Chapter IV: Heroes (2)

The oracular Heroes are regularly confined to the neighbourhood of their graves. In addition, what we know of the legends that were told of the appearances or the unseen activities of these Heroes shows that, like the spirits that haunt ancient castles or caverns in our own popular mythology, they were confined within the boundaries of their native country, the neighbourhood of their graves or the site of their cult. They are, as a rule, artless stories of the anger displayed by a Hero whose rights have been infringed or whose cult neglected. At Tanagra[106\4] there was a Hero Eunostos, who, having been deprived of his life through the machinations of a woman, would tolerate no woman in his grove or near his grave.[107\4] If any of the hated sex intruded there was danger of an earthquake or drought, or else the Hero was seen going down to the sea (which washes away all pollutions) to cleanse himself. In Orchomenos there was a spirit who went about "with a stone" devastating the neighbourhood. This was Aktaion, whose earthly remains were therefore buried with much ceremony on the command of an oracle. A bronze statue of him was also set up and fastened with chains to a rock, and honoured every year in a feast of the dead.[108\4] Herodotos solemnly tells us of the wrath of Minos with the Cretans, who had not avenged his own violent end, whereas they had gone to the aid of Menelaos.[109\4] There is a deeper sense in the legend, also related by Herodotos, of Talthybios who was enraged not for any private grievance but because of a violation of the moral law and order. He himself as the protector of heralds and messengers punished the Spartans for their murder of the Persian envoys.[110\4] But the most awe-inspiring legend of the revenge of a Hero was told of a local-Hero of the Athenian parish of Anagyros. A countryman had cut down the Hero's sacred grove.[111\4] The Hero first caused the death of the man's wife and then inspired the second wife with a guilty passion for his son, her stepson. The latter opposed her wishes and when she denounced him to her husband was blinded by him and banished to a desert island. The father, having become an object of loathing to all men, hanged himself; the stepmother threw herself into a well.[112\4] This story is remarkable for the fact that in it the Hero, like the gods themselves, is regarded as able to affect men's consciousness, their feelings, and their resolves. Many of the details may have been improved upon by a taste accustomed to poetry of a higher style.[113\4] But as a rule the legends of Heroes bear a {135} thoroughly popular stamp. They are a kind of vulgar mythology, which still put forth fresh shoots in this way now that the myths of ancient gods and champions have become merely traditional and have been given over to the never-ending operations of the poets. Such myths were no longer thrown off naturally by the creative instinct of the people. The gods seemed too far removed, their visible influence in the affairs of men seemed only credible in the legends of a far-distant past. The spirits of Heroes hovered nearer to men; in good fortune and bad men traced their handiwork. In the myths and legends of the people arising out of the events of the immediate present they now constitute the supernatural element without which neither life nor stories would offer any attraction or meaning to the simple-minded.

We can learn what these legends were like from a single example, which happens to have been preserved to us and which must stand for the numbers of similar stories which once must have been current. At Temesa, in Lucania, there was a Hero who went about destroying any of the inhabitants that he could lay his hand on. The Temesians, who had got as far as thinking of leaving Italy, turned in their distress to the Delphic oracle, and were told that the ghost was the spirit of a stranger who had once been stoned to death by the inhabitants of the country for the violation of a maiden.[114\4] A sacred precinct must be dedicated to him, and a temple built, where every year the most beautiful maiden in Temesa must be delivered up to him. The citizens of Temesa did as they were told, and the spirit left them in peace, but every year the awful sacrifice took place. To this place there came in the 77th Olympiad a famous boxer, Euthymos of Locri, returning with his crown of victory back to Italy. He heard at Temesa of the sacrifice that was about to take place, and entered the temple where he saw the chosen maiden waiting for the Hero. Pity and love filled his heart; and when the Hero arrived the victor of so many single combats dared to try conclusions with this new foe and finally threw him into the sea and rid the country of the monster. It is just as in our own fairy tale of the youth who went forth to learn how to shudder;[115\4] and, of course, now that the land is delivered there is a brilliant wedding and the "Knight of Good Courage" marries the beautiful maiden he has rescued. He lived on to extreme old age, and even then he did not die but was translated alive and is now himself a Hero.[116\4]

Such champions of the Pan-Hellenic contests, of whom {136} Euthymos was one, are the favourite figures of popular legend both in their lifetime and, after their death, as spirits. A story was told also of one of the contemporaries of Euthymos, Theagenes of Thasos, one of the most famous victors in the great games, and how after his death one of his opponents went and thrashed his statue by night till one night the statue fell on him and killed him. The Thasians then threw the murderous image into the sea, but were thereupon plagued with barrenness as a result of the Hero's anger. This went on until, after the several times repeated command of the Delphic oracle, they fished up the statue from where it had sunk and restored it to its old position and sacrificed to it "as to a god".[117\4] The remarkable thing about this story is the way in which the crude and primitive notion, common to almost all image-worshipping peoples, that the strength of a "spirit" resides in his effigy, is here more than usually striking and applied to the belief in Heroes. It lies at the bottom of many stories of the revenge of dumb statues against those who offend them.[118\4] The statue of Theagenes, indeed, cured fevers even in later ages,[119\4] as did the statue of another famous boxer, Polydamas of Skotoussa.[120\4] An Achæan Olympic victor, Oibotas of Dyme, had for centuries prevented the Achæans from winning in any contest by a curse.[121\4] When he had been appeased the Achæans, on starting out to take part in a contest at Olympia, used to do sacrifice to his statue.[122\4]

§ 12

But the belief in Heroes rose to still greater heights. Not merely in peaceful athletic contests, but in real need, in struggles when they were fighting to defend the highest possessions of all--the freedom and safety of their country--the Heroes were found on the side of the Greeks. Nowhere do we see more plainly how real and vivid was the faith of contemporary Greece in the Heroes than in the stories told of the appeals then made to them and of their participation in the Persian wars. At Marathon there were many who saw an apparition of Theseus in full armour fighting in the front of the battle against the barbarians.[123\4] In the painting of Panainos (the brother of Pheidias) in the Stoa Poikile at Athens there was shown among the fighters at Marathon a certain Hero, Echetlos, of whose appearance at the battle a peculiar story was told.[124\4] In the war against Xerxes Delphi was preserved by two of the local Heroes of the land against a Persian raid.[125\4] In the morning before the battle of Salamis the Greeks prayed to the gods, but they called directly {137} upon the Heroes to give them practical help: Aias and Telamon were summoned from Salamis, and a ship was sent to fetch Aiakos and the other Aiakidai from Aegina.[126\4] So little were these Hero spirits mere symbols or great names to the Greeks. Their actual physical participation in the decisive hour was confidently expected. And, indeed, they came and helped:[127\4] after the battle had been won a trireme out of the spoil was dedicated to the Hero Aias as well as to the gods as a thankoffering.[128\4] A Salaminian local Hero, Kychreus, had also come to the help of the Greeks, as a snake, in which form the Heroes, like the earth spirits, frequently appeared.[129\4] After the battle everyone was fully persuaded that they owed their victory to the gods and Heroes.[130\4] As Xenophon puts it, it was the Heroes and their aid which "made Greece unconquerable" in the fight against the barbarians.[131\4] Less frequently we hear of the active participation of national Heroes in the fights of one Greek state against another.[132\4]

Even in the petty details of the life of individuals the Heroes played their part, helping or hindering, as once in mythical times the gods had done. Everyone will be reminded of well-known legends of the gods, and will at the same time be able to measure the difference between the sublime and the merely idyllic, in reading Herodotos' naive and circumstantial tale of how Helen once appeared in person to a nurse at Therapne. The nurse was praying at Helen's grave for her ill-favoured foster-child, when the Heroine appeared to her and with a touch of her hand made the child the most beautiful maiden in Sparta.[133\4] So, too, we read how the Hero Astrabakos, in the likeness of Ariston, king of Sparta, visited in secret the king's wife and made her the mother of Demaratos.[134\4] The heroön of this Astrabakos was situated by the door of Ariston's house,[135\4] and it was a frequent custom thus to place a Hero's shrine before the house-door where he might give a special protection to his neighbour.[136\4]

In all the circumstances of human life, in happiness or in need, for individuals or the city, the Heroes are thus very near to men. It is now often said of the Hero worshipped by a city (just as it was said of the city's gods) that he rules it, is its possessor, or is lord over it;[137\4] he is its true guardian and protector. It may, indeed, have been the case in many cities, as it was said to be in some, that the belief in the city-Hero was more deeply held there than the belief in the gods worshipped by all Greece in common.[138\4] The relation of man to the Heroes is closer than it is to the majestic gods above: {138} the faith in Heroes gave a different and a more familiar bond of union between men and the spirit-world above them. The worship of Heroes began as an ancestor-cult and an ancestor-cult it remained in essence, but it had now been widened to a cult of certain greater human souls who had raised themselves above their fellows by peculiar powers exercised in many, and by no means predominantly moral, directions. Many of them were of later ages or even of the quite recent past, and in this lies the peculiar importance of their cult. They show that the company of the spirits is not fixed and made up; individual mortals are still continually being raised to that higher circle after the completion of their earthly life. Death does not end all conscious existence nor does the gloom of Hades swallow up all life.

But for that reason the cult of Heroes cannot be the origin of the belief in an immortality belonging to all human souls by their very nature. Nor can this ever have been its effect. In the beginning, among the hosts that streamed down to Hades, the special individuals who had another fate were a small class apart and favoured above all others--and so it still remained. Though the numbers of the heroic figures might be increased enormously, yet every individual case of the transition of a human soul into the ranks of the Heroes was a fresh and special miracle. Such exceptional cases, however frequently repeated, could never produce a general rule applying without distinction to all men alike.

The belief in Heroes in its gradual evolution and extension unquestionably led far away from the course taken by the Homeric belief in the things after death. In fact, it pointed in the opposite direction. But with the belief in Heroes men had not yet arrived at the belief in an immortality proper to the human soul by virtue of its own nature, nor yet (which would be something different again) was a general cult of souls thereby founded. In order that such beliefs might arise after, but not out of, the cult of Heroes, and maintain themselves side by side with an undiminished cult of Heroes, a movement was first necessary that had its origin in different sources.

NOTES TO CHAPTER IV

[1\4: Porph., _Abst._ 4, 22, p. 268, 23 Nauck.]

[2\4: It is not quite clear whether it is legitimate to see in what Paus. 2, 2, 2, says about the graves of Neleus and Sisyphos a first trace of the worship of Hero-relics, as Lobeck does, _Agla._ 284. The oracle verse from Oinom. ap. Eus., _PE._ 5, 28, p. 223 B, in which Lykourgos is warned to honour ~Mene/lan te kai\ a/llous athana/tous _hê/rôas_, hoi\ en Lakedai/moni di/ê|~--is certainly quite late, later than the ~hê/keis ô= Luko/orge~ that was known already to Herod.; earlier however than the second century, cf. Isyllos (_GDI._ 3342), l. 26. Oinomaos got it, like all the oracles that he used in making his ~Goê/tôn phô/ra~ from a collection of oracular sayings, certainly not from (or even indirectly from) Ephoros as has been groundlessly maintained.--Unquestionably the cult of Helen and Menelaos at Therapne was ancient: see Ross, _Arch. Aufs._ ii, 341 ff. Connexion with the legitimate pre-Dorian monarchy was eagerly sought for in Sparta; thus the bones of Orestes and Tisamenos were brought to Sparta and both honoured there as Heroes. The cult of Menelaos in Therapne has nothing whatever to do with his translation to Elysion (Od. ~d~).]

[3\4: One Daites ~hê/rôa timô/menon para\ toi=s Trôsi/n~ is mentioned by Mimn. _fr._ 18. Still earlier Alc. seems to refer to the cult of Achilles as a Hero, _fr._ 48 b: ~Achi/lleu, ho\ ga=s Skudi/kas me/deis~ (see Wassner, _de her. cult._, p. 33).]

[4\4: ~theoi\ ho/soi gê=n tê\n **Plataiï/da e/chete kai\ hê/rôes, xuni/store/s este~, Thuc. ii, 74, 2; ~ma/rturas theou\s kai\ hê/rôas egchôri/ous poiê/somai~, Th. iv, 87, 2; cf. Th. v, 30, 2-5.]

[5\4: Hdt. viii, 109: ~ta/de ga\r ouk hêmei=s katergasa/metha alla\ theoi/ te kai\ hê/rôes~.]

[6\4: Hdt. vii, 43.]

[7\4: In the first edition of this book I could not refer to the copiously documented article by Deneken on "Heros" in Roscher's _Myth. Lex._ Even now I must be content to refer the reader generally to the rich collections of material there supplied. The view taken of the nature and origin of the Hero is, however, one which I can only reject. According to that account (which in this follows the current view) the belief in Heroes arose from a weakened belief in gods, and the race of Heroes was composed of formerly divine figures who had come to be regarded in the course of time with diminished awe. But the _cult_ of Heroes was by no means an attenuated worship of the gods: on the contrary it was fundamentally contrasted in its essence to the cult of the gods above: ~enagi/zein~ can never have been derived from ~thu/ein~ in however attenuated a form. Equally little can the Heroes of cult have been ever (much less frequently) derived from gods directly. The "Heroes" (as objects of a cult) are invariably elevated souls of men, not reduced divinities. This rule holds good even though a considerable number of once divine figures after they had been deprived of their godhead and made into great _men_, were when they died exalted, as outstanding human beings, to the rank of Hero. In this respect they did not differ from the innumerable cases before and beside them of simple mortals who had never been gods. Only when and because they had become men and been mortal could such {140} ex-divine personages become Heroes: no one stepped straight from godhood to Herohood. The Hero is regularly a promoted human spirit and nothing else.--I intend here and generally in this book to avoid further polemic against the currently accepted view of the origin of the Hero out of degraded godhead and to content myself instead with the statement of my own positive attitude in these matters.]

[8\4: ~theô=n a/llois a/llai timai\ pro/skeintai kai\ hê/rôsin a/llai, kai\ hau=tai apokekrime/nai tou= theiou=~, Arr., _Anab._ iv, 11, 3.]

[9\4: Sacrifice to Heroes ~en duthmai=sin auga=n~ and throughout the night, Pi., _I._iv, 65 ff. ~hupo\ kne/phas~, Ap. Rh. i, 587 (= ~peri\ hêli/ou dusma/s~, Schol.). ~tô=| me\n (Alexa/nori hôs hê/rôï meta\ hê/lion du/nata enagi/zousin Euameri/ôni de\ hôs theô=| thu/ousin~, Paus. 2, 11, 7. ~nu/ktôr kata\ e/tos enagi/zousin~, (the Pheneatai to Myrtilos, Paus. 8, 14, 11. By night Solon sacrificed to the Salaminian Heroes, Plu., _Sol._ 9.--After noon, ~apo\ me/sou hême/ras~, must sacrifice be made to the Heroes, D.L. viii, 33; ~toi=s katoichome/nois apo\ mesêmbri/as~, _EM._ 468, 34 (cf. Procl. in _Hes. Op._ 763, Eust., ~Th~ 65, p. 698, 36). The Heroes also are among the ~katoicho/menoi~: ~toi=s hê/rôsin _hôs katoichome/nois_ e/ntoma e/thuon, apoble/pontes ka/tô es gê=n~, Schol. A.D., ~A~ 459.--In later times sacrifice seems to have been made to the ordinary dead even in broad daylight (see Stengel, _Chthon. u. Todtencult_, 422 f.), but to "Heroes", as once to the dead (~Ps~ 218 ff.), always towards evening or at night.]

[10\4: ~escha/ra~, see above, Ch. I. n. 53.]

[11\4: Cf. Stengel, _Jb. f. Phil._, 1886, pp. 322, 329.]

[12\4: Schol. A.D., ~A~ 459. Schol., _Ap. Rh._ i, 587. ~ente/mnein~, see Stengel, _Zt. f. Gymn._, 1880, p. 743 ff.]

[13\4: ~haimakouri/a~, Pi., _O._ i, 90. Plu., _Aristid._ 21. The word is supposed to be Boeotian acc. to Schol. Pi., _O._ i, 146 (hence Greg. Cor., p. 215, Schaefer).]

[14\4: Rightly (as against Welcker) Wassner, _de h. cult._, p. 6, maintains that the ~enagi/smata~ for Heroes were ~holokautô/mata~.]

[15\4: ~enagi/zein~ to heroes, ~thu/ein~ to gods. Pausanias in particular is careful in his use of the words, but even he, and Herodotos, too, occasionally says ~thu/ein~ where ~enagi/zein~ would have been correct (e.g. Hdt. vii, 117, ~tô=| Artachai/ê| thu/ousi Aka/nthioi hôs ê/rôi~). Others frequently say ~thu/ein~ instead of ~enagi/zein~, which as the more special idea could easily be included in ~thu/ein~ the more generic word for making sacrifice.]

[16\4: Cf. Deneken, _de theoxeniis_ (Berl. 1881), cap. 1; Wassner, _de h. cult._, p. 12. The expressions used by primitive peoples allow us to see the ideas that lie at the bottom of this mode of offering; cf. Réville, _les rel. des peuples non-civ._ i, 73. The ritual may be regarded as specially primitive and even earlier than the practice of burnt offering (cf. Oldenberg, _Rel. d. Veda_, 344 f.).]

[17\4: See above, Ch. I, p. 14 ff.--~epi\ Aza=ni tô=| Arka/dos teleutê/santi a=thla ete/thê _prô=ton_; ei me\n kai\ a/lla ouk oi=da, hippodromi/as de\ ete/thê~, Paus. 8, 4, 5.]

[18\4: The same is implied by the observation of Aristarchos that Homer knows no ~hiero\s kai\ stephani/tês agô/n~, see _Rh. Mus._ 36, 544 f. (as to the observation there put forward that Homer in fact did not know the word ~ste/phanos~ or its use, cf. further Schol. Pi., _Nem._ intr., pp. 7, 8 ff., Abel; see also Merkel, _Ap. Rh._ proleg., p. cxxvi: ~eüste/phanos~ derived from ~stepha/nê~ not from ~ste/phanos~: Schol. ~Ph~ 511).]

[19\4: Many such Agones for Heroes are mentioned, esp. by Pindar.]

[20\4: e.g. on the command of the oracle an ~agô\n gumniko\s kai\ hippiko/s~ was founded in honour of the fallen Phocaeans in Agylla, Hdt. i, 167. {141} Agon for Miltiades, Hdt. vi, 38; for Brasidas, Thuc. v, 11; for Leonidas in Sparta, Paus. 3, 14, 1.]

[21\4: At the Iolaia in Thebes ~mursi/nês stepha/nois stephanou=ntai hoi nikô=ntes; mursi/nê| de\ stephanou=ntai dia\ to\ ei=nai _tô=n nekrô=n_ ste/phos~, Sch. Pi., _I._ iii, 117. (The myrtle ~toi=s chthoni/ois aphie/rôto~, Apollod. ap. Sch. Ar., _Ran._ 330; as adorning graves, Eur., _El._ 324, 511.)]

[22\4: General statement: ~etelou=nto hoi palaioi\ pa/ntes agô=nes epi\ tisi teteleutêko/si~, Sch. Pi., _I_, p. 349 Ab. (~ta\s _epitumbi/ous_ tautasi\ panêgu/reis~, Clem. Alex. calls the four great games, _Protr._ ii, p. 29 P.). The Nemean as an ~agô\n epita/phios~ for Archemoros, Sch. Pi., _N._, pp. 7, 8 Ab.; later offered to Zeus first by Herakles, ib., p. 11, 8 ff.; 12, 14-13, 4 (cf. Welcker, _Ep. Cycl._ ii, 350 ff.). Victor's crown, since the Persian wars, of parsley ~epi\ timê=| tô=n katoichome/nôn~, ib., p. 10 (parsley on graves: Schneidewin on Dgn. viii, 57; see below. ~seli/nou ste/phanos pe/nthimos . . . Dou=ris en tô=| peri\ agô/nôn~, Phot. 506, 5). Black dress of the judges, ib., p. 11, 8 ff. Schol. Arg., _N._ iv, v.--Isthmian games as ~epita/phios agô/n~ for Melikertes and then for Sinis or Skiron, Plu., _Thes._ 25. Sch. Pi., _I._, pp. 350-2 Ab. Crown made of parsley or pine, both signs of mourning, Paus. 8, 48, 2 (and elsewhere see Meineke, _An. Alex._, 80 ff.). The Pythian games are said to be an ~agô\n epita/phios~ for Python; the Olympian for Oinomaos or Pelops (Phlegon, **_FHG._ iii, 603; cf. P. Knapp, _Corresp. Würt. Gelehr._ 1881, p. 9 ff.). These notices cannot all be learned invention. It is a fact, for instance, that the funeral games of Tlepolemos in Rhodes, known to Pindar, _O._ vii, 77 ff., were later transferred to Helios (cf. Sch. Pi., _O._ vii, 36, 146-7, and Böckh on v, 77).]

[23\4: "Half-gods," ~hêmi/theoi~. The name does not, as is sometimes declared, imply that the Heroes were spirits who thus constituted a class of intermediate beings between gods and men. The Heroes were not called ~hêmi/theoi~; the name was really applied to the kings and champions of the legendary age, more especially those who fought at Troy or Thebes (Hes., _Op._, 160; Hom. ~M~ 23; _h. Hom._, 31, 19; 32, 19. Callin., _fr._ i, 19, and often later). It applies to them, however, as living men not as glorified spirits (thus Pla., _Ap._ 41 A; cf. D.H. 7, 32, 13, ~hêmithe/ôn _genome/nôn_~ [on earth] ~hai psuchai/~).--The ~hêmi/theoi~ are a species of men not of spirits or daimones; they are those ~hoi\ pro/tero/n pot' epe/lonto, theô=n d' ex ana/ktôn ege/nonth' hui=es hêmi/theoi~ (Simon., _fr._ 36; cf. Pla., _Crat._ 398 D), the sons of gods and mortal women and then their companions as well (a potiori so named). Even the idea that the great men of the past, thus called ~hêmi/theoi~, were naturally made "Heroes" after their death as a consequence of their half-divine nature which might give them special privileges even then--this idea has no very ancient authority. Cicero, _ND._ iii, 45, seems to be the first to suggest such a view. That the Greeks of the best period ever regarded semi-divine origin as a qualification for becoming a Hero is refuted by the simple fact that for the great majority of the "Heroes" descent from a god was not claimed. Of course, poetry was always ready to give a Hero a divine father in order to enhance his value, cf. Paus. 6, 11, 2; but this was never a condition of being made a Hero (rather of being raised from Hero to god).]

[24\4: ~ma/kar me\n andrô=n me/ta, hê/rôs d' e/peita laosebê/s~, Pi., _P._ v, 94 f.]

[25\4: ~ti/na theo/n, ti/n' hê/rôa, ti/na d' a/ndra?~ Pi., _O._ ii init. ~ou/te theou\s ou/te hê/rôas ou/te anthrô/pous aischunthei=sa~, Antiph. i, 27. With "daimones" added: Gods, daimones, heroes, men: Pl., _Rp._ 392 A; 427 B; _Lg._ iv, 717 AB. In later times the distinction between ~theoi/, dai/mones, hê/rôes~, corresponded to a real and popular opinion, see e.g. _GDI_. {142} 1582 (Dodona, cf. also 1566, 1585 b.--There can be no question of identifying Heroes with the daimones (as Nägelsb., _N. Th._ 104, does). When philosophers call the _dead_ "daimones" that is from quite a different point of view. It is a speculative idea peculiar to Plutarch himself that, in view of the transition from men to Heroes and from these to daimones, the Heroes themselves might be regarded as a sort of lower daimon (_DO._ 10, 415 A; _Rom._ 28). A Schol. on Eur., _Hec._ 165, quite justifiably makes a parallel between gods and daimones on the one hand and Heroes and men on the other: the gods are ~hupsêlo/tero/n ti ta/gma tô=n daimo/nôn~ and this is the relation of ~hoi hê/rôes pro\s tou\s loipou\s anthrô/pous, hupsêlo/teroi/ tines dokou=ntes kai\ hupere/chontes~.]

[26\4: Aristarchos' remark that in Homer not only kings but ~pa/ntes koinô=s~ are designated as ~hê/rôes~, was directed against the mistaken limitation of the word by Ister; see Lehrs, _Aristarch._^3, p. 101. Before Aristarch., however, the mistaken idea that ~hoi hêgemo/nes tô=n archai/ôn mo/noi ê=san hê/rôes, hoi de\ laoi\ a/nthrôpoi~ seems to have been general: it is expressed in the [Arist.] _Probl._ 19, 48, p. 922b, 18; Rhianos, too, held it, see Schol. ~T~ 41 (Mayhoff, _de Rhiani stud. Hom._, p. 46).--It is incorrect to say that in the supposed "later" parts of the Odyssey ~hê/rôs~ is no longer used of all free men, but only of the aristocracy (Fanta, _Staat in Il. u. Od._, 17 f.). In ~d~ 268, ~th~ 242, ~x~ 97, the word is used as an honourable title of free men of superior rank, but there is no suggestion of a restriction of the word to such use. In addition to which, the word ~hê/rôs~ unmistakably appears in its wider sense also in other parts of the poem equally and rightly supposed to be late (~a~ 272, ~th~ 483, ~ô~ 68, etc.).]

[27\4: So for example esp. when Pausanias speaks of the ~kalou/menoi hê/rôes~, 5, 6, 2; 6, 5, 1; 7, 17, 1; 8, 12, 2; 10, 10, 1, etc.]

[28\4: ~andrô=n hêrô/ôn thei=on ge/nos~, Hes., _Op._ 159.]

[29\4: Of the "Heroes" of his fourth race the great majority fell according to Hesiod in the war of Troy or Thebes and died without any "illumination"; the few, on the other hand, who are translated to the Islands of the Blest are illuminated indeed, but have never died. To regard them as the prototypes and forerunners of the Heroes worshipped in later times (as many do is inadmissible.]

[30\4: Grave in the market: Battos in Kyrene, Pi., _P._ v, 87 ff., and frequently. Hero-graves in the Prytaneion at Megara, Paus. 1, 43, 2-3. Adrastos was buried in the market at Sikyon. Kleisthenes, to play a trick on him, brought from Thebes (the corpse of) Melanippos, who, when alive, had been his greatest enemy, and placed him ~en tô=| prutanei/ô| kai/ min hi/druse enthau=ta en tô=| ischurota/tô|~, Hdt. v, 67. Themistokles had a ~mnêmei=on~ in the market at Magnesia on the Maiander. Th. 1, 138, 5; i.e. a ~hêrô=|on~ (see Wachsmuth, _Rh. Mus._ lii, 140).]

[31\4: ~tu/mbon amphi/polon e/chôn poluxenôta/tô| para\ bô/mô|~, Pi., _O._ i, 93; i.e. the great ash-altar of Zeus. The excavations have confirmed Pindar's description (cf. Paus. 5, 13, 1-2).]

[32\4: Grave built in the gateway: ~en autê=| tê=| pulê=|~ at Elis Aitolos the son of Oxylos was buried, Paus. 5, 4, 4; cf. Lobeck, _Agl._ 281 f. Grave at the boundary of the country: Koroibos, the first Olympic victor, was buried ~Êlei/as epi\ tô=| pe/rati~ as the insc. stated: Paus. 8, 26, 4. Grave of Koroibos, son of Mygdon, ~en _ho/rois_ Phrugô=n Stektorênô=n~, Paus. 10, 27, 1.]

[33\4: The idea of the grave as the dwelling-place of the Hero is shown in a very strange fashion by the story that the Phliasians before the feast of Demeter ~kalou=sin epi\ ta\s sponda/s~ the hero Aras and his sons, _looking_ while so doing towards the graves of these Heroes: Paus. 2, 12, 5.] {143}

[34\4: This hero (Xanthippos or Phokos) ~e/chei epi\ hême/ra| te pa/sê| tima/s, kai\ a/gontes hierei=a hoi Phôkei=s to\ me\n hai=ma di' opê=s egche/ousin es to\n ta/phon ktl.~ Paus. 10, 4, 10. Similarly at the grave of Hyakinthos at Amyklai, Paus. 3, 19, 3. The meaning of such an offering is the same in Greece as in similar cases among any "savage" tribe. In Tylor, ii, 28, we read: "In the Congo district the custom has been described of making a channel into the tomb to the head or mouth of the corpse, to send down month by month the offerings of food and drink."]

[35\4: Most of the examples are mentioned by Lobeck, _Agl._ 281 [u], but he omits the most remarkable case, fully reported by Hdt. i, 67-8, of the transference of the bones of Orestes from Tegea to Sparta (cf. Paus. 3, 3, 6; 11, 10; 8, 54, 4. The reason is obvious, cf. Müller, _Dorians_, i, 72). Besides this note: the removal of the bones of Hektor from Ilion to Thebes, Paus. 9, 18, 5, Sch. and Tz., _Lyc._ 1194, 1204; of Arkas from Mainalos to Mantinea, Paus. 8, 9, 3; cf. 8, 36, 8; of Hesiod from Naupaktos to Orchomenos, Paus. 9, 38, 3; of Hippodameia from Midea in Argolis to Olympia, Paus. 6, 20, 7; of Tisamenos from Helike to Sparta, Paus. 7, 1, 8; of Aristomenes from Rhodes to Messene, Paus. 4, 32, 3. Strange story of the shoulder bone of Pelops, Paus. 5, 13, 4-6. In all these cases the removal followed upon a command of the oracle, cf. also Paus. 9, 30, 9-11. Practical stimulus may have been given occasionally by the discovery of abnormally large bones in dug-up graves; we often hear of such discoveries, cf. W. Schmid, _Atticismus_, iv, 572 f., and it was always believed that such gigantic bones were remains of one of ~tô=n kaloume/nôn hêrô/ôn~, Paus. 6, 5, 1 (cf. also 1, 35, 5 ff.; 3, 22, 9). It would be the business of the oracle to determine the name of the Hero concerned and see that the remains were reverently preserved. (One example may be given, though from a later period. In the dried-up bed of the Orontes a clay coffin 11 yards long was found and a corpse within it. The oracle of the Clarian Apollo on being applied to for enlightenment as to its origin answered ~Oro/ntên ei=nai, ge/nous de\ auto\n ei=nai tou= Indô=n~, Paus. 8, 29, 4; Philostr., _H._ 669 p. 138, 6-19 K.]

[36\4: Plu., _Cim._ 8; _Thes._ 36; Paus. 3, 3, 7.--In the year 437-6 we hear of the removal by Hagnon and his Athenians, at the command of the oracle, of the bones of Rhesos from Troy to Amphipolis: Polyaen. vi, 53. The neighbourhood of the mouth of the Strymon on the western slopes of Mt. Pangaios was the original home of Rhesos: he was already known to the Doloneia as the son of Eïoneus; to later writers as the son of Strymon and (like Orpheus) a Muse--which is the same thing (see Conon, 4). On M. Pangaios he still lived as an oracular deity: this must have been the popular belief of the district which the author of the _Rhesus_ explains after Greek fashion (ll. 955-66). He is a tribal god of the Edonians, of the same pattern as Zalmoxis of the Getai, and Sabos or Sabazios of other Thracian tribes. In the mind of the Greeks he had become since the poem of the Doloneia entirely detached from the site of his worship and was a mere mortal champion with whom fancy might do what it chose (cf. Parth. 36). The restoration of his bones to the neighbourhood of the lower Strymon (~mnêmei=on tou= Rhê/sou~ in Amphipolis: Marsyas ~ho neô/teros~ in Sch., _Rhes._ 346), and the heroic cult which was undoubtedly paid to him in connexion therewith, may have been a kind of official recognition by the Greeks of the worship of Rhesos discovered in that neighbourhood by the Athenian colonists. I see no reason for doubting the historical fact of the occurrence, though some of the details of Polyaenus' account have a fabulous colouring. It is true Cicero says of Rhesos, _nusquam_ {144} _colitur_ (_ND._ iii, 45), and so it may have been in C.'s time: for the earlier period the close of the tragedy clearly suggests the cult of R. as a divinity, while the story of Polyaen. implies his Hero-cult.]

[37\4: Sometimes only single parts of the body, e.g. the shoulder-blade of Pelops at Olympia (Paus. 5, 13).--In Argos on the road to the Akropolis their heads were buried in the ~mnê=ma tô=n Aigu/ptou pai/dôn~, while the rest of their bodies were in Lerne, Paus. 2, 24, 2.]

[38\4: See Lob., _Agl._ 281. This only can be the meaning of Soph., _OC._ 1522 f. (Nauck otherwise.--A strange case is that of Hippolytos in Troizen: ~apothanei=n auto\n ouk ethe/lousin (hoi Troizê/nioi) sure/nta hupo\ tô=n hi/ppôn oude\ to\n ta/phon apophai/nousin eido/tes; to\n de\ en ouranô=| kalou/menon hêni/ochon tou=ton ei=nai nomi/zousin ekei=non (ekei=noi?) Hippo/luton, timê\n para\ theô=n tau/tên e/chonta~ Paus. 2, 32, 1. Here it seems as if the grave were not shown because Hipp. was not regarded as having died and therefore would not have a grave; he is said to have been _translated_ and set among the stars. But there _was_ a grave and the translation story must therefore only be an afterthought. (The death of Hipp. is spoken of clearly enough by the poets: but what happened to him after Asklepios had restored him to life again? The Italian Virbius legend seems to have been little known in Greece. Paus. 2, 27, 4, knows it from Aricia.)--Very occasionally the possession of the relics of the Hero was secured by burning the bones and scattering the ashes in the market place of the city. Thus Phalanthos in Tarentum, Justin. 3, 4, 13 ff.; Solon in Salamis, D.L. i, 62; Plu., _Sol._ 32. As a rule the scattering of ashes is intended to serve a different purpose, cf. Plu., _Lycurg._ 31 fin.; Nic. Dam., _Paradox._ **16, p. 170 West.]

[39\4: A few examples: ~keno\n sê=ma~ of Teiresias in Thebes, Paus. 9, 18, 4; of Achilles at Elis, Paus. 6, 23, 3; of the Argives who fought in the war against Troy, at Argos, Paus. 2, 20, 6; of Iolaos at Thebes, Paus. 9, 23, 1; Sch. Pi., _N._ iv, 32 (in the tomb of Amphitryon? Pi., _P._ ix, 81); of Odysseus at Sparta, Plut., _Q. Gr._, 48, 302 C; of Kalchas in Apulia, Lyc. 1047 f.]

[40\4: Perhaps by ~ana/klêsis~ of the ~psuchê/~? see above, Ch. I, n. 86 (at the foundation of Messene ~epekalou=nto en koinô=| kai\ hê/rôa/s sphisin epanê/kein sunoi/kous~, Paus. 4, 27, 6).]

[41\4: ~kai\ tethneô\s kai\ ta/richos eô\n du/namin pro\s theô=n e/chei to\n adike/onta ti/nesthai~, Hdt. ix, 120.]

[42\4: No detailed proof of this statement is needed. We will only remark that the attempt to conceal the grave is often met with among so-called "savage" tribes and has the same purpose as in the Greek Hero-cult: cf. on this subject Herbert Spencer, _Princ. of Sociol._ i, p. 176.]

[43\4: See Helbig, _D. hom. Epos aus Denkm._^1, p. 41.]

[44\4: See above, p. 23.]

[45\4: ~B~ 603 ~hoi\ d' e/chon Arkadi/ên hupo\ Kullê/nês o/ros aipu/, Aipu/tion para\ tu/mbon~.--Cf. Paus. 8, 16, 2-3.--In the Troad the frequently mentioned ~I/lou sê=ma~, the ~sê=ma poluska/rthmoio Muri/nês~ which "men" call ~Bati/eia~, were similar monuments.]

[46\4: The ceremonial announcement of death, the ~katamiai/nesthai~ of the proper persons (as usual the next of kin to the dead); the assembling of Spartiates Perioikoi and Helots (cf. Tyrt. _fr._ 7) with their women to the number of several thousands, the extravagant expression of grief and praise of the dead, the period of mourning (no business in the market for ten days, etc.)--all this is described by Hdt. vi, 58. He compares this grandiose funeral with the pomp customary at the burial of an Asiatic (Persian) monarch.--The Lycurgan ~no/moi~ by these funeral rites ~ouch hôs anthrô/pous all' hôs _hê/rôas_ tou\s Lakedaimoni/ôn~ {145} ~basilei=s protetimê/kasin~, Xen., _Rep. Lac._ xv, 9. King Agis I ~e/tuche semnote/ras ê\ kat' a/nthrôpon taphê=s~, Xen., _HG._ 3, 3, 1.--A peculiar circumstance at the burial of a Spartan king is mentioned by Apollod., _fr._ 36.--The burial places of the royal Houses of the Agiadai and the Eurypontidai (apart even in their death), Paus. 3, 12, 8; 14, 2 (cf. Bursian, _Geog._ ii, 126).--Embalming of the body of a king who dies abroad, Xen., _HG._ 5, 3, 19: D.S. 15, 93, 6; Nep., _Ages._ 8; Plu., _Ages._ 40.--Besides this the participation in primitive times of the whole people in the funeral of the Herakleid kings in Corinth may probably be deduced from the story told of the compulsory attendance of the Megarian subjects of Corinth at the funeral at Corinth of a king of the Bakchiad family: Sch. Pi., _N._ vii, 155 (cf. _AB._ 281, 27 ff.; Zenob. v, 8; Dgn. vi, 34). In Crete ~tô=n basile/ôn kêdeuome/nôn proêgei=to purrichi/zôn ho strato/s~ (as at the funeral of Patroklos, ~Ps~ 131 ff.), Arist. ap. Schol. V., ~Ps~ 130.]

[47\4: ~Eupatri/dai, hoi . . . mete/chontes tou= basilikou= ge/nous~, _EM._ 395, 50.--Thus the Bakchiadai in Corinth were descendants of the royal family of the house of Bakchis. The ~Basili/dai~, a ruling family of oligarch nobles in Ephesos (Ael. _fr._ 48), Erythrai (Arist., _Pol._ 1305b, 19), and perhaps Chios as well (see Gilbert, _Gr. Alt._ ii, 153), also traced back their descent to the old kings of those Ionic cities. Respect paid to those who were descended ~ek tou= ge/nous~ of Androklos at Ephesos, Stra. 633.--The Aigid Admetos, priest of Apollo Karneios at Thera was descended ~Lakedai/monos ek basilê/ôn~, _Epigr. Gr._ 191; 192.]

[48\4: Here some reference might have been expected to Fustel de Coulanges' brilliant and penetrating work _La Cité antique_. In that book the attempt is made to fix upon ancestor-worship, _la religion du foyer et des ancêtres_, as the root of all the higher types of worship (among the Greeks: only that part of the book concerns us here); and to show how out of these ancestor-worshipping aggregations, begun by the family, larger communities of ever-widening membership developed, and finally out of these the ~po/lis~ itself--the highest and most extensive political as well as religious community of all. For the author of that book the proof of his theory lies entirely in the simple logical consequence with which the details and, as far as we know it, the development of both private and public law follow from the original causes adopted by him essentially as postulates. A strictly historical proof that should not have to deduce the original causes from the results but should start from known beginnings and demonstrate the actual existence of every step was indeed an impossibility. The whole historical process must have been already finished when our knowledge first begins: for Homer shows us the ~po/lis~ and its component parts (~kri=n' a/ndras kata\ phu=la kata\ phrê/tras Aga/memnon~) as well as the worship of the gods as fully established and developed. It is no disparagement of the valuable and fruitful suggestions made in that book if we say that its leading idea--as far as Greece is concerned--cannot be considered as more than an intuition, which though it may be just and true, must remain unproved. If there ever was a time when ancestor-worship was the only Greek religion at least we cannot see into that dim epoch long anterior to all tradition. To that remote period long before both the all-powerful religion of the gods and the earliest records of the Greek genius, even the narrow and slippery path of inference and reconstruction will hardly lead us. Natural as it might seem, therefore, so far as the subject itself is concerned to deal with such questions, I have taken no notice in the {146} present work of any attempts to deduce Greek religion from an original sole worship of ancestors (such as have been made by many scholars besides F. de Coulanges both in England and in Germany).]

[49\4: Those worshipped by a ~ge/nos~ regarded as its progenitors, ~gonei=s~: _AB._ 240, 31 ~(ta\ thu/mata di/dôsin) eis ta\ _gone/ôn_ (hiera\) ta\ ge/nê~.--Physical relationship between the ~gennê=tai~, originally a fact though afterwards only occasionally demonstrable, is indicated by the ancient name ~homoga/laktes~ applied to the members of the same clan (Philoch. _fr._ 91-4) and meaning strictly ~pai=des kai\ pai/dôn pai=des~ (Arist., _Pol._ 1252b, 18).--The word ~pa/tra~ with the same meaning as ~ge/nos~ (~Midulida=n pa/tra~, Pi., _P._ viii, 38), makes it still more clear that the members of such a group are regarded as the descendants of a single ancestor. See Dikaiarch. ap. St. Byz. ~pa/tra~.]

[50\4: Whose names were chosen by the voice of the Delphic oracle out of a hundred submitted to the Pythia. Arist. ~Athp.~ 21, 6. Cf. Mommsen, _Philol._, N.F. i, 456 f.]

[51\4: Instead of the common ~epô/numoi~ we also find the word ~_archê/getai_~ used of the Heroes of the phylai: Ar. ~Gê=ras~, _fr._ 126 H.-G. (_AB._ 449, 14); Pl., _Lys._ 205 D, cf. _CIA._ ii, 1191; 1575. It is even plainer that the Hero is regarded as the ancestor of his ~phulê/~ when he is called ~_archêgo/s_~: thus Oineus was the ~archêgo/s~ of the Oineïdai, Kekrops the ~archêgo/s~ of the Kekropidai, Hippothoön ~archêgo/s~ of the Hippothoöntidai in [Dem.] 60, 30-1. The ~archêgo\s tou= ge/nous~ is its physical forebear and progenitor, Poll. iii, 19: thus Apollo ~archêgo\s tou= ge/nous~ of the Seleucids, _CIG._ 3595, 26; cf. Isocr. 5, 32. Thus too the members of a phyle are actually described as the ~suggenei=s~ of their Hero eponymos: [Dem.] 60, 28.]

[52\4: Thus we know of both ~dê=mos~ and ~ge/nos~ of the Ionidai, Philaïdai, Boutadai (for the intentional distinctness of the Eteoboutadai see Meier, p. 39), Kephalidai, Perithoïdai, etc.: Meier, _de gentil. Attica_, p. 35. Such demes were called ~apo\ tô=n ktisa/ntôn~, others ~apo\ tô=n to/pôn~: Arist. ~Athp.~ 21, 5 (in which case a name as much like a personal name as possible was extracted out of the place-name and made into the local Hero: cf. Wachsm., _Stadt Athen_, ii, 1, 248 ff.). Similar conditions existed at other places. In Teos the same names occur as ~pu/rgoi (= dê=moi~ and ~summori/ai (= ge/nê~, e.g. ~Kolôti/ôn, tou= Alki/mou pu/rgou, Alkimi/dês~ (also names which differ ~Nai/ôn, tou= Mêra/dou pu/rgou, Bruski/dês~), _CIG._ 3064, where see Böckh II, p. 651. In Rhodos a ~pa/tra~ as well as its larger inclusive group (~ktoi/na~) is called ~Amphinei=s~: _IGM. Aeg._ i, 695, ~Amphine/ôn pa/trai; Euteli/dai, Amphinei=s~, etc. (Ancestor worship ~progonika\ hiera/~ in the Rhodian ~ktoi=nai~ is vouched for by Hesych. ~ktu/nai~: see Martha, _BCH._ iv, 144.)]

[53\4: Thus the descendants of Bakchis in Corinth traced their descent to Aletes (D.S. 7, 9, 4; Paus. 2, 4, 3); the descendants of Aipytos in Messenia to Kresphontes (Paus. 4, 3, 8), the descendants of Agis and Eurypon in Sparta to Eurysthenes and Prokles. The real ancestors were in these cases well known and could not be entirely eclipsed (being too deeply rooted in cult); thus later, as well as in the earlier period, these same families are called ~Bakchi/dai, Aiputi/dai~, not ~Hêraklei=dai~ (D.S., loc. cit., Paus. 4, 3, 8); the Spartan royal families are still Agidai, Eurypontidai, while the fictitious ancestors Eurysthenes and Prokles never quite achieved the status of ~archêge/tai~: Ephoros ap. Str. 366. In many other, perhaps more numerous, cases the fictitious ancestor may have ousted the real and once better known from men's minds altogether.]

[54\4: [Arist.] _Mirab._ 106.] {147}

[55\4: See Paus. 10, 4, 10. In an oracle ap. Plu., _Sol._ 9: ~_archêgou\s_ chô/ras thusi/ais _hê/rôas_ enoi/kous hi/laso~.]

[56\4: Plu., _Arist._ 11, names seven ~archêge/tai Plataie/ôn~; Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, 35 P., gives four of these (~Kuklai=os~ seems to be a mistake). Androkrates seems to have been the most prominent; his ~te/menos~ is mentioned by Hdt. ix, 25, his ~hêrô=|on~ Thuc. iii, 24, 1; it stood in a thick grove, Paus. loc. cit.]

[57\4: Paus. 6, 24, 9-10.]

[58\4: A.R. ii, 835-50, says that this Hero was Idmon the prophet, others called him Agamestor. Sch. ad 845: ~le/gei de\ kai\ promathi/das, ho/ti dia\ to\ agnoei=n ho/stis ei/ê _epichô/rion hê/rôa_ kalou=sin hoi Hêrakleô=tai~. He was the local daimon worshipped on the spot before the colony came, and then taken over by the colonists for their own. Cf. the case of Rhesos, above, n. 36.]

[59\4: Paus. 6, 20, 15-19. It was a round altar, according to many ~ta/phos andro\s auto/chthonos kai\ agathou= ta\ es hippikê/n~--the grave and altar being one as was the grave and altar of Aiakos at Aegina, Paus. 2, 29, 8--whose name was Olenios. Acc. to others it was the grave of Dameon son of Phlious and of his horse; or the ~keno\n êri/on~ of Myrtilos set up in his honour by Pelops; or of Oinomaos; or of Alkathoös son of Porthaon, one of the suitors of Hippodameia--to say nothing of the learned suggestion of the ~anê\r Aigu/ptios~ given by Paus. l.c. as a last resort. Acc. to Hesych. ~tara/xippos~ it belonged to Pelops himself, acc. to Lyc. 42 f. to a giant called Ischenos (see Sch. and Tz.). Besides all this a ~tara/xippos~ seems to have been almost indispensable on the racecourses of the great games. The Isthmus and Nemea had theirs as well (Paus. § 19)--and Paus. 10, 37, 4, mentions it as something unusual that the course at Delphi had no ~tara/xippos~. Cf. Pollak, _Hippodromica_, p. 91 ff., 1890.]

[60\4: ~hê/rôs eu/odos~, _CIG._ 4838b, cf. Welcker, _Rhein. Mus._, N.F. vii, 618--~kalami/tês hê/rôs~ (Dem. 18, 129, with Sch. and Hesych. s.v.)--~hê/rôs teichophu/lax en Muri/nê|~, Hesych.--~hê/rôs epite/gios~, _CIA._ iii, 1, 290, and 1, 194-206, see Hiller v. Gärt., _Philol._ 55, 180 f.--With place-names ~ho epi\ blau/tê| hê/rôs~, Poll. vii, 87--~hê/roin em pedi/ô|~, Att. ins. ap., _Leg. Sacr._ i, p. 5.--In Epidauros on an architrave occurs the inscr. ~hê/rôos klaïkopho/rou~, _F. d'Epid._ i, n. 245. ~tô=| klaïkopho/rô|~ also occurs in an inscr. from Mt. Ithome, _Leg. Sacr._, p. 36 (n. 15, l. 11).--Probably to this class belongs the ~hê/rôs pa/nops~ at Athens, Pl. _Lys._ init.; Hesych. Phot. s.v.]

[61\4: ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ in Athens, _CIA._ ii, 403-4, see below.--A ~hê/rôs stratêgo/s~ is mentioned by a (late ins. ~Eph. Arch.~, 1884, p. 170, l. 53. From their activities are named also the Heroes Matton, Keraon in Sparta, Deipneus in Achaea (Polemon: Ath. ii, 39 C; iv, 173 F).--The ~Stephanêpho/rou hêrô=|on~ was mentioned by Antiph., ~stephanê/phoros hê/rôs~ by Hellan., but his name was unknown: Harp. Phot. Suid. s.v.; _AB._ 301, 19 ff. Cf. Böckh, _Econ. of Ath._^2, p. 144 Lew.; _CIG._ 1, p. 168.]

[62\4: In Phaleron there was an altar, ~kalei=tai de\ "hê/rôos"~--the learned declared it to be an altar of Androgeos the son of Minos: Paus. 1, 1, 4.--Cf. 10, 36, 6: ~Charadrai/ois~ (at Charadra in Phocis) ~Hêrô/ôn kaloume/nôn~ (i.e. they were _called_ "the Heroes") ~eisi\n en tê=| agora=| bômoi/, kai\ autou\s hoi me\n Dioskou/rôn, hoi de\ epichôri/ôn phasi\n ei=nai hêrô/ôn.--hêrôi, hêrôï/nê|~ a sacrifice is offered at Marathon: sacrificial Calendar of the Attic Tetrapolis (fourth century B.C.) in _Leg. Sacr._ i, p. 48. ~hê/rôi, hêrôï/nê|~, ib., p. 2; _CIA._ i, 4: fifth century.--Decree ordering a record to be set up in the Peiraeus ~para\ to\n hê/rô~, _SIG._ 834, 26; _CIA._ ii, 1546-7: ~hê/rô| ane/thêken ho dei=na~. Roehl, _IG._ {148} _Ant._ 29: (Mykenai) ~tou= hê/rôo/s êmi~, cf. Furtwängler, _Ath. Mitth._ 1896, p. 9; ib. 323; ~ane/thêkan tô=| hêrôi~ (Locris).--On the different superimposed layers of stucco on the so-called **Heroön west of the Altis at Olympia were the ins. ~Hê/rôos, Hê/rôor~, and once also ~Hêrô/ôn~. There seems to me to be no reason to suppose that this nameless Hero was Iamos in particular, the ancestor of the Iamidai (as Curtius does, _Die Altäre v. Olymp._, p. 25, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1881). For what reason should the name of this highly honoured oracular Hero--which had by no means been forgotten--be suppressed? The name of the Hero was not given for the simple reason that it was unknown. Nameless ~hê/rôes epichô/rioi~, who according to some had set up the great sacrificial altar of Zeus in Olympia, are mentioned by Paus. 5, 13, 8. In some cases the namelessness of a Hero is explained by the fear of uttering awful names, which esp. in the case of the spirits of the lower world are very frequently suppressed or referred to by a circumlocution (cf. Erinyes and spirits of the dead, _Rh. Mus._ 50, 20, 3): cf. Ant. Lib. 13, p. 214, 19 W. This was perhaps why Narkissos was called ~hê/rôs sigêlo/s~, Str. 404. On the other hand, it was a special form of respect, at the sacrifice to a Hero, to call out his _name_: ~tô=| Artachai/ê| thu/ousi Aka/nthioi ek theopropi/ou hôs hê/rôï epounoma/zontes to\ ou/noma~, Hdt. vii, 117. ~Hu/la| thu/ousin kai\ auto\n ex ono/matos eis tri\s ho hiereu\s phônei= ktl.~ Anton. Lib. 26 fin. Cf. Paus. 8, 26, 7; ~epikalou/menoi to\n Mui/agron~.--No one will miss the obvious analogy with the worship of the gods. In many places in Greece nameless (or merely "adjectival") gods were worshipped, ~a/gnôstoi theoi/~, as at Olympia, Paus. 5, 14, 8, and elsewhere. At Phaleron ~bômoi\ theô=n te onomazome/nôn agnô/stôn kai\ hêrô/ôn~ (sc., ~agnô/stôn~?) Paus. 1, 1, 4. (~agnô=tes theoi\~ Poll. viii, 119. Hesych. s.v.: ~bômoi\ anô/numoi~ in Attica D.L. i, 110.)]

[63\4: ~Tlapole/mô| archage/ta|~ Pi., _O._ vii, 78; _P._ v, 56. The regular custom is mentioned by Ephorus ap. Str. 366: ~oud' archêge/tas nomisthê=nai; ho/per pa=sin apodi/dotai oikistai=s~.]

[64\4: ~Dêmoklei/dên de\ katastê=sai tê\n apoiki/an _autokra/tora_~. Official decree about Brea: _CIA._ i, 31 [Hicks and Hill^2, n. 41, l. 8].]

[65\4: Pi., _P._ v, 87 ff.]

[66\4: Hdt. vi, 38.]

[67\4: D.S. 11, 66, 4.]

[68\4: Hdt. i, 168.]

[69\4: Thuc. v, 11.--Thus in the fourth century at Sikyon Euphron the leader of the demos has been murdered by some of the other party, but ~hoi poli=tai autou= hôs a/ndra agatho\n komisa/menoi e/thapsa/n te en tê=| agora=| kai\ hôs archêge/tên tê=s po/leôs se/bontai~, Xen., _HG._ 7, 4, 12.]

[70\4: Worship of the law-givers of Tegea as Heroes: Paus. 8, 48, 1.]

[71\4: In the case of Sophokles the "heroizing" had a special superstitious reason. He had once received Asklepios as a guest into his house (and established a worship of A.) and was therefore regarded as especially favoured by heaven and after his death worshipped as Hero ~Dexi/ôn~: _EM._ 256, 7-13. (In the temple of Amynos, an Asklepiad daimon, on the west of the Akropolis an honorific decree dating from the end of the fourth century B.C. has been discovered, referring to the ~orgeô=nes tou= _Dexi/ônos_~ together with those of Amynos and Asklepios: _Ath. Mitt._ 1896, p. 299.) In this way many mortals who had entertained the gods as guests were themselves made Heroes, cf. Deneken, _de Theoxen._ c, ii.]

[72\4: In the examples collected in n. 35 above the removal of the Hero's bones was in each case commanded by the Delphic oracle. Typical examples of the foundation of an annual festival of a Hero on {149} the recommendation of an oracle: Hdt. i, 167; Paus. 8, 23, 7; 9, 38, 5.]

[73/4: Plu. _Cim._ 19--his authority is Nausikrates ~ho rhê/tôr~ the pupil of Isokrates. The god ordered ~mê\ amelei=n Ki/mônos~. Kimon's spirit was thus expressing its anger at the "neglect" by sending pestilence and ~gê=s aphori/a~--he wanted a cult.]

[74\4: Appearance at the battle of Marathon, command of the oracle ~tima=n Echetlai=on hê/rôa~, Paus. 1, 32, 5.--Swarm of bees in the severed head of Onesilos at Amathos; the oracle orders his head to be buried ~Onêsi/lô| de\ thu/ein hôs hê/rôi ana\ pa=n e/tos~, Hdt. v, 114.]

[75\4: Before the battle of Plataea: Plu., _Arist._ 11. Before the occupation of Salamis the oracle ordered Solon ~archêgou\s hê/rôas _hi/laso_~, Plu. _Sol._ 9.]

[76\4: The Persian Artachaies, of the family of the Achaimenidai, was given a burial of great pomp after his death, by Xerxes at Akanthos: ~thu/ousi Aka/nthioi ek theopropi/ou hôs hêrôi epounoma/zontes to\ ou/noma~, Hdt. vii, 117 (--the ~Artachai/ou ta/phos~ remained a well-known spot, Ael., _HA._ xiii, 20). It is hardly likely that the unusual size of the Persian of which Hdt. speaks was the cause of his being made a Hero by the oracle.]

[77\4: Paus. 6, 9, 6-7. Plu., _Rom._ 28. Oinom. ap. Eus., _PE._ 5, 34, p. 230 C (Vig.). Celsus _c. Xt._ also refers to the miracle, Or., _Cels._ iii, 33, p. 292 L. Cf. iii, 3, p. 256; iii, 25, p. 280.]

[78\4: Kleomedes ~moi/ra| tôi\ daimoni/a| _die/ptê_ apo\ tê=s kibôtou=~, Cels. ap. Orig., _Cels._ iii, 33, p. 293 L. Oinom. ap. Euseb., _PE._ 5, 34, 1, (p. 296 Giff.): ~hoi theoi\ _anêrei/psanto/_ se hô/sper hoi tou= Homê/rou to\n Ganumê/dên~. Thus the gods, acc. to the popular opinion derided by Oinom., gave Kleomedes _immortality_, ~athanasi/an e/dôkan~, p. 297 Giff.]

[79\4: We rarely hear of other oracles directing Heroes to be worshipped. But cf. Xenag. ap. Macr. 5, 18, 30: on the occasion of a failure of the crops at Sicily ~e/thusan Pediokra/tê| tini\ hê/rôi prosta/xantos autoi=s tou= ek Palikô=n chrêstêri/ou~.--This Hero is probably the same as Pediakrates, one of the six ~stratêgoi/~ of the ~egchô/rioi Sikanoi/~ in Sicily who were slain by Herakles and ~me/chri tou= nu=n hêrôïkê=s timê=s tucha/nousin~. D.S. 4, 23, 5: from Timaeus?]