Chapter IV: Heroes (3)

[80\4: The lines of the oracle about Kleomedes may very well be ancient (~e/schatos hêrô/ôn ktl.~) simply on the ground that its assertion had not been fulfilled. If oracles that come true are rightly regarded as subsequent to the events which they profess to foresee, then it is only reasonable to regard an oracle which is proved incorrect by later events as _earlier_ than the events which contradict its prophecy.]

[81\4: ~hou=tos ga\r ho theo\s peri\ ta\ toiau=ta pa=sin anthrô/pois pa/trios exêgêtê\s en me/sô| tê=s gê=s epi\ tou= omphalou= kathê/menos exêgei=tai~, in the words of Plato, _Rp._ 427 C.]

[82\4: ~gi/netai en Delphoi=s hê/rôsi xe/nia, en hoi=s dokei= ho theo\s epi\ xe/nia kalei=n tou\s hê/rôas~, Sch. Pi. _N._ vii, 68.]

[83\4: Plu., _Arist._ 21.--Grave of the Megarians who had fallen in the Persian wars, erected in the market of that city: _CIG._ 1051 (= Sim., _fr._ 107 _PLG._), Paus. 1, 43, 3. We hear nothing of the Hero-worship of these men, but it is natural to suppose it.--Thus in Phigaleia in the market place there was a common grave of the hundred Oresthasians who had died fighting for Phigaleia, ~kai\ hôs _hê/rôsin_ autoi=s enagi/zousin ana\ pa=n e/tos~, Paus. 8, 41, 1.]

[84\4: Paus. 1, 32, 4: ~se/bontai de\ hoi Marathô/nioi tou/tous, hoi\ para\ tê\n ma/chên ape/thanon _hê/rôas_ onoma/zontes~. They lay buried on the field of battle, Paus. 1, 29, 4; 32, 3. Every night could be heard the neighing {150} of horses and the sound of battle. Those who attempted to witness the doings of the spirits suffered for it, Paus. l.c. The sight of the spirits made men blind or killed them. This is well known of gods--~chalepoi\ de\ theoi\ phai/nesthai enargô=s~. As to the results of seeing a Hero cf. the story in Hdt. vi, 117.]

[85\4: Pi., _I._ iv, 26 ff.; cf. _N._ iv, 46 ff.]

[86\4: Hdt. ii, 44, has recourse to the idea that there was a difference between the god Herakles and the Hero Herakles the son of Amphitryon: ~kai\ doke/ousi de/ moi hou=toi ortho/tata Hellê/nôn poie/ein, hoi\ dixa\ Hêra/kleia hidrusa/menoi e/ktêntai kai\ tô=| me\n hôs athana/tô| Olumpi/ô| de\ epônumi/ên thu/ousi, tô=| de\ hete/rô| hôs hê/rôï enagi/zousi~. Combination of ~thu/ein~ and ~enagi/zein~ in one sacrifice to Herakles, at Sikyon: Paus. 2, 10, 1. Herakles ~hê/rôs theo/s~ Pi., _N._ iii, 22.]

[87\4: Varying worship of the same person as Hero and as god, e.g. Achilles. He was a god in Epirus for example (called upon as ~A/spetos~, Plu., _Pyr._ 1) in Astypalaia (Cic., _ND._ iii, 45) in Erythrai (third century ins. _SIG._ 600, 50, 75), etc. As Hero he was worshipped in Elis where an empty grave was erected to him ~ek mantei/as~, and where at his annual festival at sunset the women ~ko/ptesthai nomi/zousin~, i.e. lament over him as dead. Paus. 6, 23, 3.]

[88\4: I shall not multiply examples and only note Plu., _M. Virt._, p. 255 E: ~tê=| Lampsa/kê| pro/teron hêrôïka\s tima\s apodido/ntes, hu/steron hôs theô=| thu/ein epsêphi/santo~.]

[89\4: In the well-known lines ~hê/keis ô= Lu/ko/orge ktl.~ Hdt. i, 65.]

[90\4: Thus Eupolis calls the Hero Akademos ~theo/s~, as Sophokles does the Hero Kolonos, and others do the same, see Nauck on Soph., _OC._ 65.]

[91\4: ~hoi hê/rôes kai\ hai hêrôi/des toi=s theoi=s to\n auto\n e/chousi lo/gon~ (i.e. for dream-interpretation), ~plê\n ho/sa duna/meôs apolei/pontai~, Artemid. iv, 78.--Paus. 10, 31, 11: the ancients considered the Eleusinian mysteries as ~tosou=ton entimo/teron~ than all other religious ceremonies ~ho/sô| kai\ theou\s epi/prosthen hêrô/ôn~.]

[92\4: Machaon's ~mnê=ma~ and ~hiero\n ha/gion~ at Gerenia, Paus. 3, 26, 9. His bones had been brought by Nestor when he came home from Troy: § 10. Cf. Schol. Marc. and Tz. Lyc. 1048. The first to sacrifice to him was Glaukos the son of Aipytos: Paus. 4, 3, 9.--Podaleirios. His ~hêrô=|on~ lay at the foot of the ~lo/phos Dri/on~ by Mt. Garganus 100 stades from the sea, ~rhei= de\ ex autou= pota/mion pa/nakes pro\s ta\s tô=n thremma/tôn no/sous~, Str. 284. The method of _incubation_ given in the text is described by Lyc. 1047-55. He also speaks of a river Althainis (so called because of its medicinal properties, cf. _EM._ 63, 3, from Schol. Lyc.), which cured disease if one sprinkled oneself with water from it.--? from Timaeus, cf. Tz. on 1050. (Cf. also the spring by the Amphiaraion at Oropos: Paus. 1, 34, 4.)]

[93\4: Paus. 2, 38, 6.--The brother of Polemokrates, Alexanor, had a **heroön at Titane in the territory of Sikyon: Paus. 2, 11, 7; 23, 4; but we hear nothing of sick-cures (though his name would lead us to suspect such).--Other Asklepiadai: Nikomachos, Gorgasos, Sphyros (Wide, _Lac. Culte_, 195).]

[94\4: Sanctuary of ~Hê/rôs iatro/s~ near the Theseion: Dem. 19, 249; 18, 129; Apollon., _V. Aesch._, p. 265, 5 f. West. Decree about melting down silver votive-offerings (third and second century), _CIA._ ii, 403-4.--Acc. to Usener (_Götternamen_, 149-53) ~Iatro/s~ is to be regarded as the _proper_ name of this Hero (really a functional "_Sondergott_") and not as an adjectival description of a nameless Hero (as in ~hê/rôs stratêgo/s, stephanêpho/ros, klaïkopho/ros~--this last in two different places, like ~hê/rôs iatro/s~, see above, n. 61). Acc. to {151} his view ~Iatro/s~ was given the adj. title ~hê/rôs~ to distinguish him from a ~theo\s Iatro/s~. But this would only be possible if there existed a god who was not merely an ~iatro/s~ and so called by this title, like ~Apo/llôn, Poseidô=n iatro/s~, but whose _proper name_ was ~Iatro/s~. But there was no such god. Usener (151) infers the existence of a god ~Iatro/s~ out of the proper name ~Iatroklê=s~. But this would only be justifiable if there were not a whole host of proper names compounded with ~-klê=s~, the first part of which is anything but a god's name (list in Fick, _Griech. Personennamen_^2, p. 165 ff.).--There seems no real reason for understanding the name ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ differently from the analogous ~hê/. stratêgo/s, hê/. teichophu/lax~, etc.--There existed besides even ~nu/mphai iatroi/, peri\ Êlei/an~. Hesych.]

[95\4: _CIA._ ii, 404, distinguishes the Hero referred to by the decree as the ~hê/rôs iatro\s ho en a/stei~. This clearly implies a second ~hê/rôs iatro/s~, outside Athens. But the Rhet. Lex. in _AB._ 262, 16 f. (cf. Sch. Dem., p. 437, 19-20 Di.), speaks of a ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ called Aristomachos ~ho/s eta/phê en Marathô=ni para\ to\ Dionu/sion~, who it is clear cannot be the ~hê/rôs iatro\s~ that Demosthenes meant--for he is ~ho en a/stei~; but the description applies very well to the Hero Physician worshipped in Attica outside the ~a/stu~. See L. v. Sybel, _Hermes_, xx, 43.]

[96\4: Cenotaph of Kalchas in Apulia near the heroön of Podaleirios, Lyc. 1047 ff.--his body was said to be buried in Kolophon: ~No/stoi~; Tz. Lyc. 427; Schol. D.P. 850. ~egkoi/mêsis~ at his heroön, sleeping on the skin of the sacrificed ram: Str. 284; the same as, acc. to Lycophron, in the temple of Podaleirios. It almost looks like a mistake in either Strabo or Lyc. But the ritual may quite well have been the same in both temples and we find it again in the dream-oracle of Amphiaraos in Oropos, Paus. 1, 34, 5.--At the present day the Archangel Michael is worshipped at Monte Sant' Angelo beneath Mt. Garganus. He appeared there during the fifth century and in a cave which is perhaps rightly regarded as the former site of the incubation-oracle of Kalchas: Lenormant, _à travers l'Apulie_, i, p. 61, Paris, 1883. S. Michael had in other cases also taken over the duties of the ancient _incubation_ mantic, and continued them in a Christian form--though the task belonged more often to SS. Cosmas and Damian--e.g. in the Michaelion in Constantinople, the ancient ~Sôsthe/nion~: see Malal., pp. 78-9 Bonn.; Soz., _HE._ ii, 3.]

[97\4: Lyc. 799 f. Arist. and Nicand. in Schol. ad loc. Was there a legend that made Odysseus die there? Lyc. himself, it is true, gives quite a different story a little later (805 ff.), much to the amazement of his scholiasts. Perhaps in 799 f. he was thinking, in spite of the dream oracle, only of a ~keno\n sê=ma~ of Odysseus in Aetolia (as in the case of Kalchas).]

[98\4: Grave of Prot.: Hdt. ix, 116 ff.; Lyc. 532 ff. ~hiero\n tou= Prôtesila/ou~ Thuc. viii, 102, 3. Oracle: Philostr., _Her._ 678, p. 146 f. K. It was esp. also an oracle of healing: ib., 147, 30 f. K.]

[99\4: An oracle "_Sarpedonis in Troade_" is mentioned in a cursory enumeration of oracular sites by Tert., _An._ 46. It is difficult to imagine how Sarpedon, the Homeric one--no other can be meant here--whose body had been so ceremoniously brought to Lykia, can have had an oracle in the Troad. It may be merely a slip of the pen on Tertullian's part.--At Seleucia in Cilicia there was an oracle of Apollo Sarpedonios, D.S. 32, 10, 2; Zos. 1, 57. Wesseling on D.S. ii, p. 519, has already called attention to the more detailed account in the _Vit. S. Theclae_ of Basilius bishop of Seleucia; see the extracts given by R. Köhler, _Rhein. Mus._ 14, 472 ff. There the oracle is described {152} as a dream-oracle of Sarpedon himself who was consulted at his grave in Seleucia. It is also certain, as Köhler remarks, that Sarpedon, the son of Europa and brother of Minos, is meant. (This Cretan Sarpedon appears first in Hesiod and is quite distinct from the Homeric one: Aristonic. on ~Z~ 199. Indeed, Homer knows no other brother of Minos except Rhadamanthys: ~X~ 322. In spite of this he was often regarded as the same as the Homeric Sarpedon who came from Lykia [cf. the name Zrppädoni on the Obelisk of Xanthos: _Lyc. Inscr._ tab. vii, l. 6]; acc. to [Apollod.] 3, 1, 3, he lived through three ~geneai/~, cf. Schol. V., ~Z~ 199: which seems a marvellous feat much in the manner of Hellanikos. Others made the Cretan Sarp. into the grandfather of the Lykian: D.S. 5, 79, 3.) The oracle belonged properly to Sarpedon; Apollo seems merely to have been an intruder here and to have taken the place of the Hero as he did with Hyakinthos at Amyklai. That Sarpedon, however, was not therefore quite forgotten is shown by the Christian notice of him. Perhaps Apollo was regarded as merely the patron of the oracle whose real guardian was still Sarpedon. It certainly indicates community of worship when Ap. is there called ~Apo/llôn Sarpêdo/nios~; so too in Tarentum--brought thither from Sparta and Amyklai--there was a ~ta/phos para\ me/n tisin Huaki/nthou prosagoreuo/menos, para\ de/ tisin Apo/llônos Huaki/nthou~ (in which no alteration is necessary), Plb. 8, 30, 2. In Goityn there was a cult of Atymnos (Solin. 11, 9, p. 73 Mom.), the beloved of Apollo (or of Sarpedon): he too was worshipped as Apollo Atymnios (Nonn., _D._ 11, 131; 258; 12, 217).]

[100\4: The inhabitants of Gadeira sacrificed to Men.; Philostr., _VA._ 5, 4, p. 167, 10 K. ~to\ Menesthe/ôs _mantei=on_~ on the Baetis is mentioned by Str., p. 140. How it got there we do not know.]

[101\4: Str. 546. Autol. came there as a sharer in the expedition of Herakles against the Amazons and with the Argonauts. A.R. ii, 955-61. Plut., _Luc._ 23.]

[102\4: For Anios see Meineke, _An. Alex._ 16-17; Wentzel in Pauly-Wissowa _Anios_. Apollo taught him the mantic art and gave him great ~tima/s~: D.S. 5, 62, 2. He is called ~ma/ntis~ also by Clem. Al., _Strom._ i, p. 400 P. Perhaps he was also a mantic Hero in the cult that was paid to him at Delos; in giving a list of the ~dai/monas epichôri/ous~, Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, p. 35 P., mentions also ~para\ d' Êlei/ous A/nion~, which Sylburg corrected to ~para\ Dêli/ois~. A priest of Anios ~hiereu\s Ani/ou~ at Delos is given _CIA._ ii, 985 D 10; E 4, 53.]

[103\4: D.S. 5, 63, 2. There she is identified with Molpadia, daughter of Staphylos. In that case ~hêmithe/a~ would more probably be an adjectival title of a Heroine whose real name was unknown, like the names of the unknown Heroes mentioned above, nn. 60-2. The daughter of Kyknos of the same name is quite a different person.]

[104\4: Plut., _Agis_, 9, cf. Cic., _Div._ i, 43. At Thalamai we hear of a dream-oracle of _Ino_ in front of which was a statue of Pasiphaë: Paus. 3, 26, 1. This probably means, as Welcker, _Kl. Schr._ iii, 92, says, that the same oracle had once belonged to Pas., but had then been afterwards dedicated to Ino. (Not of course that Pasiphaë = Ino, and this is not suggested by W., but merely that Ino may have taken the place of Pas.) A ~mantei=on tê=s Pasiphi/lês~ is also mentioned by Apollon., _Mir._ 49: see also Müller, _FHG._ ii, 288 [see Keller, _Paradoxogr._, p. 55, 15].]

[105\4: Something of the kind seems to be suggested by Pi., _P._ viii, 57: I praise Alkmaion ~gei/tôn ho/ti moi kai\ ktea/nôn phu/lax emô=n hupa/ntase/ t' io/nti ga=s omphalo\n par' aoi/dimon manteuma/tôn t' epha/psato suggo/noisi {153} te/chnais~. Those much-discussed words I can only interpret as follows. Alkmaion had a ~hêrô=|on~ near Pindar's house: he could only be "Guardian of his possessions" if he were either the guardian spirit of his neighbour or if Pindar had deposited money for safe keeping in his temple--the custom is well known, see Büchsenschütz, _Besitz in Cl. Alt._, p. 508 ff. As Pindar was once thinking of going to Delphi "Alk. applied himself to the prophetic arts traditional in his family" (~te/chnais~ to be connected with ~epha/ps.~, a construction common in Pind.): i.e. he made him a revelation in a dream--on what subject Pindar does not say--as was customary in the family of the Amythaonidai, though not generally undertaken by Alkmaion (elsewhere who unlike his brother Amphilochos nowhere seems to have had a dream-oracle of his own. (It seems to be a mere slip when Clem. Al., _Str._ i, p. 400 P. attributes the Oracle in Akarnania to Alk. instead of Amphil.)]

[106\4: Plu., _Q. Gr._, 40, 300 D.]

[107\4: Thus no herald might approach the heroön of Okridion in Rhodes, Plu., _Q. Gr._, 27, 297 C. No flute-player might approach, nor the name of Achilles be mentioned in the heroön of Tenes at Tenedos, ib., 28, 297 D. How an old grievance of a Hero might be continued into his after-life as a spirit is shown by an instructive example given by Hdt. v, 67.]

[108\4: Paus. 9, 38, 5. The fetters were no doubt intended in such cases to fasten the statue (as the abode of the Hero himself) to the site of his worship. Thus in Sparta an ~a/galma archai=on~ of Enyalios was kept in fetters. About this the ~gnô/mê tô=n Lakedaimoni/ôn~ was that ~ou/pote to\n Enua/lion pheu/gonta oichê/sesthai/ sphisin enecho/menon tai=s pe/dais~, Paus. 3, 15, 7. Similar things elsewhere: Lob., _Agl._ 275; cf. again Paus. 8, 41, 6. The striking effect of the statue fastened to the rocks may then very well have given rise to the (aetiological) legend of the ~pe/tran e/chon ei/dôlon~.]

[109\4: Hdt. vii, 169-70.]

[110\4: Hdt. vii, 134-7.]

[111\4: Sanctity of trees and groves dedicated to a Hero: Ael., _VH._ v, 17: Paus. 2, 28, 7; but esp. 8, 24, 7.]

[112\4: The story of the wrath of the Hero of Anagyros is told, with a few variations in detail, by Jerome ap. Suid. ~Ana/g. dai/môn~ = Apostol. ix, 79; Dgn., _Prov._ iii, 31 (in cod. Coisl., p. 219 f. Götting.); cf. Zenob. ii, 55 = Dgn. i, 25. Similar stories of a ~dai/môn Kili/kios, Ai/neios~, are implied but not related by Macarius, iii, 18 (ii, p. 155 Gött.).]

[113\4: The story in Suid. goes back to Hieron. Rhod. ~peri\ tragô|diopoiô=n~ (_fr._ 4 Hill.), who compared the story with the theme of the Euripides _Phoenix_.]

[114\4: According to Paus. the ghost was explained to be one of the companions of Odysseus. Strabo says more particularly Polites, who was one of these. But a copy of an ancient picture representing the adventure called the daimon Lykas and made him black and grim-looking and dressed in a wolf-skin. The last is probably merely symbolic and represents _full_ wolf-shape such as belonged to the Athenian Hero Lykos: Harp. ~deka/zôn~. Wolf-shape given to a death-bringing spirit of the underworld, as often: cf. Roscher, _Kynanth._ 60-1. This must have been the more ancient form of the legend and the daimon was only subsequently changed into a Hero.]

[115\4: The story in its general outline recalls esp. the other Greek legends in which similar rescues occur; we are reminded not merely of the stories of Perseus and Andromeda or Herakles and Hesione, but also of the fight of Herakles with Thanatos for the sake of Alkestis, {154} in Eurip., _Alc._, and of Koroibos' struggle with the ~Poi/nê~ in Argos. But the story of Euthymos and the Hero of Temesa agrees even in its details with a story coming from a far distant locality, Krisa at the foot of Mt. Parnassos, where lived the monster Lamia, or Sybaris, who was overthrown by Eurybatos--as it is told in Nikander's ~Heteroiou/mena~, ap. Ant. Lib. viii--and is even to this day related as a fairy-tale; see B. Schmidt. _Gr. Märchen_, 142, 246 f. It is unnecessary to suppose imitation of either legend by the other; both independently reproduce the same fairy-tale motif, which is in fact very common everywhere. The monster overcome by the champion is regularly a chthonic being, a fiend from below: Thanatos, Poine, Lamia (which is the generic name, ~Su/baris~ being apparently the special name of this particular Lamia) and the ghostly "Hero" of Temesa.]

[116\4: Paus. 6, 6, 7-11, the main source; Str. 255; Ael., _VH._ viii, 18; Plut. Paroem. ii, 31; Suid. ~Eu/thumos~. The "translation" occurs in Paus. Ael., and Suid. According to Aelian he went to the River Kaikinos near his old home Locri and disappeared: ~aphanisthê=nai~. (The river-god Kaikinos is regarded as his real father: Paus. 6, 6, 4.) Perhaps the heroön of Euthymos may have been near the river. "Heroizing" of Euthymos by a flash of lightning is confirmed by his statue: Callim., _fr._ 399; Pliny, _NH._ 7, 152; Schol. Paus. _Hermes_, 29, 148. Inscription on base of statue of E. at Olympia: _Arch. Zeit._, 1878, p. 82.]

[117\4: Paus. 6, 11, 2-9; D. Chr. 31, 340 M. [i, 247 Arn.]. Cf. Oinom. ap. Eus. _PE._ 5, 34, p. 231-2 V. Oinomaos 232 C refers to a similar legend of the _pentathlos_ Euthykles and his statue, at Locri.]

[118\4: The story of Mitys (or Bitys) in Argos is known from Arist. _Po._ 9, p. 1452a, 7 ff. (_Mirab._ 156). A few more such stories are recorded in Wyttenbach, Plu. _M._ vii, p. 316 (Oxon.); cf. also Theoc. 23. Just as in the story of Theagenes, the statue was punished as responsible for the murder, so, too, the attribution of a fetichistic personality to inanimate objects lies at the bottom of the ancient customs observed in the Athenian murder laws, by which judgment was given in the Prytaneion ~peri\ tô=n apsu/chôn tô=n empeso/ntôn tini\ kai\ apokteina/ntôn~: Poll. viii, 120, after Dem. 23, 76, cf. Arist. ~Athp.~ 57, 4. Such judgments cannot originally have been merely symbolical in meaning.]

[119\4: Luc., _D. Conc._ 12; Paus. 6, 11, 9.]

[120\4: Luc., l.c. On Polydamas see Paus. 6, 5, and among many others Eus. _Chron. Olympionic._, Ol. 93, p. 204 Sch.]

[121\4: His victory was won in Ol. 6 (see also Eus. _Chron._, Ol. 6, p. 196); the statue erected to him only in Ol. 80; Paus. 7, 17, 6.]

[122\4: Paus. 7, 17, 13-14.]

[123\4: Plu., _Thes._ 35.]

[124\4: Paus. 1, 15, 3; 32, 5.]

[125\4: Hdt. viii, 38-9.]

[126\4: Hdt. viii, 64. The difference should be noted: ~_eu/xasthai_ toi=si theoi=si kai\ _epikale/sasthai_ tou\s Aiaki/das _summa/chous_~. So, too, we are told in Hdt. v, 75, that both the Tyndaridai ~epi/klêtoi ei/ponto~ the Spartans into the field. (The Aeginetans sent the Aiakidai to the help of the Thebans, but as they proved unprofitable the Thebans ~tou\s Aiaki/das apedi/dosan~. Hdt. v, 80).]

[127\4: Plu., _Them._ 15.]

[128\4: Hdt. viii, 121.]

[129\4: Kychreus: Paus. 1, 36, 1. The Hero himself appeared as a snake, as also e.g. Sosipolis in Elis before the battle, Paus. 6, 20, 4-5; Erichthonios, Paus. 1, 24, 7: for ~hoi palaioi\ ma/lista tô=n zô/ôn to\n dra/konta toi=s hê/rôsi sunô|kei/ôsan~, Plu., _Cleom._ 39. The temple snake, {155} the ~Kuchrei/dês o/phis~ kept at Eleusis, was undoubtedly the Hero himself; though acc. to the rationalizing account in Str. 393-4 it had merely been reared by Kychreus.]

[130\4: Themistokles in Hdt. viii, 109.]

[131\4: Xen., _Cyn._ i, 17.]

[132\4: The Dioscuri helped the Spartans in war, Hdt. v, 75; the Locrian Aias the Locrians in Italy: Paus. 3, 19, 12-13; Conon 18 (artistically elaborated and no longer naive legend but both taken from the same source).]

[133\4: Hdt. vi, 61 (hence Paus. 3, 7, 7); grave of Helen at Therapne, Paus. 3, 19, 8.]

[134\4: Hdt. vi, 69. Thus, too, the Theagenes mentioned above was regarded in Thasos not as the son of Timosthenes, ~tou= Theage/nous de\ tê=| mêtri\ Hêrakle/ous suggene/sthai pha/sma eoiko\s Timosthe/nei~, Paus. 6, 11, 2.--Everyone will be reminded, too, of the fable of Zeus and Alkmene. But it should be noticed how near such stories as that so naively told by Herod. approach the risky novel-plot in which some profane mortal visits in disguise an unsuspecting woman and plays the part of a god or spirit-lover. That in Greece, too, such stories were current we may perhaps deduce from Eur., _Ion_, 1530 ff. Ov., _M._ iii, 281; says outright: multi nomine divorum thalamos iniere pudicos. An adventure of this sort is told by the writer of [Aeschines] _Ep._ 10, and he is able to produce two similar cases which he certainly has not invented himself (8-9).--In more recent times both western and Oriental nations have delighted in telling such stories; a typical Oriental example is the story of "the Weaver as Vishnu" in the Panchatantra (see Benfey, _Pantsch._ i, § 56); in the West there is the story of Boccaccio dealing with Alberto of Imola as the angel Gabriel, _Decam._ iv, 2--Very suspicious, too, seems the account of a miracle that occurred in Epidauros: a barren woman comes to the temple of Asklepios to seek advice by ~egkoi/mêsis~. A big snake approaches her and she has a child. ~Eph. Arch.~ 1885, pp. 21-2, l. 129 ff.]

[135\4: ~ek tou= hêrôi/ou tou= para\ tê=|si thu/rê|si **tê=|si aulei/ê|si hidrume/nou~, Hdt. vi, 69.]

[136\4: Hero ~epi\ prothu/rô|~, Callim., _Ep._ 26; a Hero ~pro\ pu/lais, pro\ do/moisin~, late epigram from Thrace, _Epigr. Gr._ 841; ~hê/rôas plêsi/on tê=s tou= ido/ntos oiki/as hidrume/nous~, Artemid. iv, 79, p. 248, 9 H. This, too, is how Pindar's words about the Hero Alkmaion as his ~gei/tôn~ are to be understood: _Pyth._ viii, 57, see above, n. 105. An Aesopian fable dealing with the relations of a man with his neighbour-Hero begins ~hê/rôa/ tis epi\ tê=s oiki/as e/chôn tou/tô| polutelô=s e/thuen~, 161 Halm.; cf. also Babr. 63.--A similar idea is at work when a son put up a monument to his father at the doorway of his house--see the fine lines of Eur., _Hel._ 1165 ff.]

[137\4: ~Ku/prô| e/ntha Teu=kros _apa/rchei_~. Aias ~_e/chei_~ Salamis and Achilles his island in the Pontus; ~The/tis de\ _kratei=_ Phthi/a|~, and so, too, Neoptolemos in Epirus: Pi., _N._ iv, 46-51; ~_amphe/pei_~ used of a Hero, _P._ ix, 70; ~toi=s theoi=s kai\ hê/rôsi toi=s _kate/chousi_ tê\n po/lin kai\ tê\n chô/ran tê\n Athênai/ôn~: Dem. 18, 184.]

[138\4: Cf. Alabandus whom the inhabitants of Alabanda sanctius colunt quam quemquam nobilium deorum: Cic., _ND._ iii, 50 (in connexion with an anecdote relating to the fourth century)--Tenem, qui apud Tenedios sanctissimus deus habetur, Cic., _V._ ii, 1, 49.]

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