &c. See Mullach, p. 416.]