Chapter IX: Dionysiac Religion in Greece (2)

Thus, the ascetic ideal was not absent even from Greece. It remained, however--in spite of the influence it had in some quarters--always a foreign thing in Greece, having its obscure home among sects of spiritualistic enthusiasts, and regarded in contrast with the normal and ruling view of life, as a paradox, {303} almost a heresy. The official religion itself is not entirely without the seeds of an ascetic system of morality; but the ascetic ideal, fully developed and distinguished from the simple and normal religious attitude, was in Greece found only among minorities who cut themselves off in closed and exclusive conventicles of a theological or philosophical temper. The "Wise Men" as idealized in the legends of Abaris. Epimenides, etc., were as individuals not far removed from the ideal of asceticism. Nor was it long before the attempt was made to use these ideals as the basis on which to found a society.

NOTES TO CHAPTER IX

[1\9: We may safely take it for granted that ~Dio/nusos~ is the _Greek_ name of the god, though a completely convincing etymology for the word has yet to be found. Recent attempts to derive it from the Thracian language are not very convincing. (Tomaschek, _Sitzber. Wien. Ak._ 130, 41; Kretschmer, _Aus der Anomia_, 22 f.; _Einl._ 241.) Acc. to Kretschmer a Thracian origin for the name is proved by the appearance of the form ~Deo/nuso~--on inss. found in a few Greek towns surrounded by Thracian influences, e.g. Abdera, Maroneia. Acc. to him the transition from ~i~ to ~e~ before a vowel is regular in Thrako-Phrygian, while on the other hand "it is completely incompatible with all the laws of Greek phonetics". Others have disagreed with this view, e.g. G. Curtius, certainly an _auctor probabilis_, to whom the occasional appearance of the transition from ~i~ to ~e~ before a vowel (side by side with the much commoner reverse process) seemed quite compatible with the laws of Greek phonetics. He even counted ~Dio/nusos--Deu/nusos~ (Anakreon) among the examples of this vowel change within the limits of the Greek language (_Gr. Etym._^5, p. 608 f.). At any rate ~Ea/sôn = Ia/sôn~, and ~patroue/an = patrôi/an~ are certain cases of it (see Meister, _Gr. Dial._ i, 294; G. Meyer, _Gr. Gramm._^2, p. 162). Kretschmer himself, _Einl._ 225, supplies ~Asklêpeo/dôros, Dei/ = Dii/~. To account for these forms he postulates the influence of Thracian surroundings on Greek pronunciation; but in the case of such a purely Greek word as ~Asklêpio/dôros~ the Thracian influence must have been a _secondary_ phenomenon operating to cause the alteration of the old [=i][=o] into [=e][=o]. Why should we not use the same explanation in accounting for the change from ~Dio/nusos~ to ~Deo/nusos~ and (_if_ Thracian influence is to be presumed--by no means probable in view of the statement of _EM._ 259, 30, ~Deo/nusos, hou/tô ga\r _Sa/mioi_ prophe/rousin~) say that this Thracian influence was a secondary one acting upon the original _Greek_ form of the name ~Dio/nusos~?--It is evident that the ancients had no idea that ~Dio/nusos (Diô/nusos, Dio/nnusos)~ was the indigenous name of the Thracian god, for they would in that case have said so without hesitation. They derived the conception, figure, and cult of the god from Thrace but not this particular name, which they regularly regard as the Greek name of the daimon whom the Thracians spoke of as ~Saba/zios~ or otherwise. (So too Hdt. regards ~Dio/nusos~ as the Greek name of the god whose essential nature is Egyptian.) This is by no means without importance; on the contrary, it provides cogent reason for doubting the (otherwise insecurely founded) derivation of the name from the Thracian.]

[2\9: The women in Boeotia ~entheô/tata ema/nêsan~ (cf. Eur., _Ba._). ~tai=s Lakedaimoni/ôn gunaixi\n ene/pese/ tis oi=stros bakchiko\s kai\ tai=s tô=n Chi/ôn~, Ael., _VH._ iii, 42. Hdt. ix, 34, speaks inclusively of the madness of the women in Argos (~tô=n en A/rgeï gunaikô=n maneise/ôn~), where others speak only of the frenzy attacking the daughters of Proitos. Neither is incompatible with the other; they simply represent two different stages of the story. The ~mai/nesthai~ which attacks the entire female population is not (as later accounts generally make out) the punishment sent by Dionysos: it is simply another way of expressing the general acceptance of his worship which essentially consisted in {305} ~mai/nesthai (= bakcheu/ein~ in Ant. Lib. 10). The ~mai/nesthai~ of individual women who try to resist the contagious enthusiasm of the Dionysiac revelry going on around them (e.g. the daughters of Eleuther: Suid. ~melanaig. Di/on.~) is, however, a punishment sent by the angry god when it leads them to murder their own children.--The regular and widespread "mania" of the newly introduced cult of Dionysos is referred to also by D.S. 4, 68, 4; [Apollod.] 2, 2, 2, 5; Paus. 2, 18, 4; cf. also Nonn., _D._ 47, 481 ff.]

[3\9: Resistance of Perseus to Dionysos who in this account arrives with the Mainads from the islands of the Aegean Sea (so Paus.); victory of Perseus, followed, however, by a reconciliation with the god whose worship is established and a temple built for Dionysos Kresios: Paus. 2, 20, 4; 22, 1; 23, 7-8. So, too, Nonn., _D._ 47, 475-741; [Apollod.] 3, 5, 2, 3; Sch. V., ~X~ 319; cf. Meineke, _An. Alex._ 51. (Dionysos is slain in the war with Perseus: Dinarchos "the poet" ap. Eus., _Chr._ ii, pp. 44-5 Sch. = an. 718 Abr.; Lob., _Agl._ 537 f.).--Lykourgos does not properly belong to this series: his legend, as told by [Apollod.] 3, 5, 1 (apparently following the direction given to it by Aesch.), is a late transformation of the story preserved by Homer, in which stories of Pentheus or the Minyads or the Proitides are imitated.]

[4\9: This is esp. clear in the legend dealing with Orchomenos; cf. the account in Plu., _Q.Gr._ 38, p. 293 D. It is very probable that the other stories, too, were founded upon sacrificial ritual; cf. Welcker, _Gr. Götterl._ i, 444 ff.]

[5\9: Cf. also Sch. Ar., _Ach._ 243.]

[6\9: Cf. Eur., _Ba._ 217 ff., 487, 32 ff. The daughters of Minyas ~epo/thoun tou\s game/tas~ (see Perizon. ad loc.) ~kai\ dia\ tou=to ouk ege/nonto tô=| theô=| maina/des~, Ael., _VH._ iii, 42. Throughout all these legends the contrast between Dionysos and Hera, who is the patroness of marriage, is very marked.]

[7\9: ~orsigu/naika Di/onuson~--unknown poet ap. Plu., _Exil._ 17, p. 607 C; _Smp._ 4, 6, 1, p. 671 C; _E_ ap. _D._ 9, 389 B. ~hi/lathi, eiraphiô=ta, gunaimane/s~, _h. Hom._ 34, 17.]

[8\9: Like an infection or a conflagration. ~ê/dê to/d' eggu\s hô/ste pu=r epha/ptetai hu/brisma Bakchou=, pso/gos es He/llênas me/gas~, Pentheus in E., _Ba._ 778.]

[9\9: See the accounts reported ap. Hecker, _Epidemics of the M.A._, pp. 88, 153 Babington, esp. those of Petrus de Herental (ap. Steph. Baluz., _Vit. Pap. Avinion._ i, 483): quaedam nomina daemoniorum appellabant. The dancer cernit Mariae filium et caelum apertum.--"The masters of the Holy Scripture who exorcized the dancers regarded them as being possessed by the devil." (Limburg Chronicle; see _Mon. Germ., Chron._ iv, 1, ed. Tilemann: p. 64, ed. Wyss.)]

[10\9: Details given by Weniger, _Dionysosdienst in Elis_, p. 8 (1883).]

[11\9: At Delphi there was a festival called ~hêrôï/s~ in which the Dionysiac _Thyiades_ took part; a ~Seme/lês anagôgê/~ was the chief feature of the ~drô/mena phanerô=s~ (Plu., _Q.Gr._ 12). The name ~hêrôï/s~ points to a general festival of the dead (cf. Voigt in Roscher's _Lex._ i, 1048); for another general festival of "Heroes" at Delphi see chap. iv, n. 82. At Athens the great festival of the dead, the Choes and Chytrai (chap. v, p. 168) formed part of the Anthesteria. It is precisely in these ~archaio/tera Dionu/sia~ (Thuc. ii, 15, 4) that Dionysos appears as he was in primitive belief, the "master of the souls". Thus, too, in Argos one of the most ancient seats of the worship of Dionysos, the Dionysiac festival of the Agriania was at the same time a festival {306} of the dead, ~neku/sia~: Hsch., ~agria/nia~ (it was specially ~epi\ mia=| tô=n Proi/tou thugate/rôn~ [Iphinoë: Apollod. 2, 22, 8], Hsch. s.v.: even so it was a festival of the dead).--In Plu., _E ap. D._ 9, 389 A, in view of the hopeless confusion shown by Plutarch in that chapter between Delphic cult-procedure and the opinions of certain unspecified ~theolo/goi~, it is unfortunately impossible to say with certainty whether it is the Delphians who ~Dio/nuson kai\ Zagre/a kai\ Nukte/lion kai\ Isodai/tên onoma/zousin~ or whether this only applies to the ~theolo/goi~ (in which case they are probably Orphics).]

[12\9: The _Agrionia_ to the "savage" god (~ômêstê\s kai\ agriô/nios~ as contrasted with the ~charido/tês kai\ meili/chios~, Plu., _Ant._ 24) were celebrated in Thebes and Argos. ~agriô/nia kai\ nukte/lia hô=n ta\ polla\ dia\ sko/tous dra=tai~ are opposed to the ~olu/mpia hiera/~, by Plu., _QR._ 112, p. 291 A. Bacchic din, ~pso/phos~, at the ~nukte/lia~, Plu., _Smp._ 4, 6, p. 672 A.--Temple of D. ~Nukte/lios~ at Megara: Paus. 1, 40, 6. Nocturnal festivities (~nu/ktôr ta\ polla\~, Eur., _Ba._ 486) at the Dionysia at Lerna = Paus. 2, 37, 6, at the festival of ~Dio/nusos Lamptê/r~ in Pellone: Paus. 7, 27, 3. ~o/rgia~ of D. at Melangeia in Arcadia 8, 6, 5; at Heraia 8, 26, 1. The orgiastic cult of D. seems to have been preserved particularly in Sparta. We hear of the ~oi=stros bakchiko/s~ that once attacked the women of Sparta from Aelian, _VH._ iii, 42; some lines of Alkman (_fr._ 34) allude to the fanatical Bacchic revels on the mountain tops (quite misunderstood by Welcker, _Kl. Schr._ iv, 49). It became proverbial: virginibus bacchata Lacaenis Taygeta, Vg., _G._ ii, 487. A special word is applied to the Bacchic fury of these Spartan Mainads: ~du/smainai~ (Philarg. on Vg., _G._ ii, 487; Hsch. s.v.; Meineke, _An. Alex._ 360). In view of these ecstatic mountain-revels we need not be surprised at the prohibition of drunken roaming about the city and countryside, of which Pl., _Lg._ 637 AB speaks.]

[13\9: Welcker, _Gr. Götterl._ i, 444.--But human sacrifice in the Thracian worship of D. is nevertheless suggested by the remarkable story of Porph. (_Abs._ ii, 8) about the ~Ba/ssaroi~ (whom he seems to take for a Thracian tribe.]

[14\9: Clem. Al., Arn., Firm. all speak of the ~ômophagi/a~ of the Bakchai as a still-prevailing cult-practice. Bernays, _Heraklit. Briefe_, 73. Galen, too, speaks in the same way of the tearing in pieces of snakes at the Bacchic festivals (quoted Lob., _Agl._ 271 a; to snare vipers ~ka/llisto/s esti kairo/s, ho\n kai\ auto\s ho Andro/machos~ (79 ff. of his poem) ~edê/lôsen, hêni/ka kai\ hoi tô=| Dionu/sô| bakcheu/ontes eiô/thasi diaspa=n ta\s echi/dnas, pauome/nou me\n tou= hê=ros ou/pô d' êrgme/nou tou= the/rous~ (_Antid._ i, 8 = xiv, p. 45 K.). ~hêni/ka--echi/dnas~ are Gal.'s words not Andromachos'. Cf. also Prud., _Sym._ i, 130 ff.]

[15\9: We need only recall the remarkable story of Hdt. (iv, 79) about the Scythian king who in Borysthenes was initiated into the mysteries of Dionysos Bakcheios ~ho\s mai/nesthai ena/gei anthrô/pous~. His Scythian subjects took exception to this. For them the religion was specifically Greek, A Borysthenite says to the Scythians: ~hêmô=n ga\r katagela=te, ô= Sku/thai, ho/ti bakcheu/omen kai\ hêma=s ho theo\s _lamba/nei_. nu=n hou=tos ho dai/môn kai\ to\n hume/teron basile/a lela/bêke kai\ bakcheu/ei kai\ hupo\ tou= theou= _mai/netai_.~]

[16\9: Cf. the remarkable account given by Plu., _Mul. Virt._ 11, p. 249 B; _fr. de An._ ap. Gell. 15, 10; Polyaen. 8, 63; and Lucian in _H.Conscr._ (25), 1.]

[17\9: Of a different description are the attacks of temporary insanity accompanied by similar features but not religious in complexion described by Aretaeus, p. 82 K., and Gal. vii, pp. 60-1 K. (the case of Theophilos).] {307}

[18\9: Phenomena of ~korubantiasmo/s~: hearing the sound of flutes Pl., _Crit._ 54 D, Max. T., _Diss._ 38, 2, p. 220 R.; cf. Cic., _Div._ i, 114; seeing ~phantasi/ai~, D.H., _Dem._ 22. It is this waking dream-condition, a condition related to hypnosis, which Pliny probably means: patentibus oculis dormiunt multi homines, quos corybantiare Graeci dicunt, _NH._ xi, 147. Excitement, beating heart, weeping: Pl., _Smp._ 215 E. Maddened dance: ~hoi korubantiô=ntes ouk e/mphrones o/ntes orchou=ntai~, _Ion_, 534 A. "Sober drunkenness" ~me/thê nêpha/lios~ of the ~korub.~, Philo, _Mund. Op._ 23, i, p. 16 M.--The name shows that those attacked by the disease were regarded as "possessed" by the Korybantes. ~korubantia=n to\ Koru/basi kate/chesthai~, Sch. Ar., _V._ 9. The Korybantes ~mani/as kai\ entheiasmou= eisin empoiêtikoi/~, ib. 8. ~e/ntheos ek semnô=n Koruba/ntôn~, E., _Hip._ 142; Sch. ad loc.: ~Koru/bantes mani/as ai/tioi. e/nthen kai\ koruba/ntia=n~.--Arrian gives an unusually good account of the Korybantic frenzy of the Phrygians in a little noticed passage ap. Eust. on D.P. 809: ~mai/nontai tê=| Rhe/a| kai\ pro\s Koruba/ntôn kate/chontai, ê/goun korubantiô=si daimonô=ntes~ (i.e. possessed by the ~dai/môn~, see Usener, _Götternamen_, 293). ~ho/tan de\ kata/schê| autou\s to\ thei=on, elauno/menoi kai\ me/ga boô=ntes kai\ orchou/menoi prothespi/zousi ta\ me/llonta, theophorou/menoi kai\ maino/menoi~. The complete similarity between this condition and that of the Bacchic worship is sufficiently obvious.]

[19\9: Use of dance and music to cure those who are attacked by Korybantic excitement: Pl., _Lg._ 790 DE, 791 A. More especially the melodies for the flute composed by Olympos, being ~thei=a~, were able to discover and cure those liable to Korybantic _ekstasis_ (by means of the _inspiring_ effect which they had on such persons). This is shown particularly by a passage in Plato (_Smp._ 215 C-E); where it is evident that the ~korubantiô=ntes~ of 215 E are not to be distinguished from the ~theô=n kai\ teletô=n deo/menoi~ of 215 C (C states the general rule of which E is a particular application). This homoeopathic cure of the ~korubantiô=ntes~ by the intensification and subsequent discharge of the disorder is implied in all that we hear of the character of the Phrygian mode as ~enthousiastikê/~ and of the ~me/lê Olu/mpou~ as exciting the souls of men to "_enthousiasmos_"; Arist., _Pol._ 1340b, 4, 5, 1342b, 1 ff., 1340a, 8; [Pl.], _Min._ 318 B; Cic., _Div._ i, 114. The ~korubantiô=ntes~ are also meant in Arist., _Pol._ 8, 7, 1342a, 7 ff ~. . . kai\ ga\r hupo\ tau/tês tê=s kinê/seôs~ (i.e. ~tou= enthousiasmou=) katakô/chimoi/ tine/s eisin; ek de\ tô=n hierô=n melô=n horô=men tou/tous, ho/tan chrê/sôntai toi=s orgia/zousi tê\n psuchê\n me/lesi, kathistame/nous hô/sper iatrei/as tucho/ntas kai\ katha/rseôs~. Plato's analysis (_Lg._ 790 D ff.) is exactly parallel: the cure for the ~manikai\ diathe/seis~ of the Korybantic patients is ~ouch hêsuchi/a alla\ tounanti/on ki/nêsis~, whereby they are assisted to regain their ~he/xeis e/mphrones~. (It is from this religio-musical procedure and not from strictly medical experience or practice that Aristotle, taking a hint from Plato, _Rp._ 606, derived his idea of the ~ka/tharsis tô=n pathêma/tôn~ by violent discharge of the emotions and transferred it to tragedy--not, as in the explanation to which some have recently returned, by a tranquilization of the emotions in "a final reconciliation".) This ~ka/tharsis~ and ~iatrei/a~ of the ~korubantiô=ntes~ is the object of the initiation ceremony of the Korybantes (whose true ~ba/kchoi~ are the ~korubantiô=ntes~, i.e. the worshippers who are in need of and capable of cure; of the ~Koruba/ntôn mustê/ria~ which are held ~epi\ katharmô=| tê=s mani/as~ (Sch. Ar., _V._ 119-20, ~ekoruba/ntize~); cf. the ~teletê\ tô=n Koruba/ntôn~ (Pl., _Euthd._ 277 D, including ~_thro/nôsis_~: D. Chr. 12, p. 388 R., § 33 Arn.; Lob., _Agl._ 116, 369. There is a parody of ~thro/nôsis~ in the initiation scene of Ar., _Nub._ 254, where Streps. sits ~epi\ to\n hiero\n ski/mpoda. tethronisme/nos toi=s theoi=s~ = initiated {308} in _P. Mag. Lond._ 747 f. = Kenyon, _Greek Papyri in B.M._ i, p. 108); and cf. the ~mêtrô=|a kai\ korubantika\ te/lê~: D.H., _Dem._ 22. At the initiation ceremony (~korubantismo/s; ka/tharsis mani/as~ Hsch.) held in the ~Korubantei=on~ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 375, 15 Lentz; _App. Prov._ ii, 23) the famous music of "inspiration" was played; there was also ~chorei/a~ (Pl. _Euthd._), ~ê=choi~ e.g. the sound of ~tu/mpana~ (Ar., _Ves._ 120 f.; Luc. _DD._ 12, 1), and also it appears incense-burning: ~osmai/~, D.H., _Dem._ 22; cf. above, chap. viii, n. 39. All these stimulants intensified the pathological tendency of the ~korubantiô=ntes~ and gave them relief by the violent discharge of their emotions.--There is no need to doubt the actual occurrence of such pathological states and their medical treatment by music, etc. It was clearly the same type of psychopathical malady that invaded Italy in the Middle Ages under the name of Tarantism, repeating its attacks for several centuries; in this case, too, music (and even the sound of a particular melody) served both to excite and eventually to cure the violent dance-mania; cf. Hecker 172, 176 ff.--There seems to be a fabulous element in other stories current in antiquity about the cure of madness, love-passions, and even sciatica by the music of the flute (Pythagoras, Empedokles, Damon, Thphr. _fr._ 87). Such belief in the curative powers of music, esp. of the flute, seems to have been derived originally from actual experience of the ~katha/rseis~ practised in Korybantic festivals, and then to have been exaggerated into a fable. Even doctors had no doubt that ~mani/a~ was curable by the _cantiones tibiarum_; see Cael. Aur., _Morb. Chr._ i, 5, 175, 178 (Asklepiades); Cael. Aur. (i.e. Soranos), ib. 176, however, denies it. It depended entirely upon the theory, originally derived from ~korubantismo/s~, of cure by intensification and discharge of the emotional state.]

[20\9: ~ô= ma/kar ho/stis . . . thiaseu/etai psucha/n, en o/ressi bakcheu/ôn, hosi/ois _katharmoi=sin_~, E., _Ba._ 72 ff.--dicunt sacra Liberi ad purgationem animae pertinere Serv. on Vg., _G._ ii, 389; cf. also on _A._ vi, 741.]

[21\9: ~Dio/nusos _lu/sios_~ (like ~D. meili/chios eleuthereu/s~ and ~saô/tês~) is rightly taken as the "freer from orgiastic frenzy" (and not in the ordinary political sense) by Klausen, _Orpheus_, p. 26 [Ersch-Gruber] and Voigt in Roscher's _Lex._ i, 1062. That this is the proper meaning of ~lu/sios~ is shown by its being contrasted with ~bakchei=os~, which by common consent means the god ~ho\s mai/nesthai ena/gei anthrô/pous~ (Hdt.); e.g. in Korinth, Paus. 2, 2, 6; Sikyon, Paus. 2, 7, 5-6. And ~D. bakcheu/s~ and ~meili/chios~ in Naxos, _Ath._ iii, 78 C.]

[22\9: In the ~kata/logos gunaikô=n~ as it seems; _fr._ 54 Rz. But perhaps also in the _Melampodia_ (_fr._ 184 Kink.).]

[23\9: ~ema/nêsan, hôs Hêsi/odo/s phêsin, ho/ti ta\s Dionu/sou teleta\s ou katede/chonto~. [Apollod.] 2, 2, 2, 2, and cf. 1, 9, 12, 8. The same story (only with the name Anaxagoras substituted for that of his grandfather Proitos--doubtless on chronological grounds) with the words ~ta\s Argei/as gunai=kas manei/sas dia\ tê\n Dionu/sou mê=nin~: D.S. 4, 68, 4. (~mani/a~--in the reign of Anaxagoras--Paus. 2, 18, 4; Eust., on _B_ 568, p. 288, 28).--Otherwise, it is generally Hera who sends the ~mani/a~ Akousil. ap. [Apollod.] 2, 2, 2, 2 [_fr._ 14 Diels]. Pherekyd. ap. Sch. on ~o~ 225. Probus and Serv. on _Ecl._ vi, 48. This is a later version of the legend depending upon a different interpretation of the "insanity".]

[24\9: [Apollod.] 2, 2, 2. Acc. to Hdt. ix, 34, the treatment of Melamp. was applied generally to all the ~Argei=ai gunai=kes~ (who acc. to [Apollod.] § 5, were also attacked by the madness); cf. D.S. 4, 68, 4. (~. . . ta\s Argei/as ê\ hô/s tines ma=llo/n phasi, ta\s Proiti/das~ Eustath. ~kata\ tê\n histori/an~). ~therapeu/ein~ is D.S.' word; ~eka/thêren~, Sch. Pi., _N._ ix, 30; _purgavit_ Serv.] {309}

[25\9: ~Mela/mpous paralabô\n tou\s dunatôta/tous tô=n neaniô=n _met' alalagmou= kai/ tinos enthe/ou chorei/as_ ek tô=n orô=n auta\s es Sikuô=na sunedi/ôxe~ (i.e. the frenzied women who had eventually become very numerous: § 5, 6) [Apollod.] 2, 2, 2, 7. The account in Pl., _Phdr._ 244 D, E, corresponds closely with the proceedings of Melampous and perhaps refers to them: ~alla\ mê\n no/sôn ge kai\ po/nôn tô=n megi/stôn, ha\ dê\ palaiô=n ek mênima/tôn pothe\n e/n tisi tô=n genô=n hê mani/a eggenome/nê kai\ prophêteu/sasa hoi=s e/dei apallagê\n heu/reto, kataphugou=sa pro\s theô=n eucha/s te kai\ latrei/as, ho/then dê\ _katharmô=n_ te kai\ teletô=n tuchou=sa exa/ntê epoi/êse to\n heautê=s e/chonta pro/s te to\n paro/nta kai\ to\n e/peita chro/non, lu/sin tô=| orthô=s _mane/nti kai\ kataschome/nô|_ tô=n paro/ntôn kakô=n heurome/nê~. This is a description of the remedial methods used in the Bacchic and Korybantic _enthousiasmos_ but applied to special circumstances of the mythical past which are regarded as the standard of all later kathartic methods.]

[26\9: ~katharmoi/~ [Apollod.] § 8. The regular kathartic materials are ~ski/lla, **a/sphaltos~, water, etc.; Diphilus, _fr._ 126 K., employs them all for his own purpose, ap. Clem. Al., _Str._ vii, p. 844 P. The black hellebore (~elle/boros me/las~) was popularly known as ~melampo/dion~ because Melampous had first gathered and employed it for the purpose (Thphr., _HP._ 9, 10, 4), esp. when he cured and purified the ~Proi/tou thugate/ras manei/sas~ (Gal., _Atrabile_ 7 = v, p. 132 K.; it can only be by mistake that he calls it the white hellebore; cf. also Diosc. 4, 149, where the old ~kathartê/s~ becomes ~Mela/mpous tis aipo/los~ [hence Plin., _NH._ 25, 47]; the reason may be elicited from Thphr., _HP._ 9, 10, 2). The place where the ~katharmoi/~ took place and where the ~katha/rsia~ were thrown away differed acc. to the natural features of the locality and the convenience they offered: thus in Arcadia it was at Lousoi, in Elis at the river Anigros, etc.; Ov., _M._ xv, 322 ff.; Vitr. 8, 3, 21; Paus. 5, 5, 10; 8, 18, 7-8; cf. Call., _H. Art._ 233 f.; Str. 346, etc.]

[27\9: Melampous ~He/llêsin ho exêgêsa/menos tou= Dionu/sou to/ te ou/noma kai\ tê\n thusi/ên kai\ tê\n pompê\n tou= phallou=~, Hdt. ii, 49. Hdt.'s elaborate theory in this passage of a connexion between Mel. and Egypt, etc., is of course historically quite worthless, but the fact that he pitched upon Melamp. especially as the introducer of the Dionysiac religion can only have been due to the existence of ancient tradition (i.e. legendary tradition of course). There can be no doubt that he, like Hesiod, regarded as _Dionysiac_ the frenzy in which the Argive women were said ~manê=nai~ and to have been healed by Melamp. (ix, 34).]

[28\9: ~Mela/mpous phi/ltatos ô\n Apo/llôni~, Hes., _Eoiai_, (168 Rz.) ap. Sch. A.R. i, 118. ~phi/los Apo/llôni~, D.S, 6, 7, 7 Dind. The poet of the family tree of the Melampodidai given in ~o~ 244 ff. undoubtedly regarded Melamp. as an Apolline ~ma/ntis~ (like all ~ma/nteis~ in Homer). This poet at least knows nothing of the Dionysiac side of Melampous' activities. How Mel. met Apollo on the banks of the Alphaios and from him received his consecration as true ~ma/ntis~, we learn from [Apollod.] 1, 9, 11, 3. The same is said of Polypheides, a descendant of Mel. ~o~ 252: ~auta\r hupe/rthumon Poluphei/dea ma/ntin Apo/llôn thê=ke brotô=n o/ch' a/riston, epei\ tha/nen Amphia/ros~. Another descendant of Melamp., Polyeidos, comes to Megara to purify Alkathoös from the murder of his son, and founds there a temple of _Dionysos_: Paus. 1, 43, 4.]

[29\9: See above, chap. iii, n. 32.]

[30\9: Plu., _Is. et O._ 35, p. 365 A. Sacrifice made by Agamemnon to Dionysos ~en muchoi=s Delphini/ou par' a/ntra kerdô/|ou theou=~, Lyc. 207 ff.]

[31\9: Plu., _E ap. D._ ix, p. 388 F. Three winter months were sacred to Dionysos (cf. the three chief Dionysiac festivals at Athens which {310} occurred in the months Gamelion, Anthesterion, Elaphebolion). Only during these three months is the god on earth. So, too, Kore shared her rule over the underworld with Aïdoneus for three months (or six); the rest of the year she is on earth ~para\ mêtri\ kai\ a/llois athana/toisi~.]

[32\9: ~Dionu/sô| tô=n Delphô=n oude\n hê=tton ê\ tô=| Apo/llôni me/testin~, Plu., _E ap. D._ ix, 384 D.]

[33\9: ~ta\ de\ nephô=n te/ estin anôte/rô ta\ a/kra (tou= Parnasou=), kai\ hai Thuia/des epi\ tou/tois tô=| Dionu/sô| _kai\ tô=| Apo/llôni_ mai/nontai~, Paus. 10, 32, 7. Parnasus gemino petit aethera colle, mons Phoebo Bromioque sacer, cui numine mixto Delphica Thebanae referunt trieterica Bacchae, Luc., v, 72 ff. We hear of a Delphos the son of Apollo and Thyia the first priestess and Mainad of Dionysos at Delphi: Paus. 10, 6, 4.]

[34\9: Apollo himself in an oracular command ~Puthia/sin pentetê/roisin . . . e/taxe Ba/kchou thusi/an chorô=n te pollô=n kukli/an a/millan~; so says Philodamos of Skarpheia in the Paian (second half fourth century B.C.) _BCH._ 1895, p. 408. We must suppose, too, that this command (i.e. decree of the Delphic priesthood) was actually carried out.]

[35\9: ~Delphoi\ de\ diplê=| prosêgori/a| timô=sin (se/~, i.e. Apollo), ~Apo/llôna kai\ Dio/nuson le/gontes~, Men. Rhet., p. 446, 5 Sp.]

[36\9: _Arg._, Sch. Pi., _P._, p. 297, Böckh [p. 2, 5 ff. Drch.]: ~. . . tou= prophêtikou= tri/podos~ (in Delphi) ~en hô=| prô=tos Dio/nusos ethemi/steuse~. And again ~. . da/ktulon~ (a part of the ~no/mos Puthiko/s) apo\ Dionu/sou, ho/ti prô=tos hou=tos dokei= apo\ tou= tri/podos themisteu=sai~. As it has been previously said that at the Delphic ~mantei=on _prô/tê_ Nu\x echrêsmô/|dêsen~, Dionysos seems to be here regarded as ~pro/mantis~ of Nyx. Thus, at Megara there was a temple of ~Dio/nusos Nukte/lios~ in the immediate neighbourhood of, and in all probability closely associated with a ~Nukto\s mantei=on~: Paus. 1, 40, 6.]

[37\9: Paus. 1, 2, 5; Ribbeck, _Anf. d. Dionysoscult in Att._, p. 8 (1869); cf. Dem. 21, 52. Regulation of a festival of Dionysos in Kolone by the Oracle: Paus. 3, 13, 7; in Alea, Paus. 8, 23, 1 (at which women were scourged, a substitution for primitive human sacrifice, as at the ~diamasti/gôsis~ in Sparta, of which Paus. is reminded). Introduction of the worship of ~Dio/nusos Phallê/n~ at Methymna by the oracle: Paus. 10, 19, 3.--At Magnesia on the Maeander a plane-tree split by a storm revealed a statue of Dionysos (a true ~Dio/nusos e/ndendros~). The Delphic oracle commanded the ambassadors sent by the city to build a temple to Dionysos (who had hitherto been without one in Magnesia and put a priest in charge of it; then, for the institution of the cult they were to introduce from Thebes Mainads of the family of Ino: ~Maina/das hai\ geneê=s Einou=s a/po Kadmêei/ês~. (The cult of Dionysos was evidently traditional at Thebes in this family which traced its descent from Ino, the foster-mother of Dionysos.) The three Mainads obtained from Thebes (called Kosko, Baubo, and Thettale instituted the cult of the god and founded three ~thi/asoi~ arranged according to locality (there were three ~thi/asoi~ in Thebes, too, E., _Ba._ 680 ff.). They themselves remained in Magnesia till their death and were buried with great ceremony by the city, Kosko on the "Hill of Kosko", Baubo ~en Taba/rnei~, Thettale ~pro\s tô=| the/atrô|~. See the ~archai=os chrêsmo/s~ with explanatory notes in prose, restored by ~Apollô/neios Moko/llês, archai=os mu/stês~ (of Dionysos): _Ath. Mitth._ 15 (1890), p. 331 f.]

[38\9: See Rapp, _Rhein. Mus._ 27. In spite of his quite correct emphasis in general upon the ritual and purely formal character of this sacred embassy and the dance-festival that followed, Rapp makes the mistake of underestimating the ecstatic side of the Dionysiac festivals--a side {311} which was once predominant and was always liable to recur. (If this element had not been real there would have been no need for a symbolical ritualistic imitation of such ~e/kstasis~). How even in later times a true ekstasis and self-forgetfulness seized upon the Thyiades in their sacred night-festivals and in consequence of the numerous stimulating influences of the occasion, we can learn very clearly from Plutarch's description of the Thyiads who wandered in their frenzy to Amphissa (_Mul. Virt._ 13, 249 E). Rapp., p. 22, tries in vain to upset the historical value of this account. Other points have already been mentioned incidentally.]

[39\9: ~hê\n dia\ mantosu/nên tê\n hoi= po/re Phoi=bos Apo/llôn~ ~A~ 72.]

[40\9: ~to\ a/technon kai\ adi/dakton (tê=s mantikê=s) toute/stin enu/pnia kai\ enthousiasmou/s~ [Plu.] _Vit. Poes. Hom._ ii, 212. The only form known to Homer is ~hê tô=n _emphro/nôn_ zê/têsis tou= me/llontos dia/ te orni/thôn poioume/nê kai\ tô=n a/llôn sêmei/ôn~ (Pl., _Phdr._ 244 C).]

[41\9: The Ps.-Plutarch of the last note does, however, find in Theoklymenos' position among the suitors, ~u~ 345-57 (in any case a passage added by a later hand), a proof that he is an ~_e/ntheos_ ma/ntis, e/k tinos epipnoi/as sêmai/nôn ta\ me/llonta~. But in that story the abnormal state belongs rather to the suitors than the seer. See Lob., _Agl._ 264. Still less can we (with Welcker, _Götterl._ ii, 11) deduce Homer's knowledge of ecstatic prophecy from ~A~ 91 ff. or ~Ê~ 34-53. The derivation of the word ~ma/ntis~ from ~mai/nesthai~, frequently repeated since the time of Plato, would make the ecstatic element predominant in the idea of the prophet. But this derivation is quite uncertain and a connexion with ~manu/ô~ is much more probable.]

[42\9: Pytho: ~th~ 80, ~I~ 405. Dodona: ~P~ 234, ~x~ 327 f., ~t~ 296 f. An oracle is questioned perhaps in ~p~ 402 f. See Nägelsbach, _Hom. Theol._, p. 181 f.]

[43\9: See Lob., _Agl._ 814 f. (even the regular use of the expressions ~anei=len ho theo/s, hê puthi/a~ suffice to prove it). Cf. also Bgk., _Gr. Lit._ i, 334. _h. Hom. Merc._ in its own fashion (552-66) tells how the god deserted the "lot" oracle at Delphi as too unreliable and unworthy of the god.]

[44\9: Even the case of Helenos is no real example of this: ~Ê~ 44 ([Plu.] _Vit. Hom._ ii, 212, seems to regard it as one). Cic., _Div._ i, 89, expressly distinguishes the prophesying of Helenos from the "enthusiastic" frenzy of Kassandra.]

[45\9: Even the _h. Hom. Merc._ to the Pythian Apollo, though it describes the institution of the cult and oracle of Apollo at Delphi, nowhere mentions the Pythia (as Lob., _Agl._ 264, very pertinently remarks). (Acc. to 306 f. we must suppose that at that time the prophesying was done exclusively by male ~ma/nteis~ or ~prophê=tai~.)]

[46\9: See Eur., _IT._ 1234 ff. Oracles of earth-divinities were always given by _Incubation_. Even Cicero (_Div._ i, 38, following Chrysippos it seems) refers to vis illa terrae, quae mentem Pythiae divino afflatu **concitabat (as something that has disappeared). It is often referred to by later authors. The placing of the tripod over the chasm from which the vapour of inspiration came, is certainly, with Welcker, _Götterl._ ii, 11, to be regarded as a reminiscence of the ancient method of the earth-oracle which was thus continued in the direct inspiration of Apollo. (The ~enthousiasmo/s~ does not exclude other stimulants. The Pythia drinks from the inspired spring--like the ~ma/nteis~ at Klaros: _Ath. Mitth._ xi, 430--and thereupon becomes ~e/ntheos~: Luc., _Herm._ 60. The prophetess of Apollo Deiradiotes at Argos by drinking the sacrificial blood ~ka/tochos ek tou= theou= **gi/netai~: Paus. 2, 24, 1. The Pythia chews the sacred laurel-leaves to become inspired: Luc., _Bis Acc._ 1; also {312} the ~da/phnê, hê=s pote geusa/menos peta/lôn ane/phênen aoida\s auto\s a/nax skêptou=chos~: _H. Mag._ ap. Abel, _Orphica_, p. 288. The holy plant contains the _vis divina_ which one absorbs into oneself by chewing. This is the crude, primitive idea underlying such actions, as plainly appears in a similar case mentioned by Porph., _Abs._ ii, 48.)]

[47\9: e.g. in Sparta: ~e/stin eponomazo/menon Ga/sêpton hiero\n Gê=s. Apo/llôn d' hupe\r **auto\ hi/drutai Malea/tês~, Paus. 3, 12, 8.--The legend of Apollo and Daphne symbolizes the overthrow of the earth-oracle by Apollo and his own kind of prophecy.]

[48\9: See above, chap. iii, p. 97. Welcker, _Götterl._ i, 520 ff.]

[49\9: See above, p. 260 ff.]

[50\9: At Amphikleia in Phokis there was an oracle of Dionysos: ~pro/mantis de\ ho hiereu/s esti, chra=| de\ ek tou= theou= ka/tochos~, Paus. 10, 33, 11. The words of Cornutus probably refer to Greece (chap. xxx, p. 59, 20 Lang): ~kai\ mantei=a e/sth' ho/pou tou= Dionu/sou e/chontos . . . ~ cf. Plu., _Smp._ 7, 10, 17, p. 716 B: ~hoi palaioi\ to\n theo\n~ (Dionysos) ~mantikê=s pollê\n e/chein hêgou=nto moi=ran~.]

[51\9: Dionysos the first giver of oracles at Delphi: Arg., Pi. _Pyth._, p. 2, 7 Drch. (see above, n. 36). Voigt ap. Roscher, i, 1033-4, regards Apollo at Delphi as the heir of the Dionysiac _mantikê_; but he considers Dionysos to have been in the same condition as the Python who was overthrown and killed by Apollo--a view that can hardly be justified. My own view is that Apollo, after destroying the chthonic (dream) Oracle adopted from the _mantikê_ of Dionysos the prophecy by _furor divinus_ which had been hitherto unknown to him.--No one can seriously claim to have a clear certain insight into the intricate and kaleidoscopic changes of power and authority that finally led to the supremacy of the composite Apolline cult in the violently disputed centre of Greek religion.]

[52\9: ~. . . ho/sous ex Apo/llônos manê=nai le/gousi~ (i.e. the ancient ~chrêsmolo/gous~), Paus. 1, 34, 4. ~mani/a tou= chrêsmolo/gou~, Diogen., _Pr._ 6, 47. So, too, ~epi/pnoia~: Sittl, _Gebärden der Gr. u. R._ 345. ~ho enthousiasmo\s epi/pneusi/n tina thei/an e/chein dokei=~, Str. 467.--~hoi numpho/lêptoi kai\ theo/lêptoi tô=n anthrô/pôn, epipnoi/a| daimoni/ou tino\s hô/sper enthousia/zontes~, _Eth. Eud._ i, 1, 4, 1214a, 23.]

[53\9: Ecstatic condition of the Pythia: D.S. xvi, 26; misconstrued in a Christian sense, Sch. Ar., _Plu._ 39 (see Hemsterh. ad loc.). ~ho/lê gi/gnetai tou= theou=~, Iamb., _Myst._ 3, 11, p. 126, 15 Parthey. Description of a case in which the prophesying Pythia became completely ~e/kphrôn~: Plu., _Def. Or._, 51, p. 438 B.]

[54\9: In the inspired _mantikê_ the soul becomes "free" from the body: animus ita solutus est et vacuus ut eo plane nihil sit cum corpore, Cic., _Div._ i, 113; cf. 70. (~kath' heautê\n gi/gnetai hê psuchê/~ in dreaming and ~mantei=ai~: Arist. ap. S.E., _M._ 9, 21 [_fr._ 10 R.]. ~e/oike hê archê\~ (of ~nou=s) apoluome/nou tou= lo/gou **ischu/ei ma=llon~ in _enthousiasmos_, _EE._ 1248a, 40; cf. 1225A, 28.) This is ~e/kstasis~ of the understanding itself: see above, p. 260 ff. At other times it is said that the god enters into men and fills their souls; whereupon the man is ~e/ntheos~: see above, chap. viii, n. 50; cf. _pleni et mixti deo vates_, Minuc. 7, 6. The priestess at the oracle of Branchidai ~de/chetai to\n theo/n~, Iamb., _M._ 3, 11, p. 127, 7 Par.--~exoiki/zetai ho en hêmi=n nou=s kata\ tê\n tou= thei/ou pneu/matos a/phixin, kata\ de\ tê\n metana/stasin autou= pa/lin esoiki/zetai ktl~: Philo, _Q. rer. div._ 53, i, p. 511 M., speaking of the ~e/ntheos katochôtikê/ te mani/a, hê=| to\ prophêtiko\n ge/nos chrê=tai~ (p. 509 M.); cf. also _Spec. Leg._ i, p. 343 M. This also was the idea prevailing at Delphi. Plu., _Def. Or._ 9, p. 414 E, rejects as ~eu/êthes, to\ oi/esthai to\n theo\n auto/n, hô/sper tou\s eggastrimu/thous, {313} enduo/menon eis ta\ sô/mata tô=n prophêtô=n hupophthe/ggesthai, toi=s ekei/nôn sto/masi kai\ phônai=s chrô/menon orga/nois~. But this was evidently the ordinary and deep-rooted opinion (~to\n theo\n eis sô=ma katheirgnu/nai thnêto/n~, Plu., _Pyth. Or._ 8, p. 398 A). The primitive idea is naively expressed by a late magic papyrus (Kenyon, _Gk. Pap. in BM._ i, p. 116 [1893], No. 122 [fourth century B.C.] l. 2 ff.): ~elthe/ moi, ku/rie Hermê= hôs ta\ bre/phê eis ta\s koili/as tô=n gunaikô=n ktl.~--Neither in _mantikê_ nor in ~e/kstasis~ is any great distinction made between the out-going of the soul and the in-coming of the god: the two ideas merge together. The condition is regarded as one in which two persons are united and become one; the human being ~hoi=on a/llos geno/menos kai\ ouk auto/s, theo\s geno/menos ma=llon de\ ô/n~, no longer experiencing a sense of division between himself and divinity ~metaxu\ ga\r oude/n, oud' e/ti du/o all' he/n a/mphô~ (as the subtle mysticism of Plotinos describes ~e/kstasis~, 6, 9, 9-10; 6, 7, 34-5). In the above-mentioned magic invocation of Hermes the ~go/ês~ who has conjured the god into himself says to the god (l. 36 ff., p. 117) ~su\ (soi~ MSS.) ~ga\r egô\, kai\ egô\ su/ (soi~ MSS.) ~; to\ so\n o/noma emo\n kai\ to\ emo\n so/n; egô\ ga/r eimi to\ ei/dôlo/n sou ktl.~ [Cf. Swinburne, _Songs before Sunrise_ ii, 74 f.]]

[55\9: So Bergk, _Gr. Lit._ i, 335, n. 58. The verses of the oracle are regarded as the god's own: Plu., _Pyth. Or._ v, 396 C ff. Since the god himself speaks out of her the Pythia can properly speaking only give true oracles ~ouk apoda/mou Apo/llônos tucho/ntos~, Pi., _P._ iv, 5; i.e. when Apollo is present at Delphi and not (as he is in winter) far away among the Hyperboreans. This was why oracles were originally only given in the spring month _Bysios_ (Plu., _Q. Gr._ 9) in which apparently the ~theopha/nia~ occurred (Hdt. i, 51). Just as in the case of the old oracular earth-spirits (see above, chap. iii, n. 12) who were confined to special localities, so in the case of the gods who work through the ~enthousiasmo/s~ of an inspired prophetess, their personal presence in the temple at the time of the prophesying is requisite. This presence is thought of as actual and corporeal in the primitive form of the belief (though it was got over and reinterpreted in later times), and therefore in the case of the gods can only be temporary. When, in summer, Apollo is in Delos (Vg., _A._ iv, 143 ff.), no ~chrêstê/rion~ takes place in the temple of Apollo at Patara in Lykia (Hdt. i, 182). And so in general ~phugo/ntôn ê\ metasta/ntôn (tô=n peri\ ta\ mantei=a kai\ chrêstê/ria tetagme/nôn daimoni/ôn) apoba/llei tê\n du/namin (ta\ mantei=a)~, Plu., _DO._ 15, p. 418 D.]

[56\9: The cult of Zeus in Crete was held ~met' orgiasmou=~: Str. 468. The same applies to the cult offered in many places to the various and very different female deities who were generally combined together under the name of Artemis: Lob., _Agl._ 1085 ff.; Meineke, _An. Al._ 361. In their case Asiatic influence was at work sometimes, but by no means always: Welcker, _Götterl._ i, 391; Müller, _Dorians_, i, 404 ff. The worship of Pan was also orgiastic. Otherwise we find it principally in foreign worships that had made their way at an early period into private cults: e.g. the Phrygian worship of Kybele, etc. These easily combined with the Bacchic worship and became almost indistinguishable from it; sometimes they even allied themselves with true Greek cults, with that of Pan, for example, which was closely assimilated both to the worship of Kybele and that of Dionysos. It remains obscure how far the Cretan cult of Zeus was affected by Phrygian elements.]

[57\9: A remarkable example is given by Herod. (ix, 94), who tells us of the blind Euenios in Apollonia who suddenly became possessed of {314} ~e/mphutos mantikê/~ (not acquired by learning). He is a true ~theo/mantis~ (Pl., _Ap._ 22 C).]

[58\9: The ancients knew quite well that ~Ba/kis~ and ~Si/bulla~ were really _common nouns_ denoting inspired ~chrêsmô|doi/~: thus the ~Si/bulla~ is the ~parônumi/a~ of Herophile, Plu., _P. Or._ 14, p. 401 A, and ~Ba/kis~ an ~epi/theton~ of Peisistratos, Sch. Ar., _Pax_ 1071. The words are clearly used to denote whole classes of individuals by Arist., _Prob._ 954a, 36: ~nosê/mata manika\ kai\ enthousiastika/~ are liable to attack ~Si/bullai kai\ Ba/kides kai\ hoi e/ntheoi pa/ntes~. And in general when the ancients speak in the singular of "the Sibyl" or "Bakis", the word is generally meant as a class-name; just as for the most part when ~hê Puthi/a, hê **Puthia/s~ occurs it is not a particular individual Pythia who is meant but the class-concept of "the Pythia" (or some particular member of the class actually functioning at the moment). Hence it is by no means certain that Herakleitos, etc., when they speak simply of ~hê Si/bulla~, and Herod. when he says ~Ba/kis~ were of the opinion that there was only one Sibyl and one Bakis.--It must be admitted that we do not know the real meaning of these adjectival words themselves, their etymology being quite uncertain. Was the ecstatic character of these prophets already expressed in their titles? ~sibullai/nein~, of course = ~enthe/azein~ (D.S. 4, 66, 7), but the verb is naturally enough derived from the name ~Si/bulla~, just as ~baki/zein~ is from ~Ba/kis~, ~erinu/ein~, from ~Erinu/s~ and not vice versa. Nor can we tell how far the personal names attached to certain Sibyls and Bakides have real historical significance. Sibyl names are Herophile, Demophile (abbreviated to Demo, ~Phutô/~ or perhaps rather ~Phoitô/~; cf. ~phoita\s agu/rtria~, A., _Ag._ 1273 (so Lachmann on Tib. 2, 5, 68): the Arcadian Bakis was called Kydas or Aletes (cf. ~Phoitô/~) acc. to Philetas Eph. ap. Sch. Ar., _Pa._ 1071. It is impossible to extract from the by no means scanty materials any real element of historical fact with respect to these stories of individual Sibyls. Most untrustworthy of all in this as in all he says on this subject is Herakleides Pont. and his story of the Phrygian (or Trojan) Sibyl: we might be more inclined to believe what Eratosthenes reported acc. to the _antiquis annalibus Samiorum_ of a Samian Sibyl (Varro ap. Lactant., _Inst._ 1, 6, 9)--if it had not included so entirely worthless a story as that preserved in Val. M. 1, 5, 9.--Clem. Al., _Str._ i, 21, p. 398 P., gives after Bakis a whole list of ~chrêsmô|doi/~ with names: they evidently do not all belong to legend, but hardly one of them is otherwise known to us. The following are possibly real persons belonging to the prophetic period: Melesagoras of Eleusis who prophesied in Athens like another Bakis ~ek numphô=n ka/tochos~: Max. Tyr. 38, 3 (there is not a shadow of a reason for identifying him with Amelesagoras, the author of an alleged ancient Atthis: Müller, _FHG._ ii, 21); Euklos of Cyprus whose ~chrêsmoi/~ written in the old Cypriote language inspire a certain confidence (M. Schmidt, _Kuhns Ztschr._ 1860, p. 161 ff.): unfortunately he wrote before Homer: Paus. 10, 24, 3; Tat., _Gr._ 41, which makes his personality dubious again.]

[59\9: Of this description were the ~chrêsmolo/goi~ of the fifth and fourth--even of the expiring sixth--centuries (Onomakritos belongs entirely to this class). Lob., _Agl._ 978 ff., 932. It is very rarely that we hear in these times of real prophets on their own account, prophesying in the _furor divinus_, like that Amphilytos of Acarnania who met Peisistratos as he returned from Eretria before the battle ~epi\ Pallêni/di~ and prophesied to him ~enthea/zôn~ (Hdt. i, 62 f.; he is an Athenian in [Pl.] _Thg._ 124 D--where he is mentioned side by side with ~Ba/kis te {315} kai\ Si/bulla~--and in Clem. Al., _Str._ i, 21, p. 398 P.). In the same way occasional "Sibyls" occur even in late times (Phaennis, Athenais: see Alexandre, _Or. Sib._^1 ii, p. 21, 48).]

[60\9: Herakl. Pont. ap. Cl. Al., _Str._ i, 21, p. 384 P., seems to have been the first to speak definitely of _two_ Sibyls, Herophile of Erythrai and the Phrygian Sibyl (whom he identifies with the Marpessian Sibyl or the S. of Gergis: Lact. 1, 6, 12, see Alexandre, ii, p. 25, 32. Philetas ap. Sch. Ar., _Av._ 962, follows him except that he adds a third, the Sardian). The Phrygian-Trojan Sibyl is dated by Herakleides in the times of "Solon and Cyrus" (Lact.); we cannot tell what date he assigned to the Erythraean. Perhaps it was only after his times that the ~chrêsmoi/~ of Herophile first appeared in which she prophesied the ~Trôïka/~. From these verses it was now deduced that she lived before the Trojan war: so Paus. 10, 12, 2, and even Apollodoros of Erythrai (Lact. 1, 6, 9). Thenceforward the name of Herophile was associated with the idea of extreme antiquity. (The Libyan Sibyl of Paus. who is said to be the oldest of all is merely an invention of Euripides and never really obtained currency: ~Li/bussa = Si/bulla~ anagrammatically. See Alexandre, p. 74 f.) Herophile was identified also with the ~prô/tê Si/bulla~ who came to Delphi and prophesied there: Plu., _P.Or._ 9, 398 C; expressly so by Paus. 10, 12, 1, and Bocchus ap. Solin. 2, p. 38, 21-4 Mom. Acc. to Herakleides (ap. Clem. Al.) it was rather the ~Phrugi/a~ who calling herself Artemis prophesied in Delphi (so, too, Philetas following Herakl. and see also Suid. ~Sib. Delphi/s~). This is due to the local patriotism of the inhabitants of the Troad. Their Sibyl is the Marpessian (= the ~Phrugi/a~ of Herakl.). The artificial sort of interpretation and forgery that enabled a local historian of the Troad (it cannot have been Demetrios of Skepsis) to identify the Marpessian Sibyl, who also called herself Artemis, with Herophile and turn her into the true ~eruthrai/a~, may be guessed from Paus. 10, 12, 2 ff. (The same source as that of Paus. is used by St. Byz. s. ~Mermêsso/s~, as Alexandre, p. 22, rightly remarks.) The Erythraean claim to Herophile was also disputed from other directions. The Erythraean is distinguished from Herophile as being later by Bocchus ap. Solin. 2, p. 38, 24; and in a different fashion the same is done by Mart. Cap. ii, 159. Acc. to Eus., _Chr._ 1305 Abr. (not Eratosthenes in this case) even the Samian Sibyl was identified with Herophile--to say nothing of the Ephesian Herophile in the fragg. of the enlarged Xanthos, _FHG._ iii, 406-8. From the fable of the Marpessian Herophile was later invented the story of her prophecy to Aeneas: Tib. 2, 5, 67; D.H. 1, 55, 4; Alexandre, p. 25.--In comparison with these different claimants to the name of Herophile (even the Cumaean Sibyl was said to be the same as Herophile) the rest of the Sibyls were hardly able to obtain a real footing in tradition.]

[61\9: The Erythraean Sibyl was dated by Eusebius in Ol. 9, 3 (the absurd addition ~en Aigu/ptô|~ belongs only to the author of the _Chron. Pasc._ and not to Eus.: Alexandre, p. 80); he dated the Samian in Ol. 17, 1 (it is quite arbitrary to refer this view to Eratosthenes). Acc. to Suid. ~Si/bulla Apo/llônos kai\ Lami/as~ the Erythraean lived 483 years after the fall of Troy: i.e. Ol. 20, 1 (700 B.C.). Herakleides put the Phrygo-Trojan Sib. in the times of Solon and Kyros (to which Epimenides also belongs and to which Aristeas and Abaris were supposed to belong). We can no longer discover or guess at the reasons for these datings. In any case the Chronologists to whom they go back evidently regarded the Sibyls as later than the earliest Pythia at Delphi. Even the Cumaean Sibyl was not to be distinguished {316} from the Erythraean: [Arist.] _Mirab._ 95, which perhaps comes from Timaeus; Varro ap. Serv. _A._ vi, 36; cf. D.H. 4, 62, 6. In spite of which she is a contemporary of Tarquinius Priscus (this was enough to distinguish the _Cimmeria in Italia_ who prophesied to Aeneas from the Cumaean Sibyl: Naev. and Calp. Piso in Varro ap. Lact. 1, 6, 9). Naturally in these chronological straits recourse was had to the favourite device of such accounts--unnatural longevity. The Sibyl is ~poluchroniôta/tê~ [Arist.]: she lived a thousand years or thereabouts: Phleg., _Macr._ 4 (the oracle of this passage was also known to Plu.; cf. _PO._ 13, 401 B; a similar source inspires Ov., _M._ xiv, 132-53. In this case the Sibyl has already lived 700 years before the arrival of Aeneas, and she will live another 300, which would bring her--by a rather inexact calculation--to about the time of Tarquinius Priscus). In the verses found at Erythrae belonging to a statue of the Sibyl (Buresch, _Woch. Klass. Phil._ 1891, p. 1042; _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 20), the Erythraean Sibyl is said to live 900 years--unfortunately one cannot be sure that this means till the time of the inscr. itself and of the ~ne/os kti/stês~ of Erythrai in the age of the Antonines who is referred to at the close. If so the Sibyl would have been born about the year 700 B.C. (as in Suid.) or a little earlier. Perhaps, however, the lengthy period refers to the life time of the long since dead Sibyl herself, while the ~au=this d' entha/de egô\ hê=mai~ of l. 11 f. only applies to the statue. In which case the commencement and end of the Sibyl's lifetime would be unknown.--_Cumaeae saecula vatis_ became proverbial: Alexandre, p. 57. Finally the Sibyl was regarded as entirely forgotten by death, as in the story in Petronius 48 (cf. also--probably referring to Erythrai--Ampel., _LM._ viii, 15; _Rh. Mus._ 32, 639).]

[62\9: ~r~ 383 ff.]

[63\9: The Sibyl is overcome by the _furor divinus_ in such a way ut quae sapiens non videat ea videat insanus, et si qui humanos sensus amiserit divinos assecutus sit, Cic., _Div._ ii, 110; cf. i, 34. ~nosê/mata manika\ kai\ enthousiastika/~ of Sibyls and Bakids Arist. _Prob._ 30, 1, 954a, 36. The Sibyl prophesies ~mantikê=| chrôme/nê enthe/ô|~, Pl., _Phdr._ 244 B. ~mainome/nê te kai\ ek tou= theou= ka/tochos~, Paus. 10, 12, 2. deo furibunda recepto, Ov., _M._ xiv, 107. There is in her divinitas et quaedam caelitum societas, Plin., _NH._ vii, 119. ~katochê\ kai\ epi/pnoia~ [Just.], _Co. ad. Gr._, 37, 36 A. So, too, in our collections of Sibylline oracles the S. often speak of their divine frenzy, etc.; e.g. ii, 4, 5; iii, 162 f., 295 f.; xi, 317, 320, 323 f.; xii, 294 f., etc. Frenzy of the Cumaean S.: Vg., _A._ vi, 77 f.--Bakis has his prophetic gift from the Nymphs (Ar., _Pa._ 1071), he is ~kata/schetos ek numphô=n, manei\s ek numphô=n~ (Paus. 10, 12, 11; 4, 27, 4), ~numpho/lêptos~ (cf. ~theo/lêptos, phoibo/lêptos, pano/lêptos, mêtro/lêptos~; _Lymphati_: Varro, _LL._ vii, p. 365 Sp., Paul. Fest., p. 120, 11 ff., Placid., p. 62, 15 ff. Deuerl.).]

[64\9: ~Si/bulla de\ mainome/nô| sto/mati ktl.~: Herakleitos ap. Plu., _Pyth. Or._ 6, p. 397 A. _fr._ 12 By. = 92 Diels (the words ~chili/ôn . . . theou=~ are not H.'s but Plutarch's. Cl. Al., _Str._ 1, 15, p. 358 P. uses only Plu.). To regard Herakleitos' Sibyl as the Pythia (with Bgk., etc.) is absurd apart from the fact that the Pythia is never called ~Si/bulla~. It is excluded by the way Plu. introduces the word in this passage, and connects chap. 9 with chap. 6. It is true, though, that Pl. draws a _parallel_ between the nature of the Sibyl and that of the Pythia.]

[65\9: Homer knows Kassandra as one of the daughters of Priam and indeed as ~Pria/moio thugatrô=n ei=dos ari/stên~, ~N~ 365; probably that it why she is allotted to Agamemnon as his share of the spoil and why she is slain with him, ~l~ 421 ff. The ~Ku/pria~ is the first to tell of her {317} prophetic skill. Was it the narrative of ~Ô~ 699 which first suggested to the ~neô/teroi~ the idea of her knowledge of the future? (In reality that passage alludes rather to the ~sumpa/theia~ of the sister and daughter and not to _mantikê_: Sch. B. ad loc.) Her prophetic gifts were elaborated later in many stories: e.g. Bacchyl. xiv, 50 = _fr._ 29 Bgk. (Porph. on Hor. _O._ i, 15). Aesch. represents her as the type of the ecstatic prophetess (~phrenomanê/s, theopho/rêtos~, _Ag._ 1140, 1216). As such she is called by Eur. ~mantipo/los ba/kchê~, _Hec._ 121. ~phoiba/s~ 827. ~to\ bakchei=on ka/ra tê=s thespiô|dou= Kassa/ndras~ 676. She wildly shakes her head like the Bacchants ~ho/tan theou= manto/sunoi pneu/sôs' ana/gkai~, _IA._ 760 ff.]

[66\9: About the Arcadian Bakis (Kydas or Aletes by name) ~_Theo/pompos_ en tê=| th' tô=n Philippikô=n a/lla te polla\ historei= para/doxa kai\ ho/ti pote\ tô=n Lakedaimoni/ôn ta\s gunai=kas manei/sas eka/thêren, Apo/llônos tou/tois tou/ton kathartê\n do/ntos~, Sch. Ar., _Pa._ 1071. The story is closely parallel to that of Melampous and the Proitides, see above, nn. 22-5.]

[67\9: Cf. e.g. Hippocr. ~p. partheni/ôn~ (ii, p. 528 K.; viii, 468 L.). Upon their recovery from hysterical hallucinations the women dedicate valuable ~hima/tia~ to Artemis ~keleuo/ntôn tô=n _ma/nteôn_~. This is the regular name for the ~ma/goi, kathartai/, agu/rtai~ (cf. Teiresias ~do/lios agu/rtês~, S., _OT._ 388; Kassandra is accused of being ~phoita\s agu/rtria~, A., _Ag._ 1273). Hp. speaks elsewhere also of their manner of healing epilepsy, i, p. 588 K. (vi, 354 L.).]

[68\9: ~katharmoi\ . . . _kata\ tê\n mantikê/n_~, Pl., _Crat._ 405 AB. The _~ma/nteis~_ are able e.g. to drive away by magic the mist that is so dangerous for the olive-trees: Thphr., _CP._ 2, 7, 5. The ~_ma/nteis_ kai\ teratosko/poi, hagu/rtai kai\ _ma/nteis_~ possess the arts of ~magganeu/mata, epô|dai/, katade/seis~ and ~epagôgai/~ which compel the gods to do their will, Pl., _Rp._ 364 BC; _Lg._ 933 CE. These ~ma/nteis~ correspond in all essentials to the magicians and medicine men of savage tribes. Prophet, doctor, and magician are here united in a single person. A mythical prototype of these Greek "medicine men" is Apis, of whom we hear in Aesch., _Sup._ 260-70. (The ~ma/nteis~ also officiate as sacrificial priests, esp. where the sacrifice is combined with a special sacrificial _mantikê_--quite unknown to Homer--in which the will of the gods is inquired: Eur., _Hcld._ 401**, 819; _Ph._ 1255 ff. and frequently. Hermann _Gottesdienstl. Alterth._ 33, 9.)]

[69\9: The clearest evidence for this is Hp., _Morb. Sacr._ (vi, 352 L.). See below, n. 81. Assistance in the case of internal diseases is naturally sought in ancient times from magicians, for such diseases arise immediately from the action of a god: ~stugero\s de/ hoi e/chrae dai/môn~, ~e~ 396 (cf. ~k~, 64), is said of an invalid who lies ~dêro\n têko/menos~. Cf. ~nou=sos Dio\s mega/lou~, ~i~ 411. In such cases help is sought from the ~iatro/mantis~ (A., _Sup._ 263) who is at once ~ma/ntis~ and ~teratosko/pos~ and ~kathartê/s~ like his divine prototype Apollo: A., _Eum._ 62-3. In a long illness King Kleomenes I of Sparta resorts to ~kathartai\ kai\ ma/nteis~, Plu., _Ap. Lac._ 11, p. 223 E.]

[70\9: ~A~ 313 f.; ~ch~ 481 ff. Kathartic practices, however much they may contain a primitive core, were fairly late in attaining popularity in Greece (or in regaining a lost popularity): as is shown esp. by the all but total absence of any mention of such practices and the superstitions underlying them from Hesiod, _Op._, which otherwise preserves the memory of so much countryside superstition (something rather like it is perhaps to be found in _Op._ 733-6).]

[71\9: Nothing is said in Homer of the purification of the murderer or the homicide: see above, chap. v, n. 166.]