Chapter XLI: Part II: 1\15: See above, chap. v, p. 162 f (2)

[98\15: See above, chap. ii, § 1.]

[99\15: Peleus, Kadmos, Achilles in the Islands of the Blest: Pi., _O._ ii, 86 ff. (Peleus and Kadmos the supreme examples of ~eudaimoni/a~: _P._ iii, 86 ff.). In Eur., _Andr._ 1254 ff. Thetis promises to Peleus immortal life ~Nêre/ôs en do/mois~. An ancient poem must have spoken to this effect of Kadmos (and of Harmonia his wife); both are transported ~maka/rôn es ai=an~ Eur., _Ba._ 1338 f.; ~poiêtai/~ and ~muthogra/phoi~ ap. Sch. Pi., _P._ iii, 153 (this would be after their "death" in Illyria where their graves were shown, and the snakes of stone into which they had been changed: see Müller on Scylax, 24, p. 31). Achilles and Diomedes are ~nê/sois en maka/rôn~ acc. to the _skolion_ on Harmodios: _Carm. pop. fr._ 10 Bgk. (Thus we often hear that Achilles is in the Is. of the Blest or in the ~Êlu/sion pedi/on~ which was regularly identified with them--cf. ~Êlu/sios leimô/n~ in the ~maka/rôn nê=sos~: Luc., _Jup. Conf._ 17; _VH._ ii, 14--e.g. Pla. _Smp._ 199 E; A.R. iv, 811; [Apollod.] _Epit._ v, 5. His special place of abode on the island of Leuke is also a ~maka/rôn nê=sos~ and an older invention than the common Is. of the Blest of which we first hear in Hes., _Op._ 159 ff. Diomedes in the same way after his ~_aphanismo/s_~ enjoyed immortal life in the island named after him in the Adriatic: Ibyc. ap. Sch. Pi., _N._ x, 12; _Str._ 283-4, etc.; but the _skolion_ transferred him to the common dwelling-place of the blessed Heroes.) Achilles, sometimes in Leuke, sometimes on the Is. {565} of the Blest, is accompanied by his wife Medea (in Elys.: Ibyc. Simon. Sch. A.R. iv, 814; A.R. iv, 811 ff.) or Iphigeneia who had once been betrothed to him (in Leuke: Ant. Lib. 27 after Nikand.; different version by Lycophr. 183 ff.) or Helen (Paus. 3, 19, 11-13; Conon, 18; Sch. Pl., _Phdr._ 243 A; Philostr., _Her._ 211 ff. Kays.).--Alkmene after her _body_ had vanished from the sight of those who were bearing the coffin (cf. Plu., _Rom._ 28) was translated to the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~: Ant. Lib 33 after Pherecyd.--Neoptolemos is transported ~es êlu/sion pedi/on maka/rôn epi\ gai=an~, Q.S. iii, 761 ff.--Among the other Heroes there Agamemnon is also implied: Artemid. v, 16.--In all these fabulous accounts the Is. of the Blest (Elysion) remain invariably the abode of special and chosen Heroes (Harmodios' translation there in the _skolion_ is no exception; nor is Lucian's jesting reference, _VH._ ii, 17). It was only later imagination that, under the influence of theology, made this kingdom of bliss the common dwelling-place of almost all the ~eusebei=s~.]

[100\15: Fortunatorum memorant insulas quo cuncti qui aetatem egerint caste suam conveniant, Plaut., _Trin._ 549 f. Menand. Rh., _Encom._ 414, 16 ff. Sp., recommends the use in a ~paramuthêtiko\s lo/gos~ of the words: ~pei/thomai to\n metasta/nta to\ êlu/sion pedi/on oikei=n~ (--and even ~kai\ ta/cha pou ma=llon meta\ tô=n theô=n diaita=tai nu=n~); cf. p. 421, 16-17 Sp. And much later, ~cha/rin amei/psasthai auto\n eu/chomai tou\s theou/s, en maka/rôn nêsois ê/dê suzê=n êxiô/menon~, Suid. ~Antô/nios Alexandreu/s~ (410 B Gaisf.) from Damascius.]

[101\15: Sertorius: Plu., _Sert._ 8-9; Sall., _H._ 1, _fr._ 61, 62; Flor. 2, 10 (Hor., _Epod._ 16, 39 ff.). Some even thought that they had found (cf. Phoen. legends: _Gr. Roman_ 215) the ~mak. nê=s.~ off the west coast of Africa: Str. i, p. 3; iii, 150; Mela, iii, 10; Plin., _NH._ vi, 202 ff.; Marcellus, ~Aithiop.~ ap. Procl., _in Tim._, p. 54 F, 55 A, 56 B, etc. Islands inhabited by spirits in the north: Plu., _Def. Or._ 18, p. 419 F; _fr._ vol. v, 764 ff. Wytt. Procop., _Goth._ iv, 20 (the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ are in the middle of the African continent acc. to Hdt. iii, 26; in Boeot. Thebes, Lyc. 1204 with Sch.). Ps. Callisth. makes Alex. the Great reach the land of the Blest, ii, 39 ff. There may have been many such fables which have been parodied by Lucian in _VH._ ii, 6 ff., where he and his company ~e/ti zô=ntes hierou= chôri/ou epibai/nousin~ (ii, 10). It was always natural to hope that at the _Antipodes_ (cf. Serv., _A._ vi, 532) such a land of the Souls and the Blest might some day be discovered--as indeed many have thought they _had_ discovered it in the progressive geographical discovery of the Middle Ages and modern times.]

[102\15: Leuke, to which already in the _Aithiopis_ Achilles had been translated, was originally a purely mythical place (see above, p. 65), the island of the pallid shades (like the ~Leuka\s pe/trê~ of _Od._ ~ô~ 11, at the entrance of Hades; cf. ~k~ 515. It is the same rock of Hades from which unhappy lovers cast themselves down to death, ~arthei\s dêu=t' apo\ Leuka/dos pe/três ktl.~ Anacr. 17, etc. [cf. Dieterich, _Nek._ 27 f.]. ~leu/kê~, the white poplar, as the tree of Hades, was used to make the garlands of the Mystai at Eleusis; cf. ~leukê\ kupa/rissos~ at the entrance of Hades, _Epigr. Gr._ 1037, 2).--It was probably Milesian sailors who localized this island of Achilles in the Black Sea (there was a cult of Ach. in Olbia and in Miletos itself). Alc. already knows of the champion as ruling over the country of the Scythians: _fr._ 48b, ~en Euxei/nô| pela/gei phaenna\n Achileu\s na=son (e/chei)~, Pi. _N._ iv, 49. Then Eur., _Andr._ 1259 ff.; _IT._ 436 ff.; finally Q.S. iii, 770 ff. Leuke was particularly identified with an uninhabited islet rising with its white limestone cliffs out of the sea at the mouth of the Danube: {566} ~Ke/ltou pro\s ekbolai=si~, Lyc. 189 (probably the Istros is meant but the latest editor simply substitutes ~I/strou pro\s ek.--a far too facile conjecture).--It stood, more exactly, before the ~psilo\n sto/ma~, i.e. the most northerly mouth of the river (the Kilia mouth): Arrian, _Peripl._ 20, 3 H.: [Scylax] _Peripl._ 68 prob. means the same island; cf. Leuke, ~euthu\ I/strou~, Max. Tyr. 15, 7. It has been proposed to identify it with the "snake island" which lies more or less in the same neighbourhood: see H. Koehler, _Mém. sur les îles et la course cons. à Achille_, etc., Mém. acad. S. Petersb. 1826, iv, p. 599 ff. It was only by a confusion that the long sandy beach at the mouth of the Borysthenes, called ~Achille/ôs dro/mos~, was identified with Leuke (e.g. by Mela, ii, 98; Plin., _NH._ iv, 93; D.P. 541 ff.); legends of Achilles' epiphanies may have been current there too (as in other islands of the same name: Dionys. of Olbia ap. Sch. A.R. ii, 658); the Olbiopolitai offer a cult to ~Achilleu\s Ponta/rchês~ there: _CIG._ 2076-7, 2080, 2096b-f (_IPE._ i, 77-83). But as a settled abode of Achilles only Leuke was generally recognized (there was a ~dro/mos Achille/ôs~ there as well: Eur., _IT._ 437; Hesych. ~Achill. pla/ka~; Arr. 21--hence the confusion mentioned above). Strabo's remarks on the subject are peculiar (vii, 306 f.). He distinguishes the ~Ach. dro/mos~ (which had already been mentioned by Hdt. iv, 55) from Leuke altogether; and he places that island not at the mouth of the Istros but 500 stades away at the mouth of the Tyras (Dniester). But the place where sacrifice and worship was made to Achilles, as the abode of his spirit, was definitely fixed; and this was, in fact, the island at the mouth of the Danube (~kata\ tou= I/strou ta\s ekbola/s~, Paus. 3, 19, 11), of which Arr. 23, 3, gives an account based partially on the evidence of eye-witnesses (p. 399, 12 Müll.). It was an uninhabited, thickly wooded island only occupied by numerous birds; there was a temple and a statue of Ach. on it, and also an oracle (Arr. 22, 3), which must have been an oracle taken by casting or drawing lots (for there were no human intermediaries) which those who landed on the island could make use of for themselves. The birds--which were perhaps regarded as incarnations of the Heroes, or as handmaidens of the "divinity of light" which Achilles was, acc. to R. Holland, _Heroenvögel in d. gr. Myth._ 7 ff., 1896--the birds purify the temple every morning with their wings, which they have dipped in the water: Arr., p. 398, 18 ff. Philostr., _Her._ 746, p. 212, 24 Kays. (Cf. the comrades of Diomedes changed into birds on his magic island: Iuba ap. Plin., _NH._ x, 127--another bird miracle: ib., x, 78). No human beings dared to live on the island, though sailors often landed there; they had to leave before nightfall (when spirits are abroad): Amm. Marc. 22, 8, 35; Philostr., _Her._ 747, p. 212, 30-213, 6. The temple possessed many votive offerings and Greek and Latin inss. (_IPE._ i, 171-2). Those who landed there sacrificed the goats which had been placed on the island and ran wild. Sometimes Ach. appeared to visitors; at other times they heard him singing the Paian. In dreams too he sometimes appeared (i.e. if a person happened to sleep--there was no Dream-oracle there). To sailors he gave directions and sometimes appeared like the Dioskouroi (as a flame?) on the top of the ship's mast (see Arr., _Peripl._ 21-3; Scymn. 790-6; from both these is derived Anon., _P. Pont. Eux._ 64-6; Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p. 281 f. R.; Paus. 3, 19, 11; Amm. Marc. 22, 8, 35). (The account in Philostr., _Her._ 745, p. 211, 17-219, 6 Kays., is fantastic but uses good material and is throughout quite in keeping with the true legendary spirit--esp. in the story also of the girl torn to pieces by ghosts: 215, 6-30. Nor is it likely that {567} Phil. himself invented the marvellous tale laid precisely in the year 163-4 B.C.). Achilles is not regarded as living quite alone here: Patroklos is with him (Arr. 32, 34; Max. Tyr. 15, 7), and Helen or Iphigeneia is given him as his wife (see above, n. 99). Leonymos of Kroton, sixth century B.C., meets the two Aiantes and Antilochos there: Paus. 3, 19, 13; Conon 18; D.P. (time of Hadrian) says (545): ~kei=thi d' Achillê=os kai\ hêrô/ôn pha/tis a/llôn psucha\s heili/ssesthai erêmai/as ana\ bê/ssas~ (which Avien., _Des. Orb._, misunderstands and improves on: 722 ff.). Thus the island, though in a limited sense, became a true ~maka/rôn nê=sos~--insula Achillea eadem Leuce et Macaron appelata, Plin., _NH._ iv, 93.]

[103\15: Cic., speaking of the "translations" of Herakles and Romulus, says non corpora in caelum elata, non enim natura pateretur . . . (ap. Aug., _CD._ 22, 4); only their animi remanserunt et aeternitate fruuntur, _ND._ ii, 62; cf. iii, 12. Plu., _Rom._ 28, speaks in the same way of the old translation stories (those of Aristeas, Kleomedes, Alkmene, and finally Romulus)--it was not their bodies which had disappeared together with their souls, for it would be ~para\ to\ eiko/s, entheia/zein to\ thnêto\n tê=s phu/seôs hama\ toi=s thei/ois~ (cf. _Pelop._ 16 fin.); cf. also the Hymn (represented as ancient) of Philostr. dealing with the translated Achilles: _Her._ 741, p. 208, 24 ff. K.]

[104\15: Celsus and Plutarch both know and describe the ancient cult and oracular power of Amphiaraos (only at Oropos now) as still in existence; the same applies to that of Trophonios (like that of Amphilochos also in Cilicia. An inscr. from Lebadeia (first half third century A.D.) mentions a priestess ~tê=s Homonoi/as tô=n Hellê/nôn para\ tô=| Trophôni/ô|~, _IG. Sept._ i, 3426.]

[105\15: ~Astaki/dên to\n Krê=ta, to\n aipo/lon, _hê/rpase_ nu/mphê ex ore/ôn kai\ nu=n _hiero\s_ Astaki/dês~ (he has become divine, i.e. immortal): Call., _Ep._ 24. Of a similar character is the legend of Hylas: ~aphanê\s ege/neto~, Ant. Lib. 26; and of Bormos among the Maryandynoi (~numpho/lêptos~ Hesych. ~Bô=rmon, aphanisthê=nai~ Nymphis, _fr._ 9). The Daphnis legend is another example, and even the story of Odysseus and Kalypso, who detains him in her cave and would like to make him immortal and ageless for ever, is in reality based on such legends of the Nymphs. (Even the name of the Nymph in this case indicates her power: to ~kalu/ptein~ her mortal lover, i.e. ~aphanê= poiei=n~.) Only in this case the spell is broken and the ~apathana/tisis~ of the translated lover is never carried out. For other exx. of legends of the love of Nymphs for a youth see _Griech. Roman_, 109, 1; a Homeric ex. in ~Z~ 21 of the ~nêi\s Abarbare/ê~ and Boukolion the son of Laomedon. The idea that a person translated by the nymphs did not die but lived on for ever, remained current: cf. inscr. from Rome, _Epigr. Gr._ 570, 9-10: ~toi=s pa/ros ou=n mu/thois pisteu/sate; pai=da ga\r esthlê\n hê/rpasen hôs terpnê\n Naï/des, ou tha/natos~. And again, n. 571: ~Nu/mphai krênai=ai/ me sunê/rpasan ek bio/toio, kai\ ta/cha pou _timê=s_ hei/neka tou=t' e/pathon~.]

[106\15: In the extravagant and fanatical worship of Dionysos that was transplanted from Greece to Italy and Rome in the year 186 B.C. the miracle of translation was carried out in a very practical fashion (belief in its possibility was evidently firmly established). Machines were prepared upon which those whose disappearance was to be effected were bound; they were then transferred by the machine _in abditos specus_; whereupon the miracle was announced: _raptos a dis homines istos_: Liv. 39, 13. This only becomes intelligible in the light of such legends of the translation of mortals, body and soul, to immortality, of which we have been speaking.] {568}

[107\15: Plainly so in the case of Berenike the consort of Ptolemy Soter: Theoc. 17, 46. Theocritus addresses Aphrodite: ~se/then d' he/neken Bereni/ka eueidê\s Ache/ronta polu/stonon ouk epe/rasen, alla/ min _harpa/xasa_ pa/roith' epi\ nê=a katelthei=n kuane/an kai\ stugno\n aei\ porthmê=a kamo/ntôn, es nao\n kate/thêkas, hea=s d' apeda/ssao tima=s~ (as ~thea\ pa/redoros~ or ~su/nnaos~: cf. _Inscr. Perg._ i, 246, 8). Cf. also Theoc. 15, 106 ff. As a rule, however, this idea is not so definitely expressed (though it is plainly implied that translation is the normal way in which deified princes depart this life, in the story indignantly rejected by Arrian, _Anab._ 7, 27, 3, that Alexander the Great wanted to throw himself into the Euphrates ~hôs _aphanê\s_ ex anthrô/pôn geno/menos pistote/ran tê\n do/xan para\ toi=s e/peita egkatalei/poi ho/ti ek theou= te autô=| hê ge/nesis sune/bê kai\ _para\ theou\s hê apochô/rêsis_~--which is the regular and ancient idea of translation, exhibited e.g. in the story of Empedokles' end; see above, chap. xi, n. 61: and Christian pamphleteers transferred the fable to Julian and his end). The Roman Emperors also allowed such conventional miracles to be told of themselves, in which at least they were imitating the practice of the Hellenistic monarchs and the "consecration" fables usual at their death (they do not die but ~methi/stantai ex anthrô/pôn, meth. eis theou/s~, _SIG_^1. 246, 16; _Inscr. Perg._ i, 249, 4; inscr. from Hierapolis given by Fränkel, ib. i, p. 39a). That the god is _translated_, his whole personality _in caelum redit_, is implied as occurring at the death of an Emperor on the coins of consecration, in which the translated is represented as being carried up to heaven by a _Genius_ or a bird (e.g. the eagle which was set free at the _rogus_ of the emperor: D.C. 56, 42, 3; 74, 5, 5; Hdn. 4, 2 fin.): see Marquardt, _Röm. Staatsverw._ 3, 447, 3. Nor were there lacking people who maintained on oath that they had actually witnessed the translation of the emperor body and soul to heaven, as had once happened to Julius Proculus and Romulus. Thus at the end of Augustus' life: D.C. 56, 46, 2. and that of Drusilla: 59, 11, 4. Sen., _Apocol._ 1. It was the official and only recognised manner in which a god can leave this life.]

[108\15: _Phdr._ 246 CD. ~pla/ttomen . . . theo\n, atha/nato/n ti zô=|on, e/chon me\n psuchê/n, e/chon de\ sô=ma, to\n aei\ de\ chro/non tau=ta xumpephuko/ta~. In acc. with the will of the ~dêmiourgo/s~ body and soul in the gods remain joined together (though in itself ~to\ dethe\n pa=n luto/n~. It is to this that Klearch. alludes ap. Ath. 15, 670 B, ~_ho/ti luto\n_ [lu/etai~ the MSS.] ~me\n pa=n to\ dedeme/non~): hence they are ~atha/natoi~, _Tim._ 41 AB.]

[109\15: Hasisatra, Enoch: see above, chap. ii, n. 18. Moses, too, was translated acc. to later legend, and Elijah (cf. after the battle of Panormos Hamilcar disappears and for that reason is worshipped with sacrifice: Hdt. vii, 166-7). In Egypt too: D.S. 1, 25, 7, speaks of the ~ex anthrô/pôn meta/stasis~, i.e. translation, of Osiris (for the expression cf. ~Ka/stôr kai\ Poludeu/kês ex anthrô/pôn êphani/sthêsan~, Isoc., _Archid._ (6), 18, etc., frequently).]

[110\15: Stories of the disappearance (non comparuit, nusquam apparuit = ~êphani/sthê~) of Aeneas and Turnus, King Latinus, Romulus and others: Preller, _Röm. Myth._^2, pp. 84-5; 683, 2; 704. Anchises: Procop., _Goth._ iv, 22 fin.]

[111\15: So too Caesar in deorum numerum relatus est non ore modo decernentium sed et persuasione volgi, Suet., _Jul._ 88.]

[112\15: D.C. 79, 18.--It is natural to suppose that some prophecy of the return of the great Macedonian was current and encouraged the attempt to turn the prophecy into a reality and predisposed people to believe in it. This at least is what happened in the case of Nero {569} and the false Fredericks of the middle ages. This seems to have been at the back of the superstitious cult of Alexander particularly flourishing just at that time (cf. the story told of the family of the Macriani by Treb. Poll. _xxx Tyr._ 14, 4-6). Caracalla (Aur. Vict., _Epit._ 21; cf. Hdn. 4, 8; D.C. 77, 7-8) and Alexander Severus actually regarded themselves as Avatars of Alexander reborn and incarnated in themselves (the latter was first called Alexander at his elevation to the principate, certainly _ominis causa_, and was supposed to have been born, on the anniversary of Alexander's death, in A.'s temple: Lamprid., _Al. Sev._ 5, 1; 13, 1, 3, 4. He paid special honour to Alex., and as we are expressly told by Lamp. 64, 3, se magnum Alexandrum videri volebat).]

[113\15: The Christian anticipation of the return of Nero (as Antichrist) is well known: he was supposed to have disappeared and not to have died. They based their expectation, however, on a widespread belief of the populace which the various ~Pseudone/rônes~ who actually appeared turned to their advantage (Suet., _Ner._ 57; Tac., _H._ i, 2; ii, 8: Luc., _Indoct._ 20).]

[114\15: This was the idea lying behind the deification of Antinous commanded by the Emperor; as may be seen from the connexion in which Celsus speaks of the matter (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 36, p. 296 Lomm.): he mentions the disappearance of Ant. in the same context as the translation of Kleomedes, Amphiaraos, Amphilochos, etc. (c. 33-4).--The language in which the deification of Ant. is spoken of on the obelisk at Rome gives no precise idea of what happened: see Erman, _Mit. arch. Inst. röm. Abt._ 1896, p. 113 ff.--In this case, then, we have a translation effected by a river-god: cf. the water-nymphs mentioned above, n. 105. In the same way Aeneas disappeared into the river Numicius: Serv., _Aen._ xii, 794; Sch. Veron., _Aen._ i, 259; D.H. i, 64, 4; Arnob. i, 36; Ov., _M._ xiv, 598 ff.; Liv. i, 2, 6. cf. the fable of Alex. the Great's translation into a river: n. 107. Euthymos in the same way vanished into the river Kaikinos (supposed to be his real father: Paus. 6, 6, 4); see above, chap. iv, n. 116.]

[115\15: Philostr., _V. Ap._ viii, 29-30 (not indeed from Damis as Ph. himself definitely asserts; but certainly from sincere accounts derived from the various adherents of Apoll.--none of the facts in the biography are Phil.'s own invention). Apoll. either died in Ephesos or disappeared (~aphanisthê=nai~) in the temple of Athene at Lindos or disappeared in the temple of Diktynna in Crete and ascended to heaven ~autô=| sô/mati~ (as Eus. _adv. Hierocl._ 44, 408, 5 Ks. rightly understands it). This was the legend generally preferred. His ~aphanismo/s~ was confirmed by the fact that no grave or cenotaph of Apoll. was to be found: Philostr. viii, 31 fin. The imitation of the legends about the disappearance of Empedokles is obvious.]

[116\15: ~tou= Apollôni/ou ex **anthrô/pôn êdê o/ntos, **thaumazome/nou de\ epi\ tê=| metabolê=| kai\ mêd' antile/xai tharrou=ntos mêde/nos hôs ouk a tha/natos eiê~, Philostr. viii, 31. Then follows a miracle vouchsafed to an unbelieving Thomas to whom Apoll. himself appears.]

[117\15: Pre-existence of the soul, return of the souls of the good to their home with God, punishment of the wicked, complete ~athanasi/a~ of all souls as such--all this belongs to the wisdom of Solomon. The Essene doctrine of the soul as described by Jos., _BJ._ 2, 8, 11, is also thoroughly Greek; it belongs to the Stoico-Platonic teaching (i.e. the Neopythagorean variety); see Schwally, _Leben n. Todt n. Vorst. alt. Israël_, p. 151 ff., 179 ff. [1892]. The _carmen Phocylideum_ is the work of some Jewish author who obscurely mixes up {570} Platonic ideas with those of Greek theologians (cf. 104 where Bgk., _PLG._ ii, p. 95, rightly defends the MSS. ~theoi/~ against Bernays), and of the Stoics (108)--adding also ideas derived from the Jewish doctrine of the resurrection (115 at least is completely Greek: ~psuchê\ d' atha/natos kai\ agê/rôs zê=| dia\ panto/s~). In Philo's doctrine of the soul everything comes from Platonic or Stoic sources.]

[118\15: e.g. in Sikyon as it appears: Paus. 2, 7, 2.]

[119\15: Perhaps in _Epigr. Gr._ ed. Kaibel (which will be referred to in this section as _Ep._), 35a, p. 517; but this belongs to the fourth century B.C. A late example (in prose, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1702.]

[120\15: ~gai=an e/chois elaphra/n~, _Ep._ 195, 4; cf. 103, 9; 538, 7; 551, 4; 559, 3; _IG. Sic. et It._ 229; Rhodian inscr., _IGM. Aeg._ i, 151, 3-4 (first-second century A.D.); ~alla\ su/, dai=mon, tê=| phthime/nê| kou/phên gai=an hu/perthen e/chois~.--Eur. already has something similar: _Alc._ 463: see above, chap. xii, n. 121.]

[121\15: The confusion of ideas is evident, e.g. in _Ep._ 700, ~kou=phon e/chois gai/ês ba/ros eusebi/ês eni\ chô/rô|~, cf. 222b, 11-12.--The real meaning of such wishes is indicated by Luc., _Luct._ 18; the dead son says to his mourning father, ~de/dias mê/ soi apopnigô= katakleisthei\s en tô=| mnê/mati~.]

[122\15: ~Phersepho/nês tha/lamos, tha/lamoi~, _Ep._ 35, 4; 50, 2; 201, 4; 231, 2; _Anth. Pal._ vii, 507-8 "Simonides". ~phthime/nois ae/naos tha/lamos~, _Ep._ 143, 2. ~do/mos Nukto/s~, _AP._ vii, 232. (We need not hesitate to use the grave-epigrams in the _Anthology_ side by side with the actual sepulchral inss. The former are sometimes the models of the latter, sometimes modelled upon actual epitaphic inscriptions, but always closely related to the more literary epitaphs.)]

[123\15: ~Lê/thês pausi/ponon po/ma~, _Ep._ 244, 10. ~ê\n katabê=|s es pô=ma Lê/thês~, 261, 20. (~Nu/x, lê/thês dô=ra phe/rous' ep' emoi/~, 312.) ~Moi=rai kai\ Lê/thê me katê/gagon eis Ai/dao~, 521. (Cf. _AP._ vii, ~Lê/thês do/moi~, 25, 6; ~Lê/thês limê/n~, 498; ~Lê/thês pe/lagos~, 711, 716.) ~La/thas ê/luthon eis lime/as~, Mysian inscr. _BCH._ xvii (1894), p. 532, n. 34.]

[124\15: ~hoi plei/ous~ = the dead (like the Latin _plures_: Plaut., _Trin._ 291, Petron. 42): ~es pleo/nôn~ in Hades, _Ep._ 373, 4; _AP._ vii, 731, 6; xi, 42. Already in Ar., _Eccl._ 1073: ~grau=s anastêkui=a para\ tô=n pleio/nôn~. Call., _Epigr._ 5 (cf. Boisson. on Eunap., p. 309). Ancient oracle ap. Polyb. 8, 30, 7: ~meta\ tô=n pleo/nôn = tô=n metêllacho/tôn (Tarentum). Even in the present day: ~'stou\s pollou\s~, Schmidt, _Volksl. d. Neugr._ i, 235.]

[125\15: _Ep._ 266, ~mê\ mu/rou, phi/l' a/ner, me; kai\ auto\s ekei= ga\r hodeu/sas heurê/seis tê\n sê\n su/ggamon Eutuchi/ên~. Cf. 558, 5 ff.; 397, 5. Phrygian inscr., _Papers American School_, iii, 305 (n. 427): a father addressing his dead son ~kai\ polu\ tersane/ô to/te da/kruon hê/nika sei=o psuchê\n athrê/sô gê=n hupodusa/menos~.]

[126\15: ~ei de/ tis en phthime/nois kri/sis, hôs lo/gos amphi\ thano/ntôn~, _Ep._ 215, 5. A mother boasts of the piety of her son to Rhadamanthys: 514, 5 (cf. 559, 3 f.). So too, in _AP._ vii there is little mention of a judgment (596 Agathias).]

[127\15: The division of the dead into two classes is implied where the pious departed is said to be about to dwell ~en maka/ressin~, etc. But the distinct separation of the dead into two or three classes [see above, chap. xii, n. 62] is rare in the sepulchral inscr.: _Ep._ 650, 9 ff., is an exception (but there one company is ~epichthoni/ê~, the other in the _aither_--a Stoic idea.--A peculiar arrangement, implying the three classes, is given in [Socr.] _Epist._ 27, 1 (they are in the ~to/pos eus.~ and ~asebô=n~ in Hades, and in the _aither_): ~tou= ei=te kata\ gê=n en eusebô=n chô/rô| o/ntos {571} ei/te kat' a/stra (ho/per kai\ ma/la pei/thomai) Sôkra/tous~.--The same again in _AP._ vii, 370 (Diodor.) ~en Dio\s~ (i.e. in Heaven) ~ê\ maka/rôn~.]

[128\15: There is perhaps no reference in the grave-inss. to the punishment of the ~asebei=s~, and scarcely any in _AP._ vii (but cf. 377, 7 f. Erykios).]

[129\15: ~psuchê\ d' es to\ di/kaion e/bê~, _Ep._ 502, 13; i.e. to the place to which it justly belongs.]

[130\15: ~nai/eis _maka/rôn nê/sous_ thali/ê| eni\ pollê=|~, _Ep._ 649, 2; 366, 6; 648, 9. ~nê=son e/cheis maka/rôn~, 473, 2; 107, 2; _AP._ vii, 690, 4. ~maka/rôn pedi/on~, _Ep._ 516, 1-2. ~_Êlu/sion_ pedi/on~ 414, 8; 150, 6. ~pedi/a Êlu/sia~, 338, 2; 649, 3. ~chô=ros êlu/sios~ 618a, 8. ~met' eusebe/ôn esme\n en Êlusi/ô|~, 554, 4.--~nai/ô d' _hêrô/ôn_ hiero\n do/mon, ouk Ache/rontes; toi=on ga\r bio/tou te/rma sophoi=sin e/ni~, _Ep._ 228, 7-8. ~hêrô/ôn chô=ron e/chois phthi/menos~, 539, 4. ~Lêtogene/s, su\ de\ pai=das en hêrô/essi phula/ssois, eusebe/ôn aei\ chô=ron epercho/menos~, 228b, 7 (p. 520). ~ô/|chet' es _hêmithe/ous_~, 699 (~soi\ me\n he/drê thei/oisi par' andra/si~, _AP._ vii, 659, 3).]

[131\15: Description of the charms of the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ and the Elysian fields where ~oude\ potheino\s anthrô/pôn e/ti bi/otos~, _Ep._ 649. More elaborate in the poem of Marcellus on Regilla the wife of Herodes Att.: _Ep._ 1046 (she is ~meth' hêrô/|nêsin en maka/rôn nê/soisin, hi/na Kro/nos embasileu/ei~, 8-9; Zeus had dispatched her thither with soft breezes, ~es ôkeano/n~, 21 ff. Now she is ~ou thnêtê/, ata\r oude\ the/aina~ but a Heroine, 42 ff. In the ~choro\s protera/ôn hêmithea/ôn~ she serves as an ~opa/ôn nu/mphê~ of Persephone, 51 ff.).]

[132\15: Clearly e.g. the place where Rhadamanthys holds sway in Hades, _Ep._ 452, 18-19.]

[133\15: The ~chô=ros eusebe/ôn~ clearly indicates Hades: ~Ai/deô nuchi/oio me/las hupede/xato ko/lpos, eusebe/ôn th' hosi/ên eu/nasen es klisi/ên~, _Ep._ 27, 3-4; cf. inscr. from Rhodes, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 141, of an old schoolmaster--~eusebô=n chô=ros [sph' e/chei]; Plou/tôn ga\r auto\n kai\ Korê katô/|kisan, Hermê=s te kai\ da|dou=chos Heka/tê, prosph[ilê=] ha/pasin ei=nai, mustikô=n t' epista/tên e/taxan auto\n pi/steôs pa/sês cha/rin~.--Not infrequently Elysion and the place of the ~eusebe/es~ are identified: e.g. _Ep._ 338, ~eusebe/es de\ psuchê\n~ (sc. ~e/chousi) kai\ pedi/ôn te/rmones Êlusi/ôn. tou=to saophrosu/nês e/lachon ge/ras, ambrosi/ên de\~ (the immortality of her soul) ~sô/matos hubristê\s ouk epa/têse chro/nos. alla\ ne/ê nu/mphê|si~ (thus the stone: _Ath. Mitt._ iv, 17) ~met' eusebe/essi kathê=tai~.--If there is a judgment in Hades ~oikê/seis eis do/mon eusebe/ôn~, _Ep._ 215, 5-6. Kore conducts the dead ~chô=ron ep' eusebe/ôn~, 218, 15-16. ~ka/stin en eusebe/ôn hê\n dia\ sôphrosu/nên~, 569, 12. ~eusebe/ôn chô=ros~, 296. ~eus. do/mos~, 222, 7-8. ~eusebe/ôn nai/ois hiero\n do/mon~, _IPE._ ii, 298, 11. ~psuchê\ d' eusebe/ôn oi/chetai eis tha/lamon~, _Ep._ 90 (_CIA._ ii, 3004). ~eus. eis hierou\s thala/mous~, 222b, 12. ~eus. en skieroi=s thala/mois~, 253, 6. ~esthla\ de\ nai/ô dô/mata Phersepho/nas chô/rô| en eusebe/ôn~, 189, 5-6. ~met' eusebe/essi kei=sthai, ant' aretê=s~, 259. ~thê=k' Ai/dês es mucho\n eusebe/ôn~, 241a, 18. ~eusebi/ês d' hei/neken eusebe/ôn chô=ron e/bê phthi/menos~, _Ath. Mitt._ xi, 427 (Kolophon). Late Roman inscr., _IG. Sic. et It._ 1660: a wife says of her dead husband ~peri\ hou= de/omai tou\s katachthoni/ous theou/s, tê\n psuchê\n eis tou\s eusebei=s katata/xai~.]

[134\15: The ~chô=ros maka/rôn~ in the sky: ~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin a/strois kai\ hiero\n chô=ron e/chei maka/rôn~, _Ep._ 324, 3-4. ~kai\ nai/eis maka/rôn nê/sous . . . augai=s en katharai=sin, Olumpou plêsi/on o/ntôs~, 649, 2, 8. The ~êlu/sion pedi/on~ outside the ~phthime/nôn do/moi~, 414, 8, 6. Sometimes both the heavenly abode of the blessed and the Islands of the Blest occur together: [Luc.] _Dem. Enc._ 50. {572} Demosth. is after his death either in the ~maka/rôn nê/sois~ with the Heroes, or else in the ~ourano/s~ as an attendant daimon on ~Zeu\s Eleuthe/rios~.]

[135\15: ~psuchê\ pro\s _O/lumpon_ anê/llato~, _Ep._ 646a, 3. ~psuchê\ d' en Olu/mpô|~, 159, 261, 11. ~ê=lthen d' eis Aidao de/mas, psuchê\ d' es O/lumpon~, _AP._ vii, 362, 3. (~Ai/dês~ here = the grave as often; so too in _Ep._ 288, 4-5, ~psuchê\ . . . es aithe/ra . . . oste/a eis Ai/dên a/tropos ei=le no/mos.) meta\ po/tmon horô= pha/os Oulu/mpoio~, _AP._ vii, 678, 5.--~psuchê\n d' ek mele/ôn _ourano\s_ euru\s e/chei~, _Ep._ 104b, 4. ~ê=tor d' ouranô=| meta/rsion~, 462, 6. ~psuchê\ moi nai/ei dô/mat' epoura/nia~, 261, 10 (and frequently in this poem in various forms). ~es ourani/as atarpou\s psuchê\ paptai/nei sô=m' apodusame/nê~, _AP._ vii, 337, 7; cf. also 363, 3; 587, 2; 672, 1 and ix, 207-8. ~_aithê\r_ me\n psucha\s hupede/xato~, _Ep._ 21 (fifth century B.C., see above, chap. xii, n. 149). ~Euruma/chou psuchê\n kai\ huperphia/lous dianoi/as aithê\r hugro\s e/chei~, 41 (fourth century B.C. but the ~aithê/r~ is not "moist"--~aithê\r lampro\s e/chei~ is the more primitive version of the phrase given in the corresponding epigr. of the ~Pe/plos.~ The ~aê/r~ would be ~hugro/s~: ~tên psuchê\n ape/dôken es ae/ra~, _Ep._ 642, 7). ~psuchê\n me\n es aithe/ra kai\ Dio\s aula/s~, 288, 4. ~psuchê\ d' aithe/rion kate/chei po/lon~, 225, 3. ~es ai/thrên psuchê\ e/bê eme/then~, 325, 5.--~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin _a/strois_~, Ep. 324, 3. From Thyatira, _BCH._ 1887, p. 461: ~tha/psen d' adelpho\s Arche/laos sô=m' emo/n, psucha\ de/ meu pro\s a/stra kai\ theou\s ESI~ (read ~e/bê~). One company of the souls ~tei/ressi su\n aitheri/oisi choreu/ei; hê=s stratiê=s hei=s eimi~, _Ep._ 650, 11-12 (Diogenes) ~nu=n de thanô\n aste/ras oi=kon e/chei~, _AP._ vii, 64, 4.]

[136\15: ~psuchê\ d' ek rhethe/ôn ptame/nê meta\ dai/monas a/llous ê/luthe sê/, nai/es d' en maka/rôn dape/dô|~, _Ep._ 243, 5-6. ~kai/ me theô=n maka/rôn kate/chei do/mos a=sson io/nta, ourani/ois te do/moisi ble/pô pha/os Êrigenei/ês~, 312, 6.--~tê\n su/neton psuchê\n maka/rôn eis ae/ra dou=sa, pro/sthen me\n thnêtê/, nu=n de\ theô= me/tochos~, 654, 4-5.--~alla\ nu=n eis tou\s theou/s~ _IG. Sic. et It._ 1420. ~hôs de\ phu/sis me\n e/lusen apo\ chthono/s, atha/natoi me\n auto\n e/chousi theoi\ sô=ma de\ sêko\s ho/de~, _AP._ vii, 570; 61, 2; 573, 3-4.]

[137\15: See above, chap. xii, p. 436 ff.]

[138\15: See above, p. 500 f. ~pneu=ma~, _Ep._ 250, 6; 613, 6; ~pneu=ma labô\n da/nos ourano/then tele/sas chro/non antape/dôka~ (cf. ~pneu=ma ga/r esti theou= chrê=sis thnêtoi=si~, _Carm. Phoc._ 106). 156, 2: ~pnoiê\n aithê\r e/laben pa/lin, ho/sper e/dôken~ (third century B.C.; see Köhler on _CIA._ ii, 4135).--This conception having become popular frequently occurs in the theological poetry of later times: e.g. ~chrêsmo/s~ ap. Stob., _Ecl._ 1, 49, 46, i, p. 414 W.: ~to\ me\n (to\ sô=ma) luthe/n esti ko/nis, psuchê\ de\ pro\s ai/thrên ski/dnatai, hoppo/then ê=lthe, metê/oros eis aithe/r' haplou=n~ (read ~aithe/r' es _hagno/_~). Oracle of Apoll. Tyan. ap. Philostr., _VA._ viii, 31: ~atha/natos psuchê\ . . . meta\ sô=ma maranthe\n . . . rhêidi/ôs prothorou=sa kera/nnutai êe/ri kou/phô|~.]

[139\15: ~psuchê\n d' _atha/naton_ koino\s e/chei tha/natos~, _Ep._ 35, 6 (_CIA._ ii, 3620, fourth century B.C.). _IG. Sic. et It._ 940, 3-4: ~athana/tê psuchê\ me\n es aithe/ri kai\ Dio\s augai=s pôta=tai~. ib. 942: ~. . . entha/de kei=mai, _ouchi\ thanô/n_; thnê/skein mê\ le/ge tou\s agathou/s~ (from Call., _Epigr._ 11, ~ta=|de Sa/ôn . . . hiero\n hu/pnon koima=tai. thna/skein mê\ le/ge tou\s agathou/s).--_ouk e/thanes_, Prô/tê, mete/bês d' es amei/nona chô=ron~ _Ep._ 649.]

[140\15: This retains its full and original meaning (as in Call., Epigr. 11); cf. _Ep._ 559, 7, ~le/ge Popili/ên heu/dein a/ner; ou themito\n thnê/skein tou\s agathou/s, all' hu/pnon hêdu\n e/chein~. More often as a mere conventional phrase: 433; 101, 4; 202, 1; 204, 7; ~s' ekoi/misen hu/pnos ho lê/thês~, 223, 3; 502, 2; _AP._ vii, 29, 1; 30, 2, 260.]

[141\15: _Ep._ 651: ~thnêto\n sô=ma . . . to\ d' atha/naton es maka/rôn ano/rouse {573} ke/ar; psuchê\ ga\r aei/zôs hê\ to\ zê=n pare/chei kai\ theo/phin kate/bê . . . sô=ma chitô\n psuchê=s~ (cf. Emp. 414 M. = _fr._ 126 D., ~sarkô=n periste/llousa chitô=ni~ sc. ~tê\n psuchê/n); to\n de\ theo\n se/be mou~ (the god in me, my ~psuchê/~). 261, 6, ~tê\n psuchê\n d' athana/tên e/lachon; en gai/ê| me\n sô=ma to\ suggene/s oura/nios de\ ê/luthen hê psuchê\ dô=ma kat' ou phthi/menon ktl.~; cf. 320, 6 ff.--594 (late epitaph of a doctor with philosophic leanings; found in Rome, 7 ff.: ~oud' a/ra thnêto\s e/ên, hup' ana/gkês hupsime/dontos tu/mbô| einale/ô| pepedême/nos ê/nusen oi=mon. ek rhethe/ôn d' a/ma steichôn semno\n e/bê Dio\s oi=kon~. No sense can be made of the passage if ~tu/mbô|~ is understood as the real grave and this has led to altering or straining the sense of ~einale/ô|~ (~einali/ô|~ Franz, ~sigale/ô|~ Jacobs). But the poet means: the dead man was (in his real nature, his soul) immortal, only the will of the gods had caused him (his soul) to be bound to the body and to complete his course of life in the body, after the end of which he will rise immediately (and return) to the realm of the gods. Read therefore ~tu/mbô| _ein alaô=|_ pepedême/nos~, fettered in the "dark grave" of the body: ~sô=ma = sê=ma~. (Exactly as in Verg., _A._ vi, 734, the animae: clausae tenebris et carcere caeco.)--603: he who lies buried here ~thnêtoi=s psuchê\n pei/sas epi\ sô/masin elthei=n tê\n hautou=, me/leos, ouk ane/peise me/nein~. That is: he has persuaded his (previously living and bodiless) soul to enter into the realm of mortal bodies (to occupy a body), but could not persuade it to remain there long--in this earthly life.]

[142\15: Once at the most: ~_ei_ pa/lin e/sti gene/sthai . . . _ei_ d' ouk e/stin pa/lin elthei=n~--_Ep._ 304 (cf. above, chap. xii, n. 138).]

[143\15: The epitaphs quoted in n. 141 have a theological meaning but do not allude to any specifically Platonic opinion or doctrines. There is no need to see Platonic influence (as Lehrs would: _Pop. Aufs._^2, p. 339 f.) in the numerous epitaphs that speak of the ascent of the soul into the _aither_, the stars, etc. (notes 135, 136). It is true that Alexis 158 K. inquires whether the view that the body decays after death--~to\ d' atha/naton exê=re pro\s to\n ae/ra~--is not Platonic doctrine (~tau=t' ou scholê\ Pla/tônos~). But he has no real knowledge of Platonic teaching and calls Platonic that idea of the ascent of the souls of the dead into the upper regions which had long been popular in Athens--even before Plato's time. In fact Plato's doctrine has only the most distant resemblance to the popular one, and the latter originated and persisted without being influenced at all by Plato or his school.]

[144\15: _Ep._ 650, 12. I belong to the company of the blessed which ~tei/ressi su\n aitheri/oisi choreu/ei, lachô\n theo\n hêgemonê=a~. These last words must refer to a special relation of a pious kind to some god. We may note the conclusion of the _Caesares_ of Julian (336 C): Hermes addresses the Emperor: follow the ~entolai/~ of ~patê\r Mi/thras~ in life, ~kai\ hêni/ka a\n enthe/nde apie/nai de/ê|, meta\ tê=s agathê=s elpi/dos _hêgemo/na theo\n eumenê=_ kathista\s seautô=|~. Cf. also the promise made in an Egyptian magic papyrus ed, Parthey, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1865, p. 125, l. 178 ff.: the ghost thus conjured up will after your death ~sou= to\ pneu=ma basta/xas eis ae/ra a/xei su\n hautô=|, eis ga\r a/|dên ou chôrê/sei ae/rion pneu=ma _sustathe\n_~ (i.e. commended) ~_krataiô=| pare/drô|_~. Cf. Pl., _Phd._ 107 D ff.: the souls of the dead are conducted each by the ~dai/môn ho/sper zô=nta eilê/chei~ to the judgment place: thence they go ~eis ha=|dou meta\ hêgemo/nos ekei/nou hou= dê\ proste/taktai tou\s enthe/nde ekei=se poreu=sai~. Afterwards yet another, ~a/llos hêgemô/n~ as it appears, leads them back again. A blessed abode hereafter is found by ~hê katharô=s te kai\ metri/ôs to\n bi/on diexelthou=sa kai\ xunempo/rôn kai\ _hêgemo/nôn theô=n tuchou=sa_~, 108 C. The same idea occurs on the monument of Vibia (in the Catacombs of Praetextatus in Rome): _Mercurius nuntius_ {574} conducts her (and Alcestis) before Dispater and Aeracura to be tried: after that a special _bonus angelus_ leads her to the banquet of the blessed (_CIL._ vi, 142). There is nothing Christian in this, any more than in the whole monument or its inscriptions. (The "angel" as an intermediate being between gods and men had long been taken from Jewish religion by heathen belief and philosophy: they were sometimes identified with the Platonic ~dai/mones~: see R. Heinze, _Xenokrat._ 112 f. These intermediate natures, the ~a/ggeloi~, have nothing to do with the old Greek conception of certain gods as "Messengers" or of the Hero ~Eua/ggelos~, etc. [cf. Usener, _Götternamen_, 268 ff.].) With the fanciful picture of Vibia we may compare (besides the Platonic passages mentioned above) what Luc., _Philops._ 25, has to say of the ~neani/as pa/gkalos~ who leads the souls into the underworld (~hoi agago/ntes auto/n~ less precisely in the parallel narrative of Plutarch, _de An. fr._ 1, ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563 D).]

[145\15: Hermes the conductor of the souls as ~a/ggelos Phersepho/nês~ _Ep._ 575, 1. Hermes brings the souls to Eubouleus and Persephone, _Ep._ 272, 9.--He leads the souls to the ~maka/rôn êlu/sion pedi/on~, 414, 9; 411; to the Islands of the Blest, 107, 2. He leads them by the hand to heaven, to the blessed gods, 312, 8 ff.]

[146\15: _Ep._ 218, 15, ~alla\ su/, pambasi/leia thea/, poluô/nume koura/, tê/nd' a/g' ep' eusebe/ôn chô=ron, e/chousa chero/s~. 452, 17 ff. Of the souls of the dead man, his wife and children it is said: ~de/cheo es Ha/idou~ (Hades does not admit everyone: cf. the dead man who prays ~hoi\ stu/gion chô=ron huponai/ete dai/mones esthloi/, de/xasth' eis Aï/dên kame\ to\n oiktro/taton~, 624), ~po/tnia nu/mphê, ki\ psucha\s prou/pempe, hi/na xantho\s Rhada/manthus~. To be thus received and conducted by a god or goddess is evidently regarded as a special favour. The abode of the ~eusebei=s~ is reached by those who have honoured Persephone before all other deities: _IG. Sic. et It._ 1561. Zeus too conducts the souls, _Ep._ 511, 1: ~anti/ se kudali/mas areta=s, poluê/rate kou=re, hê=xen es Êlu/sion auto\s a/nax Kroni/dês (theo/s~, 516, 1-2). Speaking of a Ptolemy who has died young, Antipater Sid. says (_AP._ vii, 241, 11 ff.) ~ou de/ se nu\x ek nukto\s ede/xato; dê\ ga\r a/naktas toi/ous ouk Aï/das, Zeu\s d' es o/lumpon a/gei~. Apollo also: Parmenis buried by her parents says ~[nu=n mega/l]ou~ (to be restored in some such fashion) ~de/ m' e/chei te/menos Dio/s, ho/rra/ t' _Apo/llôn_ [loig]ou=~ (doubtful completion) ~a/meipsen, _helô\n ek puro\s_ atha/naton~, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 142 (Rhodos).--Tibull. is clearly imitating Greek poetry when he says (1, 3, 57) sed me quod facilis tenero sum semper Amori ipsa Venus campos ducet ad Elysios (the poet himself explains why it should be Venus: he has specially honoured her. There is no need to imagine a Venus Libitina). Phleg., _Mirab._ 3, p. 130, 16 ff. West. [73, 1 Kell.]: ~Phoi=bos Apo/llôn Pu/thios . . . moi heo\n kratero\n thera/pont'~ (the daimonic wolf) ~epipe/mpsas ê/gagen eis maka/rôn te do/mous kai\ Persephonei/ês~.]

[147\15: Isidote, hierophantis in Eleusis (grand-daughter of the famous sophist Isaios) is called by her epitaph (~Eph. Arch.~ 1885, p. 149, l. 8 ff.) ~e/xochon e/n t' aretai=s e/n te saophrosu/nais; hê\n kai\ ameibome/nê Dêô\ maka/rôn epi\ nê/ssous ê/gage, pantoi/ês ekto\s epôduni/ês~. (l. 20 ~hê=n kai\ Dêmê/têr ô/pasen athana/tois~.)]

[148\15: By their noble death the gods show ~hôs a/meinon ei/ê anthrô/pô| tethna/nai ma=llon ê\ zô/ein~, Hdt. i, 31; cf. [Pl.] _Axioch._ 367 C; Cic., _TD._ i, 113; Plu., _Cons. ad Apoll._ 13, 108 E; cf. Amm. Marc. 25, 3, 15.--The epitaph of Isidote alludes to the legend, l. 11: ~dô=ke~ (Demeter) ~de/ hoi tha/naton glukerô/teron hêde/os hu/pnou pa/gchu kai\ Argei/ôn phe/rteron êïthe/ôn.~] {575}

[149\15: ~Gêrale/ên psuchê\n ep' akmai/ô| sô/mati Glau=kos kai\ ka/llei kera/sas krei/ttona sôphrosu/nên, o/rgia pa=sin e/phaine brotoi=s phaesi/mbrota Dêou=s einaete/s, deka/tô| d' ê=lthe par' athana/tous. ê= kalo\n ek maka/rôn mustê/rion, ou mo/non ei=nai to\n tha/naton thnêtoi=s ou kako/n, all' agatho\n~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1883, pp. 81-2 (third century A.D.). Below the statue of a daughter of this Glaukos, at Eleusis, there is an inscr., ~Glau/kou de\ gnôtê\ theoeide/os, ho/s te kai\ auto\s _hierophantê/sas ô/|chet' es athana/tous_~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1894, p. 205, n. 26, l. 11 ff.]

[150\15: As a conventional formula; [D.H.] _Rhet._ 6, 5: ~epi\ te/lei~ (of the funeral oration) ~peri\ psuchê=s anagkai=on eipei=n, ho/ti atha/natos, kai\ ho/ti tou\s toiou/tous, en theoi=s o/ntas, amei=non i/sôs apalla/ttein~.]

[151\15: ~--to\n atha/natoi phile/eskon; tou/neka kai\ pêgai=s lou=san en athana/tois~ (we are reminded of the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ out of which Glaukos drew ~athanasi/a~: Sch. Pl., _Rp._ 611 C), ~kai\ maka/rôn nê/sous ba/llon es athana/tôn~, _Ep._ 366, 4 ff. There are two fountains in Hades, that (to the left) of Lethe, and (to the right) of Mnemosyne, from which cold water flows (l. 5): from the latter the guardians will give the suppliant soul water to drink ~kai\ to/t' e/peit' a/lloisi meth' hêrô/essin ana/xei~: sepulchral tablet from Petelia (about third century B.C.), _IG. Sic. et It._ 638 (_Ep._ 1037; Harrison, _Proleg._ 661 ff.). Mutilated copies of the same original have been found at Eleuthernai in Crete, _BCH._ 1893-4, p. 126, 629; cf. above, chap. xii, n. 62.--This, in fact, is the "water of life" so often mentioned in the folk-lore of many countries; cf. Grimm, _D. Märchen_, n. 97, with _Notes_ iii, p. 178, 328; Dieterich, _Abraxas_, 97 f.; _Nekyia_, 94, 99. This is the fountain from which Psyche also has to bring water to Venus (Apul., _M._ vi, 13-14); and it is certain that in the original Psyche-story it was not the water of the Styx that was intended (as Apul. supposes, but of what use would that be?), but the water of the fountain of life in Hades. It is a _speaking_ fountain, _vocales aquae_ (Apul. vi, 14), and, in fact, precisely the same as that mentioned in a unique legend of Herakles given in [Justin.] ~pro\s He/llênas~ 3 (p. 636, 7, ed. Harnack, _Ber. Berl. Ak._ 1896); Herakles is called ~ho o/rê pêdê/sas~ (? ~_pidu/sas_~, "making it gush forth," would be more acceptable) ~hi/na la/bê| hu/dôr _e/narthron phônê\n apodido/n_~. Herakles makes the mountain gush forth by striking the speaking water out of the rock. This is exactly paralleled in the modern Greek stories given by Hahn, _Gr. u. alb. Märchen_, ii, p. 234; the Lamia who guards the water of life (~to\ atha/nato nero/~, the phrase often appears in these stories; cf. also Schmidt, _Griech. Märchen_, p. 233) "strikes with a hammer on the rock till it opens and she can draw the water of life". This is the same ancient fairy tale motif. The proper home of this water of life is probably the lower world, the world of either death or immortality, though this is not expressly stated in the Herakles legend nor in the fairy tale of Glaukos who discovered the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ (but probably also in the magic country of the West. Thus Alexander the Great finds the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ at the entrance to the ~maka/rôn chô/ra~ acc. to Ps.-Callisth. ii, 39 ff.; his story shows clear reminiscences of the Glaukos tale, its prototype, in c. 39 fin., 41, 2).--The Orphic (and Pythagorean) mythology of Hades (see above: chap. xi, n. 96; chap. xii, nn. 37-8; chap. vii, n. 21) then proceeded to make use of the folk-tale for their own purposes. In _Ep._ 658 the prayer also refers to the Orphic fable (_CIG._ 5772) ~psuchro\n hu/dôr doi/ê soi a/nax ene/rôn Aïdôneu/s~, and 719, 11, ~psuchê=| dipsô/sê| psuchro\n hu/dôr metado/s~. They mean: may you live on in complete consciousness. (The same thing in the negative: the dead man dwells ~ha/ma paisi\ theô=n kai\ lê/thês ouk e/pien liba/da~, 414, 10: {576} ~ouk e/pion Lê/thês Aïdôni/dos e/schaton hu/dôr~, so that I can perceive the mourning of the living for my loss, 204, 11. ~kai\ thnê/skôn ga\r e/chô no/on ou/tina baio/n~, 334, 5.--Poetical allusion in _AP._ vii, 346: ~su\ d' ei the/mis, en phthime/noisi tou= Lê/thês ep' emoi\ mê/ ti pi/ê|s hu/datos~.--Perhaps something of the sort already occurs in Pindar; see above, chap. xii, n. 37.)]

[152\15: ~eupsu/chei kuri/a kai\ doi/ê soi ho O/siris to\ psuchro\n hu/dôr~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1488; 1705; 1782; _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p. 201. (And once the line ~soi\ de\ Osei/ridos hagno\n hu/dôr Ei=sis chari/saito~, inscr. from Alexandria: _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p. 199.) ~eupsu/chei meta\ tou= Osei/ridos~, _I. Sic. et It._ 2098. The dead man is with Osiris, _Ep._ 414, 5. Osiris as lord in the world of the blessed: _defixio_ from Rome, _I. Sic. et It._ 1047; ~ho me/gas O/seiris ho e/chôn tê\n katexousi/an kai\ to\ basi/leion tô=n nerte/rôn theô=n~.--It appears that the legend of the fountain of Mnemosyne and its cold water was independently developed by the Greeks and then associated subsequently with the analogous Egyptian idea or brought into harmony with it (certainly not as e.g. Böttiger, _Kl. Schr._, thinks, originally belonging to the Egyptians alone and thence imported into Greece from Egypt). Egyptian Books of the dead often speak of the cool water that the dead enjoy (cf. Maspero, _Ét. de mythol. et d'arch. égypt._ 1893, 1, 366 f.), as well as of the water drawn from the Nile and preserving the youth of the dead man: Maspero, _Notices et Extraits_, 24, 1883, pp. 99-100. The formula, "may Osiris give you the cold water" (everlasting life), does not seem to occur on original Egyptian monuments. It is prob. therefore modelled by Egyptian Greeks on their own ancient Greek formula.--On Christian inss. we often have the formula: _spiritum tuum dominus_ (or _deus Christus_, or a holy martyr) _refrigeret_: see Kraus, _Realencykl. d. christl. Alterth._ s.v. _refrigerium_. This is probably, as has been frequently suggested, an imitation of the heathen formula, like so many features of early Christian burial usage.]

[153\15: On sarcophagi in Isauria the lion is sometimes represented on the lid with the inscr. describing the contents: ~ho dei=na zô=n kai\ phronô=n ane/thêken _heauto\n le/onta_ kai\ tê\n gunai=ka autou= prote/ran~, etc. On another sarcophagus: ~Lou/kios ane/stêse~ (three names) ~kai\ _heauto\n aeto\n_ kai\ A/mmoukin Babo/ou to\n pate/ra _aeto\n_ teimê=s cha/rin~, _American School at Athens_, iii, p. 26, 91-2. These expressions must refer to something quite different from the otherwise not uncommon practice of representing lions or eagles on graves. I can only explain them on the supposition that the dead persons represent themselves and the relatives named in the forms which had belonged to them in the mysteries of Mithras, in which lions and lionesses formed the fourth grade, and eagles, ~aetoi/~ (or ~hie/rakes~) the seventh (cf. Porph., _Abst._ iv, 16); these are elsewhere called ~pate/res~.]

[154\15: The soul of a dead son (who as it appears from ll. 1, 2, 6 ff. had been killed by a flash of lightning and therefore removed to a higher state of being [see Append. i]) appears by night to his mother and confirms her own assertion, ~ouk ê/mên broto/s~, _Ep._ 320. The soul of their daughter who has died ~a/ôros~ and ~athala/meutos~ appears to her parents on the ninth day (l. 35) after death, 372, 31 ff. (The ninth day marks the end of the first offerings to the dead: see above, chap. v, n. 84; cf. "Apparitions of the deceased occur most frequently on the ninth day after death": a German superstition mentioned by Grimm, 1812, n. 856.) It is significant that the daughter who thus appears in a vision has died unmarried. The ~a/gamoi~, like the ~a/ôroi~, do not find rest after death: see Append. vii and iii. The {577} soul of another unmarried maiden says distinctly that those like herself are especially able to appear in dreams: ~_êïthe/ois_ ga\r e/dôke theo\s meta\ moi=ran ole/thron hôs zô/ousi lalei=n pa=sin epichthoni/ois~, _Ep._ 325, 7-8.--It becomes more general, however, in 522, 12-13: ~sô/mata ga\r kate/luse Di/kê, psuchê\ de\ propa=sa atha/natos di' ho/lou~ (thus the stone, _Ath. Mitt._ xiv, 193) ~pôtôme/nê pa/nt' epakou/ei~ (cf. Eur., _Orest._ 667 ff.).]

[155\15: ~psuchê\ de\~--says his son and pupil to the dead physician Philadelphos--~ek rhethe/ôn ptame/nê meta\ dai/monas a/llous ê/luthe sê/, nai/es d' en maka/rôn dape/dô|, hi/lathi kai/ moi o/paze no/sôn a/kos, hôs to\ pa/roithen, nu=n ga\r theiote/rên moi=ran e/cheis bio/tou~, _Ep._ 243, 5 ff. (_Inscr. Perg._ ii, 576).]

[156\15: There is a striking conjunction of the most exalted hope and the most utter unbelief on a single stone: _Ep._ 261.]

[157\15: ~ei/ ge/ ti e/sti (este/) ka/tô~, _CIG._ 6442.--~kata\ gê=s ei/per chrêstoi=s ge/ras esti/n~, _Ep._ 48, 6; 63, 3. ~ei/ g' en phthime/noisi/ tis ai/sthêsis, te/knon, esti/n~--_Ep._ 700, 4. ~ei de/ ti/s esti no/os para\ Tarta/rô| ê\ para\ Lê/thê|~, 722, 5. ~ei ge/nos eusebe/ôn zô/ei meta\ te/rma bi/oio~, _AP._ vii, 673.--Cf. above, chap. xii, n. 17.]

[158\15: Call., _Epigr._ 15; _Ep._ 646; 646a (p. xv); 372, 1 ff.]

[159\15: ~hêmei=s de\ pa/ntes hoi ka/tô, tethnêko/tes, oste/a, te/phra gego/namen, a/llo d' oude\ he/n~, _Ep._ 646, 5 f.; cf. 298, 3-4. ~ek gai/as blastô\n gai=a pa/lin ge/gona~, 75 (third century B.C.); cf. 438; 311, 5: ~tou=th' ho/ pot' ô/n~ (the I that was once living has now become these things, viz.), ~stê/lê, tu/mbos, li/thos, eikô/n~. 513, 2, ~kei=tai anai/sthêtos hô/sper li/thos~ (cf. Thgn. 567 f.) ~êe\ si/dêros~. 551, 3, ~kei=tai li/thos hô/s, hê pa/nsophos, hê peri/bôtos~.]

[160\15: ~He/stêken me\n He/rôs~ (prob. on the monument) ~heu/dôn hu/pnon, en phthime/nois de\ ou po/thos, ou philo/tês e/sti katoichome/nois. all' ho thanô\n kei=tai pedi/ô| li/thos hoi=a pepêgô/s, eichô/rôn apalô=n sa/rkas aposkeda/sas--ex hu/datos kai\ gê=s kai\ pneu/matos~ (here evidently not in the Stoic sense, but simply = ~aê/r~) ~êa pa/roithen; alla\ thanô\n kei=mai pa=si~ (all the elements) ~ta\ pa/nt' apodou/s. pa=sin tou=to me/nei; ti/ de\ to\ ple/on? hoppo/then ê=lthen, eis tou=t' au=t' elu/thê sô=ma maraino/menon~ (inscr. in Bucharest; Gomperz, _Arch. epigr. Mitt. a. Oest._ vi, 30).]

[161\15: ~pneu=ma labô\n da/nos ourano/then tele/sas chro/non antape/dôka~, _Ep._ 613, 6. (This is a commonplace of popular philosophy: "life is only lent to man"; see Wyttenbach on Plu., _Cons. ad Apoll._ 106 F; Upton on Epict. 1, 1, 32 Schw.; cf. usura vitae _Anth. Lat. Ep._ ed. Bücheler, i, p. 90, n. 183.)]

[162\15: Epitaph from Amorgos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 176, which ends: ~to\ te/los ape/dôka~.]

[163\15: ~dai/môn ho pikro\s ktl.~, _Ep._ 127, 3 (cf. 59). ~asto/rgou moi=ra ki/chen thana/tou~, 146, 6. ~di/ssa de\ te/kna lipou=san ha pantoba/rês la/be m' Ha/idês, a/kriton a/storgon thêro\s e/chôn kradi/ên~ (Tyrrheion in Akarnania, _BCH._ 1886, p. 178).]

[164\15: ~pau/sasthai deinou= pe/nthous deinou= te kudoimou=; oude\n ga\r ple/on (PACIN~ the stone as stated) ~esti/, thano/nta ga\r oude/na~ (read ~oude\n~) ~egei/rei ktl.~, ins. from Larisa, _Ath. Mitt._ xi, 451. ~ei d' ê=n tou\s agathou\s ana/gein pa/lin~, ins. from Pherai, _BCH._ 1889, p. 404.]

[165\15: ~ou kako/s est' Ai/dês~--comfort being derived from the fact that death is "common". _Ep._ 256, 9-10; 282; 292, 6; 298.]

[166\15: ~eupsu/chei, te/knon, oudei\s atha/natos~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1531; 1536 (cf. 1743 ad fin.); 1997 and frequent; _CIG._ 4463; 4467 (Syria), ~eupsu/chei Atala/ntê, ho/sa genna=tai teleuta=|~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1832. ~kai\ ho Hêraklê=s ape/thanen~, 1806.--Even on Christian graves the formula is frequent: ~eupsu/chei (hê dei=na), oudei\s atha/natos~ (see Schultze, _Die Katakomben_, 251).] {578}

[167\15: ~ouk ê/mên, geno/mên, ouk e/som' ou me/kei moi; ho bi/os tau=ta~. _IG. Sic. et It._ 2190 (the original form of the ending is probably ~ouk e/somai; ti/ ple/on~; see Gomperz, _Arch. ep. Mitt. Oesterr._ vii, 149; _Ztschr. f. öst. Gymn._ 1879, p. 437); cf. _Ep._ 1117, ~ouk ê/mên, geno/mên, ê/mên, ouk eimi/; tosau=ta;~ (this _~tosau=ta~_, or more commonly _~tau=ta~_, is frequent in epitaphs as a formula of resignation--a summary of existence: "all life comes to nothing but this." See Loch, _Zu d. griech. Grabschr._ 289-95)--~ei de/ tis a/llo here/ei, pseu/setai; ouk e/somai~. _CIG._ 6265: ~eupsuchô=, ho/stis ouk ê/mên kai\ egeno/mên, ou/k eimi kai\ ou lupou=mai~ (cf. also _Ep._ 502, 15; 646, 14; _AP._ vii, 339, 5-6; x, 118, 3-4). Frequent also in a Latin form: Non eris, nec fuisti, Sen., _Epist._ 77, 11 (see above, chap. xiv, pt. i, n. 68). Ausonius, p. 252, ed. Schenkl (ex sepulchro latinae viae): nec sum nec fueram; genitus tamen e nihilo sum. mitte nec explores singula, talis eris (probably this is how it should be read); cf. _CIL._ ii, 1434; v, 1813, 1939, 2893; viii, 2885, etc.; Bücheler, _Carm. lat. epigr._ i, p. 116.]

[168\15: ~gnou\s hôs thnatoi=s oude\n glukerô/teron auga=s zê=thi~, _Ep._ 560, 7. Coarser admonitions to enjoy the passing hour, _CIG._ 3846 (iii, p. 1070). _Ep._ 362, 5. ~pai=son, tru/phêson, zê=son; apothanei=n se dei=~, 439, 480a, 7. An ins. from Saloniki, second century A.D., _Ath. Mitt._ 1896, p. 99, concludes--~ho bi/os hou=tos. ti/ stê/hkeis anthrôpe? tau=ta ble/pôn UPALOUSOU (_apo/lauson_~? Or ~_apolau/ou_~?).]

[169\15: ~ei kai\ . . . phrou=don sô=ma . . . all' areta\ biota=s aie\n zôoi=si me/testi, psucha=s manu/ous' eukle/a sôphrosu/nên~, _Ep._ 560, 10 ff. ~sô=ma me\n entha/d' e/chei so/n, Di/phile, gai=a thano/ntos, mnê=ma de\ sê=s e/lipes pa=si dikaiosu/nês~ (and elsewhere with variations): _Ep._ 56-8. Or only: . . ~te/lesen de\ kai\ essome/noisi noê=sai stê/lên~, _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 263, 3 (Thessaly). Homeric: see above, chap. i, n. 88, and cf. ~sa=ma toz' Idameneu\s poi/êsa hi/na kle/ôs ei/ê . . .~ ancient inscr. from Rhodos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 112, 243 (_IGM. Aeg._ i, n. 737).]