Chapter V: The Cult of Souls (2)

In later times the pursuit and punishment of homicide was organized in accordance with quite different principles. The _State_ recognized its interest in the reprisals made for such a breach of the peace: we may take it as certain that in Greek cities generally the state took a share in the regular investigation and punishment of murder in its courts of justice,[145\5] though here, too, it is only in the case of Athenian law that we have precise information. At Athens, in accordance with the ancient code dealing with the legal prosecution of murder (which never fell into disuse after Drakon had established it by his penal legislation), the exclusive right--and the unavoidable duty--of prosecuting the murderer belonged to the next of kin of the murdered man. (In special cases only it was extended to include the more distant relatives, and even the members of the _phratria_ to which he had belonged.) It is clear that this duty of making an accusation which fell upon the next of kin, preserves a relic of the ancient duty of the blood-feud which has been transformed by the requirements of the public welfare. It is the same narrow circle of relationship, extending to the third generation, united by a strict religious bond, to which alone belonged the right to inherit property and the duty of performing the cult of the dead. This circle of relatives is here again called upon to "succour" the unfortunate who has been violently done to death.[146\5] The reason for this duty--a duty evidently derived from the ancient blood-feud--is easy to understand: it, too, is a department of the cult of the dead which was binding as a duty upon exactly that circle of relatives. It was no mere abstract "right", but a quite definite personal claim, made by the dead man himself, that the surviving relatives were required to satisfy. At Athens even in the fourth and fifth centuries the belief still survived in undiminished vigour that the soul of one violently done to death, until the wrong done to him was avenged upon the doer of it, would wander about finding no rest,[147\5] full of rage at the violent act, and wrathful, too, against the relatives {177} who should have avenged him, if they did not fulfil their duty. He himself would become an "avenging spirit"; and the force of his anger might be felt throughout whole generations.[148\5] Implacable revenge is the sacred duty of those--his representatives and executors--who are specially called upon to fulfil the needs of the dead soul. The state forbids them to take the law into their own hands; but it commands them to seek redress at the tribunals of justice. It will take over the duties of judge and executioner itself; but a decided consideration will be shown to the relatives of the murdered man at the hearing of the case. In duly conducted criminal procedure the courts specially appointed for this purpose will decide whether the deed is to be considered one of wilful murder, unintentional manslaughter, or justifiable homicide. In making these distinctions the state has struck a blow at that older code of the blood-feud in which the right of vengeance belonged entirely to the family of the murdered man. According to that code, as we cannot but conclude from Homer, nothing but the fact of the violent death of a relative was considered, not the character or motive of the deed itself. Now, however, the murderer is liable to a death penalty which he can avoid before the verdict is given by going into voluntary and perpetual exile. He disappears and leaves the country--at the boundaries of the country the state's authority ceases, and so does the power of the indignant spirit of the dead, which is bound to its native soil--like that of all local deities, whose influence is confined to the place where they are worshipped. If, by such flight over the frontier, "the doer of the deed withdraws himself from the person injured by him--i.e. the angry soul of the dead man"[149\5]--his life is thereby saved, even if he himself is not justified. This alone is meant by the permission of such voluntary exile. Involuntary homicide[150\5] is punished by banishment for a limited period, after the expiration of which the relations of the dead man are to grant a pardon to the murderer on his return to his native land.[151\5] If they voted for it unanimously[152\5] they could even do this before he went into banishment, in which case this would not take place at all. There can be no doubt that this pardon had to be granted by them in the name of the dead man as well, of whose rights they were the representatives; indeed, the man himself lying mortally wounded could before his death, even in the case of wilful murder, pardon his assailant and thereby excuse his relatives the duty of prosecution;[153\5] to such an extent was the injured soul's wish for vengeance the only point at issue, {178} even in the legal procedure of a constitutionally governed state, and not in the least the lawless act of the murderer as such. When there is no desire for vengeance on the part of the victim requiring to be satisfied, the murderer goes unpunished. When he suffers punishment, he suffers it for the satisfaction of the soul of the murdered man. He is no longer slain as a sacrifice to his victim; but when the relations of the dead exact vengeance from him by legally constituted processes, that, too, is a part of the cult offered to the soul of the dead.

§ 2

It is true that the state directs the blood-feud required of the relatives of the dead man along constitutional channels that shall not contravene the laws of the community; but it does not in the least intend to abolish the fundamental idea of the ancient family vendetta. It reasserts the original claim to vengeance of the victim violently done to death--a claim closely bound up with the cult of the dead--by forbidding the old custom, common in Homeric times, of buying off the blood-guiltiness of the murderer by a compensatory payment made to the relatives of the dead man.[154\5] It does not destroy the religious character of the whole transaction; it uses its own processes to secure the fulfilment of the requirements of religion. That is why the head of all criminal jurisdiction is the King Archon, the constitutional Administrator of all the _religious_ functions of the ancient royal government. The religious basis of the oldest Athenian criminal jurisdiction is particularly evident. It has its seat on the Areiopagos, the hill of the Curse-Goddesses, over the sacred chasm in which they themselves, the "Venerable Ones", have their dwelling. The judicial office is closely bound up with the service of the goddesses.[155\5] At the commencement of the proceedings both parties take an oath in the name of the Erinyes.[156\5] Each of the three days at the end of the month, upon which legal proceedings in these courts took place,[157\5] was sacred to one of the three goddesses.[158\5] To them sacrifice was made by those who were acquitted in those courts;[159\5] for it is the goddesses who have given them absolution just as it is the goddesses who demand the punishment of the guilty. They still do it, as once they had done in the typical case of Orestes, in which they themselves had been the accusers.[160\5] In this Athenian worship the Erinyes had not vet entirely lost their true and original character. They had not become the mere guardians of law in general, as which they were sometimes {179} represented by poets and philosophers who thus extended and weakened immeasurably their once much narrower significance. They are formidable daimones, dwelling in the depths of the earth from which they are conjured up by the curses and maledictions of those who have no earthly avenger left. Hence they are more particularly the avengers of murder committed within the family itself; they punish the man who has slain the very person whom he would have been called upon to avenge, if that person had fallen at the hand of another murderer than himself. When the son has slain his father or mother, who shall then carry out the blood-feud incumbent upon the nearest relation of the dead? This nearest relation is the murderer himself. It is the Erinys of the father or the mother who sees to it that the dead shall still receive due satisfaction. She breaks out from the kingdom of the dead to seize the murderer. She is ever at his heels in pursuit, leaving him no rest night or day. Vampire-like she sucks his blood:[161\5] he is her destined victim.[162\5] Even in the judicial procedure of the fully organized state it is the Erinyes who demand revenge for murder at the courts of law. Their absolute power extends in widening circle to all murder, even when it is committed outside the limits of the family; though it was only the imagination of the poetically or philosophically minded that ever transformed them completely to champions of justice of all kinds, in heaven and upon earth. In the cult and beliefs proper to individual cities they remained the auxiliaries attached to the souls of murdered men. These gruesome daimones had their origin in the worship of the dead, and they lived on in connexion with the undying worship of which they were a part. Indeed, if we examine closely the sources of information at our disposal, we can see even through their inadequacy and obscurity that the Erinys was nothing else but the soul itself of the murdered man, indignant at its fate and seizing its revenge for itself--till later ages substituted for this the conception of the ghost from hell taking over to itself the rage of the dead man's soul.[163\5]

§ 3

Thus, the whole procedure at murder trials was directed rather to the satisfaction of invisible powers--the injured souls of the dead and the daimones that represent them--than of the state and its living members. In essence it was a religious act. As a result all was not at an end when the human verdict on the case had been given. On his return from exile the man guilty of involuntary homicide, besides receiving the {180} pardon of the relatives of the dead man, had still a double duty to perform; he had to be purified and to offer propitiatory sacrifice.[164\5] Purification from the blood of the slain was necessary even in the case of the unpunished agent of what the state regarded as justifiable homicide;[165\5] it restored the man, hitherto regarded as "unclean", to participation in the religious gatherings of state and family which could not have been approached by an unpurified person without suffering defilement. The Homeric poems know nothing of any such religious purification of those who have incurred the stain of blood.[166\5] Analogous occurrences in the religious usage of allied peoples make it, however, almost impossible to doubt that the notion of religious uncleanness belonging to a man who has had any dealings with uncanny powers was of primeval antiquity among the Greeks, too. It can only have been suppressed in the Homeric view of the matter; just as that view also suppressed the usages of expiation. These were intended to propitiate the indignant soul of the dead and the gods who protected it, by means of solemn sacrifice; but in the Homeric picture of the world they never appear, for the ideas on which they were based had themselves been swept away.

The details of purification and expiation--the former serving the interests of the state and its religious needs, the latter intended as a final appeasement of the injured powers of the unseen world--were closely united in practice and are often confused in the accounts which have come down to us. A hard and fast distinction between them cannot be drawn. So much at all events is clear; the expiatory rites indispensable when murder had been committed had the closest possible similarity with the ritual of sacrifice to the gods of the underworld.[167\5] And, in fact, the deities invoked at such rites of expiation--Zeus Meilichios, Zeus Apotropaios, and the rest--belong to the underworld circle of gods.[168\5] To them, instead of the murderer himself, a victim was offered to appease the anger felt by them as the patrons of the departed soul. The Erinyes, too, have sacrifice made to them at expiations[169\5]--everything in these matters is connected with the kingdom of the dead and its inhabitants.

But it was the Delphic Oracle that saw to the details of purification and expiation after murder. The necessity of such rights was impressed on men by the example set in the story of Apollo's own flight and purification after the slaying of the earth-spirit at Pytho. These events were symbolically enacted over again regularly every eight years.[170\5] At Delphi, {181} too, according to Aeschylus, Apollo himself purified Orestes the matricide from the pollution of his crime.[171\5] At Athens one of the oldest propitiatory sites was called after one of Apollo's titles, the Delphinion.[172\5] The Oracle must often have directed its inquirers to placate not merely the Heroes, but also the angry souls of murdered (and not heroized) men by means of expiatory sacrifices: as it bade the murderers of Archilochos and the Spartan king Pausanias.[173\5] Propitiatory sacrifice in this sense does not belong to the Apolline cult as an exclusive possession; it belongs, also, to other, mostly lower-world, deities; but it was the Oracle of Apollo that set the seal on its sanctity. At Athens the Exegetai founded under the influence of the Delphic Oracle were the official administrators of this expiatory ritual.[174\5] Plato was certainly following the customs of Greek cities when in the "Laws" he declares that his state shall take its regulations for purification and propitiation from Delphi.[175\5]

§ 4

The Oracle, then, of the omniscient God sanctified and recommended these rites of expiation; the state regulated its judicial procedure in murder cases on the lines of the old family blood-feud. It was natural, then, that the ideas on which these religious and political institutions were based--the conviction of a continued existence enjoyed by the murdered man's soul and of his consciousness and knowledge of what occurred among the living who survived, his anger and his powers--that these ideas should attain to something like the position of an article of faith. The confidence with which these beliefs were held still manifests itself to us in the speeches at murder trials in which Antiphon, suiting his language to his real or imagined public, tries to arouse terror and awe, as at the presence of indubitable realities, by calling upon the angry soul of the dead man and the spirits that avenge the dead.[176\5] About the souls of murdered men indeed, regarded as more than other spirits unable to find rest, a strange and ghostly mythology grew up, of which we shall have some specimens later on. How primitive such beliefs could be we may gather with startling clearness from occasional records of purely savage customs[177\5] which are derived from them--customs which cannot possibly have been freshly invented in the Greece of this enlightened period, and must be either primitive Greek savagery come to light again, or else barbarisms only too easily welcomed from less civilized neighbours. In any case they imply the most materialistic view of the survival {182} of the murdered man, and of the revenge that might be taken by his soul.

It is evident that what men believed about the souls of murdered men must have had an important influence upon the general belief in a future life as it took shape in the mind of the people. But the extent of such an influence can be more exactly measured in the story which Xenophon tells about the dying Kyros; as the strongest grounds for the hope that an after-life will be the portion of _all_ souls after their separation from the body, the dying king points to the unquestioned facts which, as all admit, prove a special after-life for the souls "of those who have suffered injustice". In addition to this he lays stress on the argument that the worship of the dead would not have been preserved intact to his own time if their souls had been entirely deprived of all active power.[178\5] Thus we see how the _cult_ of the souls of the dead was the chief source of the _belief_ in a continued life after death.

NOTES TO CHAPTER V

I

[1\5: This dual efficacy of the ~chtho/nioi~ is explained naturally enough by their nature as underground spirits. There is no reason for supposing that their influence on the fertility of the fields was a later addition (as Preller does, _Dem. u. Perseph._ 188 ff., followed by many). Still less have we any grounds for regarding the protection of souls and the care for the fertility of crops as a sort of allegorizing parallel (soul = grain of seed) as has been usual since the time of K. O. Müller.]

[2\5: ~Zeu\s katachtho/nios~, ~I~ 457. ~theou= chthoni/ou . . . iphthi/mou Aï/deô~, Hes. _Th._ 767 f. Evidently there is no distinction here between ~katachtho/nios~ and ~chtho/nios~, as Preller, _Dem. u. Pers._ 187, wishes to make out.]

[3\5: Hes. _Op._ 465, ~eu/chesthai de\ Dii\ chthoni/ô| Dêmê/teri/ th' hagnê=| ktl.~ It is impossible even by far-fetched methods of interpretation (such as Lehrs makes use of, _Popul. Aufs._^2 298 f.) to make this ~Zeu\s chtho/nios~ into anything else than a Zeus of the underworld. The god of the lower world, totally distinct from the Olympian Zeus (~Zeu\s _a/llos_~, Aesch., _Supp._ 231), is here a dispenser of blessings to the farmer. In the sacrificial regulation from Mykonos (_SIG._ 615) it is prescribed to offer: ~hupe\r karpô=n (kampô=n~ on the stone) ~Dii\ Chtho/ni/ô| Gê=| Chthoni/ê| DERTA me/lana etê/sia? xe/nô| ou the/mis~ (where ~derta\~ = _hostias pelle spoliatas_, see Prott, _Leg. Sacr._ i, p. 17; though the addition of the colour of the no longer visible skin seems remarkable)--~hupe\r karpô=n~ here belongs to ~Dii/~, etc., as the division-mark on the stone before ~hupe\r~ shows: see _BCH._ 1888, p. 460 f. Evidence of this sort makes it clear how unjustifiable it would be to rule out all fructifying influence from the "idea of the chthonic" and to regard the chthonic deities as simply the power of death and destruction in the world of nature and men, as is done by H. D. Müller (who is met by serious difficulty in this passage from the _Op._: _Mythol. d. griech. St._ ii, 40). It is, indeed, scarcely necessary to seek for an abstractly formulated "idea of the chthonic"; but if this fructifying and life-giving force does belong to the nature of the ~chtho/nioi~ as such, what becomes of H. D. Müller's ingeniously thought-out and violently defended view according to which the chthonic only constitutes one side of the nature of certain deities who have in addition a different, Olympian, side in which they are positively creative and beneficent?]

[4\5: ~Zeu\s chtho/nios~ at Corinth, Paus. 2, 2, 8; at Olympia, 5, 14, 8.]

[5\5: Thus Persephone is called ~Hagnê/, De/spoina~, etc. (Lehrs, _Pop. Aufs._^2 288), also ~Melitô/dês, Meli/boia~; ~Melindi/a~, consort of Hades, Malalas, p. 62, 10, Di. [8th ed., Bonn.] (? ~Meli/noia~, as Hekate is ~Meilino/ê~, Orph., _H._ 71). ~Ari/stê chthoni/a~, _P. Mag. Par._ 1450.--Hekate is ~Kalli/stê, Eukoli/nê (kat' anti/phrasin hê mê\ ou=sa eu=kolos~, _EM._), the Erinyes ~Semnai/, Eumeni/des~; their mother ~Euônu/mê (= Gê=~): Ister ap. Sch. Soph., _OC._ 42 (from a similar source, Sch. Aeschin. i, 188), etc. Cf. Bücheler, _Rh. Mus._ 33, 16-17.]

[6\5: ~Polude/ktês, Polude/gmôn, Agêsi/laos~ (_Epigr. Gr._ 195; see Bentley ad Callim., _Lav. Pall._ 130; Preller, _Dem. u. Pers._ 192; Welcker, _Götterl._ ii, 482), ~Euklê=s~ (Bücheler, _Rh. Mus._ 36, 332 f.).--~Eu/kolos~ (corresponding to the ~Eukoli/nê~ above as a title of Hades must be rejected if Köhler's correction of _CIA._ ii, 3, 1529, is right: ~Hêdu/los--Euko/lou~.] {184}

[7\5: Cult of ~Zeu\s Eubouleu/s~ at Amorgos, Paros (insc. cit. by Foucart, _BCH._ vii, 402), of ~Zeu\s Bouleu/s~ at Mykonos, _SIG._ 615 (~Zeu\s Boulai=os~, _Ins. Perg._ i, 246, l. 49, does not belong here); of ~**Eu/boulos~ (original title of Hades: Orph., _H._ xviii, 12) in Eleusis (side by side ~ho theo/s, hê thea/~): _SIG._ 20, 39; _CIA._ ii, 1620 c.d. (The Athenian legend makes Eubouleus into a mortal herdsman: Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, pp. 14-15 P.; Schol. Luc., _De Merc._, 2, p. 275, 27 Rabe.) ~Eubouleu/s~ simply = Hades: Nic., _Al._ 14; epitaph from Syros, _Epigr. Gr._ 272, 9, and frequently. So, too, the ~Zeu\s Eubouleu/s~ (Hesych. s. ~Eub.~) worshipped in Kyrene must have been a ~Zeu\s chtho/nios~. Eubouleus is also a title of Dionysos as Zagreus (Iakchos), i.e. the Dionysos of the underworld.--Incidentally, what is the origin of this designation of the god of the underworld as "good counsellor" (_boni consilii praestitem_ as Macr. 1, 8, 17, translates ~Euboulê=a~)? It can hardly have been because he was specially able to take counsel on his own behalf (this is the sense in which D.S. 5, 72, 2, takes the title; but rather because he was an _oracle_ god, and as such dispensed good counsel to inquirers. Thus the oracle-god Nereus is called ~eu/boulos~ in Pi., _P._ iii, 92; so also _I._ vii, 32: ~eu/boulos The/mis~.]

[8\5: Lasos _fr._ 1 (_PLG._ iii, 376), etc.--Consecration to ~Klu/menos~ from Athens: _CIG._ 409.--Hesych. ~Periklu/menos; ho Plou/tôn~ (it is no accident that gave the name Periklymenos to the magically gifted son of Neleus). Klymenos = Hades, _Epigr. Gr._ 522 a 2.]

[9\5: The name ~Trephô/nios~, ~Trophô/nios~ itself also points to the fact that assistance to the fertility of the earth was expected of this ~Zeu\s chtho/nios~. In the later cult of Trophonios not a trace of such a belief survives.]

[10\5: ~en oudemia=| po/lei Ha/idou bômo/s estin. Aischu/los phêsi/n; mo/nos theô=n ga\r Tha/natos ou dô/rôn era=| ktl.~ (_fr._ 161 Sidg.): Schol., AB. on ~A~ 158.]

[11\5: In Elis ~hiero\s tou= Ha/idou peri/bolo/s te kai\ nao/s~, Paus. 6, 25, 2. Cult of Demeter and Kore and of Hades in the very fertile Triphylia, Str. 344.]

[12\5: Kaukones from Pylos, the Nelidai at their head, reach Attica: connexion with the cult of the ~chtho/nioi~ in Phlya in Eleusis: see K. O. Müller, _Kl. S._ ii, 258. Such accounts may have an historical foundation. The elaborate accounts by H. D. Müller, _Mythol. Gr._ 1, c. 6, and O. Crusius, _Ersch-Gruber_ "Kaukones"--operate with too many uncertain factors for the results to have any certainty.]

[13\5: ~Ha/idês . . . toi=s entha/de tosau=ta agatha\ ani/êsin~: Pl., _Crat._ 403 E. ~ho Ha/idês ou mo/non ta\s psucha\s sune/chei, alla\ kai\ toi=s karpoi=s ai/tio/s estin anapnoê=s kai\ anado/seôs kai\ auxê/seôs~: Schol. B.L., ~O~ 188.]

[14\5: ~hoi polloi\ phobou/menoi to\ o/noma Plou/tôna kalou=sin auto/n (to\n Ha/idên)~, Pl., _Crat._ 403 A.]

[15\5: At the Genesia (Nekysia sacrifice for Ge and the dead, Hesych. ~Gene/sia.--choai\ Gê=| te kai\ phthitoi=s~, A. _Pers._ 220: calling to Hermes, Ge, and Aïdoneus in "spirit-raising", _Pers._ 628 ff., 640 ff. cf. _Ch._ 124 ff.--appeal to Hermes and ~Gê= ka/tochos~ on _defixiones_: _CIG._ 538-9.]

[16\5: ~Gai=os~ in Olympia, Paus. 5, 14, 10; cf. E. Curtius, _Altäre v. Olymp._, p. 15. At Kos it would seem to have been stated that Ge was worshipped ~mo/nê theô=n~, Ant. Lib. 15 (acc. to Boios). Side by side with ~Zeu\s Chtho/nios~ was worshipped ~Gê= chthoni/ê~ at Mykonos, _SIG._ 615, 26.]

[17\5: ~po/tnia Gê= Zagreu= te, theô=n panupe/rtate pa/ntôn~, _Alkmaionis fr._ 3 (Kink.).]

[18\5: Cult of Klymenos and Demeter ~Chthoni/a~ (her festival ~Chtho/neia~: see also Ael. _HA._ xi, 4) in Hermione, Paus. 2, 35, 4 ff. Pausanias also thinks (3, 14, 5) that the cult of Dem. ~Chthoni/a~ was brought to Sparta {185} from Hermione, which may be right. Kore as ~Meli/boia~ is also mentioned in this connexion by Lasos of Herm. _fr._ 1, _PLG._ iii, 376. Dedicatory inscriptions (_CIG._ 1194-1200) also mention, side by side with Demeter Chthonia, Klymenos, and Kore as well. Once (_BCH._ 1889, p. 198, n. 24) only ~Da/matri, Klume/nô|~. Demeter was clearly the chief goddess: cf. _CIG._ 1193.--From the community of the worship of Damater Chthonia in both Hermione and Asine it may be justifiable to conclude that this cult belonged originally to the Dryopians who combined with the Dorians in Hermione and were driven by them out of Argolic Asine. There is no warrant whatever for the fanciful derivation of the Demeter-cult of these neighbourhoods from "Pelasgians" submerged by Dryopian invaders.]

[19\5: There was a common worship of: Zeus Eubouleus, Demeter, and Kore at Amorgos; Zeus Eub., Demeter Thesmophoros, Kore, Here, Babo at Paros; Plouton, Demeter, Kore, Epimachos, Hermes in Knidos; Plouton and Kore in Karia. See the citations given by Foucart, _BCH._ vii, 402 (with whose own pronouncements I cannot, however, agree at all). In Delos, Demeter, Kore, Zeus Eubouleus: _BCH._ 24, 505 n. 4. So, too, in Corinth Plouton, Demeter, and Kore: Paus. 2, 18, 3; Hades Demeter and Kore in Triphylia, Str. 344. Observe also the group of divinities at Lebadeia in the cult of Trophonios: Paus. 9, 39.--At Eleusis side by side with Demeter and Kore Plouton also was worshipped: _CIA._ ii, 834 b. But there existed even there other groups of ~chtho/nioi~ worshipped in conjunction, ~tô\ theô/~ once more joined with Triptolemos, and a second triad: ~ho theo/s, hê thea/~, and Eubouleus, _CIA. Suppl._ i, 27b, p. 59, ff. ii, 1620 bc; iii, 1108-9. This second triad, which is not mentioned on the inscr. _CIA._ i, 5 (from the beginning of the fifth century), may have only been subsequently added to the Eleusinian official cult (see Ziehen, _Leg. Sacr., Dissert._ pp. 9-10). It is a waste of time to try and identify the vague appellations ~theo/s~ and ~thea/~ with the names of definite chthonic deities (as e.g. Kern attempts, _Ath. Mitth._ 1891, pp. 5-6). Acc. to Löschcke, _D. Enneakrunosepis. bei Paus._, pp. 15-16, these Eleusinian divinities were imported into Athens, established in the chasm of the Eumenides, and instead of ~ho theo/s, hê thea/~ and Eubouleus, were called Hermes, Ge, and Plouton. But the correlation of these divinities worshipped there in conjunction with the ~Semnai/~ (acc. to Paus. 1, 28, 6) with the Eleusinian group depends entirely upon the identification of the ~Semnai/~ with Demeter and Kore. This, however, is based on nothing more than a guess of K. O. Müller's (_Aesch. Eum._, p. 176 [160 f. E.T.]), which would still be very much in the air even if the theories about "Demeter Erinys" with which it is connected did not rest on such insecure foundations. (To identify the Eleusinian-Athenian Eubouleus with Plouton is impossible, if only because of the fact that in the chthonic cult of those places ~Eubouleu/s~, originally the name of an underworld god, has developed into the name of a Hero who now has a place _alongside_ the chthonic deities.)--With the cautious appelations ~ho theo/s, hê thea/~ we may compare the appeal on a _defixio_ from Athens, _CIG._ 1034: ~dai/moni chthoni/ô| kai\ tê=| chthoni/a| kai\ toi=s chthoni/ois pa=si ktl.~]

[20\5: Cf. Mannhardt, _Mythol. Forsch._ 1884, p. 225 ff.]

[21\5: It cannot, however, be denied that already in Homer Persephone is the daughter of Demeter and Zeus. Adducing ~X~ 326 and ~l~ 217 K. O. Müller (_Kl. Sch._ ii, 91) has disposed conclusively of Preller's doubts: in spite of which H. D. Müller in his reconstruction of the Demeter-myth clings firmly to the view that the goddess carried {186} away by Hades was only afterwards made the daughter of Demeter.--The Homeric poems seem to know of the rape of Persephone by Aïdoneus but not the story of her periodical return to the upper world--which is the most important feature in the Eleusinian creed. What Lehrs says on this much-discussed subject is completely convincing (_Pop. Aufs._^2, p. 277 f.).]

[22\5: The cult of Demeter is old in Phthiotis too (--~Pu/rason, Dê/mêtros te/menos~, ~B~ 695 f.--~e/chousai Antrô=na petrê/enta~, _h. Cer._ 490). Also in Paros and Crete. That it is possible to trace the extension of the worship of Demeter in detail (as many have tried to do, is one of the current illusions on this subject that I cannot share.]

[23\5: _Aornon_ and ~nekuomantei=on~ (~psuchopompei=on~ Phot. ~Theoi\ Molottikoi/~ cf. Append. prov. iii, 18 L.-S.; Eust. ~k~ 514, p. 1667) at Ephyre on the River Acheron in Thesprotia: well known from Hdt.'s story of Periander (v, 92). Here the place of Orpheus' descent to the lower world was localised, Paus. 9, 30, 6; cf. also Hyg. 88, p. 84, 19-20 Schm.--Entrance to Hades at Tainaron, through which Herakles dragged up Kerberos (Schol. D.P. 791, etc.), with ~psuchomantei=on~: cf. Plu., _Ser. Num. Vind._ 17, p. 560 E (cf. Stat., _Th._ ii, 32 ff., 48 f., etc.).--Similar entrance to Hades at Hermione, see below; ~kataba/sion ha/|dou~ at Aigialos = Sikyon: Call. _fr._ 110.--At Phigaleia in Arcadia a ~psuchomantei=on~ at which King Pausanias inquired, Paus. 3, 17, 9.--More famous is the ~psuchomantei=on~ at Herakleia Pont.: see _Rh. Mus._ 36, 556 (this also was a place where Kerberos appeared above, Mela i, 103). Hither Pausanias came for guidance, acc. to Plu., _Ser. Num._ 10, p. 555 C; _Cimon_ 6.--The ~Ploutô/nion~ and ~psuchomantei=on~ at Cumae in Italy had a long-standing reputation (mentioned as early as Soph., _fr._ 682 [748 P.]): cf. _Rh. Mus._ 36, 555 (an Italian Greek applies to ~ti psuchomantei=on~, Plu., _Cons. Apoll._ 14, p. 109 C).--Next the Asiatic ~Ploutô/nia~ and ~Charô/neia~: at Acharaka in Karia, Str. 649-50; at Magnesia on the Maiander, ~a/ornon spê/laion hiero/n, Charô/nion lego/menon~, Str. 636; at Myous, Str. 579. This is what ~to\ en La/tmô| o/rugma~ must have been, mentioned among other ~Charô/nia~ by Antig. Caryst. 123; the ~Ki/mbros kalou/menos ho peri\ Phrugi/an bo/thunos~ also mentioned there, may very well have been the place in Phrygia spoken of by Alkman ap. Str. 580: ~bo/thunos Kerbê/sios e/chôn olethri/ous apophora/s~ (suggested by Keller on Antig). Perhaps the latter place--named after the Korybantes (?) see Bergk on Alcm. _fr._ 82--is the same as the cave at Hierapolis.--Better known than any was the oracular cavern at Hierapolis in Phrygia into which only the Galli of the Great Mother, the _Matris Magnae sacerdos_, can go without being overcome by the vapours issuing from it: Str. 629-30, Plin. ii, 208. There existed under a temple of Apollo a direct ~kataba/sion ha/|dou~, accessible at least to the faithful ~tetelesme/noi~: see the very remarkable account of Damasc., _V. Isid._ ap. Phot., p. 344b, 35-345a, 27 Bk. (Cult of Echidna in Hierapolis, see Gutschmid, _Rh. Mus._ 19, 398 ff.; this is also a chthonic cult: ~ne/rteros E/chidna~, Eur. _Ph._ 1023; Echidna among the monsters of Hades: Ar., _Ra._ 473).--These are the mortifera in Asia Plutonia, quae vidimus, Cic., _Div._ i, 79 (cf. Gal. iii, 540; xvii, 1, 10).--Entrances to Hades were regularly to be found at those places where the cave was shown by which Aidoneus made his exit or his entrance in carrying off Kore. Thus at Eleusis, ~to/thi per pu/lai eis' Aï/dao~, Orph., _H._ 18, 15, Paus. 1, 38, 5; at Kolonos, Sch. S., _OC._ 1590-3; at Lerna, Paus. 2, 36, 7; at Pheneos (a ~cha/sma en Kullê/nê|~: Conon 15), and probably in Crete too (cf. Bacch. _fr._ 53 Jebb, ap. Sch. Hes., _Th._ 914); at Enna in Sicily a ~cha/sma **kata/geion~: D.S. 5, 3, 3; Cic., _Verr._ iv, 107; {187} at Syracuse at the spring Kyane, D.S. 5, 4, 2; at Kyzikos, Prop. 3 (4), 22, 4.]

[24\5: The ~Semnai/~ live there in a ~cha/sma chthono/s~, Eur., _El._ 1266 f., on the eastern slope of the hill.]

[25\5: Paus. 2, 35, 10. The precinct of the temple was an Asylon, Phot. ~Hermi/onê~; _AB._ 256, 15; Znb. ii, 25 (Ar. ~Babul.~).--Kerberos is brought up from below at Hermione: Eur., _HF._ 615. An Acheron, and even an ~Acherousia\s li/mnê~, was to be found in Thesprotia, Triphylia, Herakleia on the Pontus, Cumae, and Cosentia in Bruttium--all sites of ancient cults of Hades and reputed as in close proximity to the underworld.]

[26\5: Strabo viii, 373--the same is reported by Call. _fr._ 110 of the inhabitants of ~Aigialo/s~ (prob. = Sikyon, where there was a cult of Demeter, Paus. 2, 11, 2-3; cf. 2, 5, 8. Hesych. ~_epôpi/s_; Dêmê/têr para\ Sikuôni/ois~), where, at any rate, there was a ~kataba/sion ha/|dou~.--The name "Hermione" seems almost to have acquired a generic sense. In the Orphic _Argonautica_ a city Hermioneia is said to be situated in the fabulous north-west of Europe in the neighbourhood of the gold-bearing river Acheron, where (as always on the margin of the ~oikoume/nê~) there dwell ~ge/nê dikaiota/tôn anthrô/pôn, hoi=sin apophthime/nois a/nesis nau/loio te/tuktai~, etc. (1135-47). Thus Hermione in this case lies immediately in the country of souls and blessedness, which the ancient inhabitants of the Peloponnesian city rather supposed to be in the neighbourhood of their own country.--Hesych. strangely: ~_Hermio/nê_; kai\ hê Dêmê/têr kai\ hê ko/rê en Surakou/sais~. Was there a place called Hermione there too? See Lob., _Paralip._ 299.]

II

[27\5: If a father makes money by his son's unchastity, the son is released from the duty of providing food or shelter for his father while the latter is alive--~apothano/nta d' auto\n thapte/tô kai\ ta=lla poiei/tô ta\ nomizo/mena~: Solonian law ap. Aeschin., _Tim._ 13.]

[28\5: Dem. 43, 57-8.]

[29\5: Sch. Soph., _Ant._ 255. Philo ap. Euseb., _PE._ viii, 358 D; 359 A. See Bernays, _Berichte Ber. Ak._ 1876, p. 604, 606 f.]

[30\5: ~Ps~ 71 ff.]

[31\5: Isoc. 14, 55.]

[32\5: The ~ba/rathron~ at Athens, the ~Kaia/das~ at Sparta. But the bodies were often given up to the relatives to bury, and in any case the refusal of burial can only have been temporary--it is incredible that they could have wished to leave the bodies to putrify in the open air.]

[33\5: Athenian law, Xen., _HG._ 1, 7, 22; common Greek institution at least as against temple-robbers, D.S. 16, 25. Examples of the enforcement of this law in the fifth and fourth centuries discussed by W. Vischer, _Rh. Mus._ 20, 446 ff.--Suicides in some places were refused burial honours (in Thebes and Cyprus); even in Athens it was customary to cut off the hand of the suicide and bury it separately (Aeschin., _Ctes._ 244). This is the punishment of ~auto/cheires~. Self-starvation was considered less shocking and that is perhaps why it occurs so frequently as a method of suicide. Cf. Thalheim, _Gr. Rechtsalt._ p. 44 f. Perhaps also the religious objection of the Pythagoreans (and Platonists) to taking this means of escape from an existence that has become unbearable rests upon popular feeling and belief--it was not shared at all by the enlightened of later ages. (There is, however, nothing in ancient beliefs that points to the idea that the body of the suicide should be allowed only burial, not burning. Acc. {188} to the ~Ilia\s mikra/~ Aias after taking his own life was buried, not burnt, ~dia\ tê\n orgê\n tou= basile/ôs~--_fr._ 3: [Apollod.] _Epit._ v, 7. There is no ground for supposing that the fable of Philostr., _H._ 721, p. 188 K., acc. to which Kalchas declared the burning of the bodies of suicides to be not ~ho/sion~, is taken out of an ancient poem; as Welcker does _Kl. Schr._ ii, 291.)]

[34\5: Cf. the words of Teles ~peri\ phugê=s~ ap. Stob., _Fl._ 40, 8 (iii, p. 738, 17 ff. Hens.), and the answer of Krates Cyn. to Demetrius of Phaleron ap. Plu., _Adul._ 28, p. 69 CD. It is worth remarking that in the fourth and even third centuries it was still necessary to reply to the idea ~ho/môs de\ to\ epi\ xe/nês taphê=nai o/neidos~. When later on the cosmopolitanism preached by the Cynics (and after their model by Teles) becomes really common property it seems no longer necessary to introduce special grounds of consolation for having to be buried in foreign soil into pamphlets ~peri\ phugê=s~. At least this is not done by the Stoic Musonius or the Platonizing Plutarch. Cf. also Philodem. _Mort._, p. 33-4 Mekl.]

[35\5: This is the reason why so often the bones or ashes of those who die abroad are collected and brought home for burial by their relations. Exx. ap. Westermann on Dem., _Eubul._ 70; cf. also Plu., _Phoc._ 37.]

[36\5: Ar., _Ec._ 1030. Origanon (wild marjoram, white thyme possesses apotropaic power: it keeps away evil spirits. The ancients knew of the virtue possessed by these plants of scaring snakes, ants, and other vermin--Aristot., _HA._ 4, 8, 534b, 22; Plin. 10, 195; Thphr., _CP._ 6, 5, 4; Diosc., _MM._ iii, 29 = i, p. 375 Spr.; _Gp._ 12, 19, 9: cf. Niclas ad _Gp._ 13, 10, 5. Modern superstition employs them against goblins and water sprites, witches and ghosts, Grimm, p. 1214; p. 1820, n. 980. If marjoram and gentian are laid by women in child-bed ghosts and devils can do them no harm "for they shun such herbs": J. Ch. Männlingen ap. Alwin Schultz, _Alltagsleben e. d. Frau im 18 Jahrh._, p. 195 f. The two purposes are closely connected. The pungent odour of herbs and burning stuff keeps away snakes as do nocentes spiritus monstra noxia: Pall. 1, 35 = 11, 3, p. 49 Sohn. The same thing applies to monstra noxia if they try to approach the corpse in the shape of snakes or insects (just as the ghost in Apul., _M._ ii, 25, approaches the corpse in the shape of a weasel; where we also read that the versipelles which threaten the corpse et aves et rursum canes et mures immo vero etiam muscas induunt: ii, 22). So, too, the marjoram has a kathartic effect on the corpse, i.e. it is a means of keeping off underworld spirits.]

[37\5: Ar., _Ec._ 1031. The corpse lay on vine branches in several of the recently discovered Dipylon graves at Athens: _Athen. Mitt._ 1893, pp 165, 184. Superstitious reasons (as in the cases where olive leaves are used as a bed: see below) are to be suspected in this case, too, but can hardly be proved: cf. **Fredrich, _Sarkophagstud._, Nach. Gött. Ges. Wiss. Ph. Cl. 1895, pp. 18, 69; Anrich, _Gr. Mysterienw._ 102, 3. Apart from this the ~a/mpelos~ does not seem to have lustral effect.]

[38\5: ~lê/kuthoi, tou/strakon~: Ar., _Ec._ 1032 f.; ~che/rnips epi\ phthitô=n pu/lais~: Eur., _Al._ 98 ff. The bowl was called ~arda/nion~: Sch. Ar., _Ec._ 1033; Poll. viii, 65 (cf. Phot. 346, 1 ~orda/nion~). It contained water fetched from _another_ house: Hesych, ~o/strakon~--obviously because the water in the house where the corpse lay was regarded as polluted. (Thus when the fire, for example, is "polluted", fresh fire is brought in from outside: Plu., _Q. Gr._ 24, p. 297 A; _Arist._ 20.) Those who left the house purified themselves with it: Hesych. ~arda/nia~, cf. {189} ~pêgai=on, pêgai=on hu/dôr~. A laurel branch (as holy-water sprinkler, as commonly in lustrations) was placed in it: Sch. Eur., _Al._ 98.]

[39\5: Serv., _A._ iii, 680: apud Atticos funestae domus huius (cupressi) frondo velantur. The object may have been to warn the superstitious against approaching the "unclean" house: it is a characteristic of the ~deisidai/môn, ou/te epibê=nai mnê/mati, ou/te epi\ nekro\n ou/t' epi\ lechô\ elthei=n ethelê=sai~, Thphr., _Ch._ 16. This at least was the reason given at Rome for a similar custom: Serv., _A._ 3, 64; 4, 507.]

[40\5: Crowning of the dead with garlands, afterwards a general custom, is first mentioned in the ~Alkmaiôni/s~ (epical, but hard to date precisely: _fr._ ii, p. 76 Kink.). On the "Archemoros" vase a woman is about to place a myrtle-wreath on the head of Archemoros. The myrtle is sacred to the ~chtho/nioi~, and hence the myrtle-crown belongs to the Mystai of Demeter as well as to the dead: see Apollod. ap. Sch. Ar., _Ran._ 330; Ister ap. Sch. Soph., _OC._ 681. Grave-monuments too were crowned and planted especially with myrtles; Eur., _El._ 324, 512; cf. Thphr., _HP._ 5, 8, 3; Vg., _A._ iii, 23. Not only the dead but graves too were frequently crowned with ~se/linon~, parsley: Plu., _Timol._ 26; _Smp._ 5, 3, 2, p. 676 D; Diogen. viii, 57, and others; cf. above, chap. iv, n. 21. The crowning invariably implies some form of consecration to a god. Acc. to Tertul., _Cor. Mil._ 10, the dead were crowned quoniam et ipsi idola statim fiunt habitu et cultu consecrationis; which at least gets nearer the real sense of the practice than the view of Sch. Ar., _Lys._ 601: ~ste/phanos edi/doto toi=s nekroi=s hôs to\n bi/on diêgônisme/nois~.]

[41\5: Pl., _Lg._ 959 A. Poll. iii, 65. A still stranger reason added ap. Phot. ~pro/thesis~.]

[42\5: Permission to attend either the ~pro/thesis~ of the corpse (and the funeral lamentation) or the funeral procession (the ~ekphora/~) given only to women of kinship ~mechri\ anepsio/têtos~: Law ap. Dem. 43, 62-3: i.e. within the ~agchistei/a~, to which alone the duty of the cult of the dead belonged in principle. Only these women of the immediate kin are ~miaino/menai~ in the case of death: cf. Hdt. vi, 58; this is the reason for the restrictions laid down by the funeral regulation from Keos (_SIG._ 877, 25 ff.), which makes an even narrower selection within the ranks of the ~agchistei/a~. (From l. 22 ~mê\ hupotithe/nai~, etc., the law speaks of the ~pro/thesis~, even though at the beginning only the ~ekphora/~ is in question.)]

[43\5: ~amucha\s koptome/nôn aphei=len~. Plu., _Sol._ 21. The democratizing of life in Attica after Solon's time may have contributed to the carrying out there of provisions restricting the elaborate funeral rites of the old aristocratic period. The practice of ~ko/ptesthai epi\ tethnêko/ti~ appears, however, to have remained in use: beating of the head at funeral lamentations is a favourite motif in Attic vase-paintings (the so-called "Prothesis" vases); cf. _Monum. dell' Instit._ viii, 4, 5; iii, 60, etc. See Benndorf, _Griech. Sicil. Vasenb._ 1.]

[44\5: ~to\ thrênei=n pepoiême/na~, Plu., _Sol._ 21: by which is meant funeral hymns carefully prepared beforehand and perhaps ordered from professional ~thrê/nôn sophistai/~, not spontaneous expressions of grief breaking out as though involuntarily.]

[45\5: Plu., _Sol._ 21: ~kai\ to\ kôku/ein a/llon en taphai=s hete/rôn aphei=len~. This must surely mean: Solon forbade dirges to be sung at a funeral of one person in honour of another, different from the person actually being buried. (~hete/rôn~ is only used for variety after ~a/llon~ and simply = ~a/llôn~: as frequently by Attic writers: ~mê\ proïe/menon a/llon hete/rô| tê\n allagê\n~, Pl., _Lg._ viii, 849 E: ~he/teron--a/llon~ Isoc. 10, 36, etc.). {190} The tendency to extend the funeral hymns to include others besides the dead man is implied by a prohibition in a funeral ordinance of the ~patri/a~ of the ~Labua/dai~ at Delphi (fifth-fourth century B.C.), _BCH._ '95, p. 11, l. 39 ff. ~tô=n de\ pro/sta tethnako/tôn en toi=s sama/tessi mê\ thrênei=n mêd' ototu/zen~ (at the funeral of another person). Was Homer thinking of something of the kind in ~T~ 302: ~Pa/troklon pro/phasin~--?]

[46\5: In Athens it had once been the custom ~hierei=a prospha/ttein pro\ tê=s ekphora=s~, i.e. while still in the house of the dead person: [Pl.] _Min._ 315 C. Such a sacrifice _before_ the ~ekphora/~ (which is not described till l. 1261 ff.) is implied by Euripides, _Hel._ 1255, at the burial of the dead body found in the sea: ~prospha/zetai me\n hai=ma prô=ta nerte/rois~--where ~prospha/gion~ is used inaccurately of sacrifice at the grave, in which case the ~_pro/_~ is meaningless; as also in the insc. from Keos (_SIG._ 877, 21). ~pro/sphagma~ is also thus used, Eur., _Hec._ 41. Plu. (_Sol._ 21) says of Solon: ~enagi/zein de\ bou=n ouk ei/asen~. Possibly Solon **forbade the sacrifice of animals _before_ the ~ekphora/~, since the author of the Ps.-Platonic _Minos_ seems also to refer to such a prohibition.]

[47\5: The Solonian restrictions says Plu. (_Sol._ 21) have been for the most part adopted in our (i.e. the Boeotian) ~no/moi~--as acc. to the indubitable witness of Cicero, Solon's funeral regulations had been reproduced **eisdem prope verbis in the tenth of the Twelve Tables by the Decemviri. Limits set to ceremonial mourning in Sparta: Plu., _Lyc._ 27 (whence _Inst. Lac._, 18, p. 238 D), in Syracuse by Gelon: D.S. 11, 38, 2; cf. "Charondas", Stob., _Fl._ 44, 40 M. = iv, 2, 24, p. 153, 10 H. Some degree of restriction was imposed on their members (about the beginning of the fourth century B.C.) by the ~patri/a~ of the ~Labua/dai~ in Delphi in the ~tethmo/s~ published in the _BCH._ '95, p. 9 ff.]

[48\5: We have a very naive expression of the ideas lying behind such violent lamentations, self-inflicted injuries, and other excessive demonstrations of grief in the presence of the dead body, when e.g. in Tahiti people wound themselves and then "call out to the soul of the dead man to witness their attachment to him" (Ratzel, _Hist. of Mankind_, i, 330); cf. Waitz-Gerland, _Anthrop._ vi, 402.]

[49\5: It is a very ancient idea common to many different nations that too violent expressions of grief for the dead man may disturb his rest and make him return: see Mannhardt, _Götter der deutschen Völker_, 1860, p. 290 (for Germany in partic. see Wuttke, _Deut. Volksabergl._^2, § 728, p. 431; Rochholz, _D. Glaube u. Brauch_, i, 207). Similar superstition in Greece is referred to in Lucian, _Luct._ 24 (in which the lateness of the witness does not prevent the belief from being ancient). The survivors who prolong beyond reason their laments are asked: ~me/chri ti/nos oduro/metha? e/ason anapau/sasthai tou\s tou= makari/ou dai/monas~.--In Pl., _Mx._ 248 B, the dead say ~deo/metha pate/rôn kai\ mête/rôn eide/nai ho/ti ou thrênou=tes oude\ olophuro/menoi hêma=s hêmi=n ma/lista chariou=ntai~--thus violent grief is intended in Greece, too, to please the dead: see last note--~alla\ . . . hou/tôs _acha/ristoi_ ei=en a\n ma/lista~: while acc. to "Charondas", Stob., _Fl._ iv, 2, 24, p. 153 H.: ~_acharisti/a esti\ pro\s dai/monas chthoni/ous_ lu/pê hupe\r to\ me/tron gignome/nê~.]

[50\5: ~ekphe/rein to\n apothano/nta tê=| husterai/a| hê=| a\n prothô=ntai, pri\n hê/lion exe/chein~, Solonian law in D. 43, 62; cf. Antipho, _Chor._ 34. Klearch. ap. Proclus _in Pl. _Rp.__ ii, 114 Kroll: Kleonymos in Athens, ~tethna/nai do/xas tri/tês hême/ras ou/sês kata\ to\n no/mon proute/thê~, i.e. it was the morning of the third day, immediately before the ~ekphora/~, the ~pro/thesis~ having occupied the whole of the second day (quite differently taken by Maass, _Orpheus_, 1895, p. 232, 46; but hardly correctly. It is scarcely probable that a man ~tethna/nai do/xas~, i.e. seeming to those {191} around him to be dead, should be recognized by these same people and treated as merely in a trance--as in fact, was the case). So, too, in the analogous story of Thespesios of Soli in Plutarch, _S. Num. Vind._ 22, p. 563 D, ~tritai=os, ê/dê peri\ ta\s tapha\s auta/s, anê/negke~ (Philostr., _VA._ 3, 38, p. 114, 28 K.: the wife of the man who has just died ~peri\ tê\n eunê\n hu/brise, tritai/ou keime/nou~ [sc. ~tou= andro/s~] ~gamêthei=sa hete/rô|~: i.e. immediately before the ~ekphora/~, while the dead man still was in the house). Similar customs are implied for the Greeks in Cyprus ap. Ant. Lib. 39, 5, p. 235, 21 West. [= p. 122, 7 f. Mart.]: ~hême/ra| de\ tritê| to\ sô=ma proê/negkan eis emphane/s (eis toumphane/s~?) ~hoi prosê/kontes~. Further, acc. to Plato's view as given in _Lg._ 959 A, there should be ~tritai/a pro\s to\ mnê=ma ekphora/~.]

[51\5: Before sunrise: D. 43, 62 (more distinctly commanded by a law of Dem. Phal.: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 66). On the other hand, it was considered a disgrace to be buried during the night: ~ê= kako\s kakô=s taphê/sê|, nukto\s ouk en hême/ra|~, Eur., _Tro._ 448.]

[52\5: So in particular the funeral-law from Keos, _SIG._ 877; cf. Plu., _Sol._ 21; Bergk, _Rh. Mus._ 15, 468. Funeral-law of the Labyadai at Delphi, l. 29 f.: ~strô=ma de\ he\n hupobale/tô kai\ poikepha/laion he\n potithe/tô~ (for the dead).]

[53\5: Reproduced _Monum. dell' Instituto_, ix, 391 [and in Rayet-Collignon, _Céramique grecque_, Pl. i].]

[54\5: The law in D. 43, 62 (cf. 64), makes restrictions in the attendance at a funeral which are to apply to women only (and only then for those under 60): men seem therefore to be granted permission indiscriminately. We are told too in Plu., _Sol._ 21, that at the ~ekkomidê/~ Solon had _not_ forbidden ~ep' allo/tria mnê/mata badi/zein~--for men that is, we must suppose. The men went in front in procession; the women followed: D. 43, 62. Evidently the same applied in Keos: _SIG._ 877, 20.--Pittakos as aesymnetes in Mitylene forbade absolutely accedere quemquam in funus aliorum, Cic., _Lg._ ii, 65.--Funeral-law of the Labyadai (Delphi, l. 42 ff.: from the burial ~api=men woi/kade he/kaston, e/chthô homesti/ôn kai\ patradelpheô=n kai\ pentherô=n kêkgo/nôn kai\ gambrô=n~, i.e. the next-of-kin of the dead in ascending and descending order.]

[55\5: This is referred to as still-existing custom by Plato, _Lg._ 800 E; cf. Sch. ad loc.; Hesych. ~Kari=nai~. Menand. ~Kari/nê~, Mein., _Com._ iv, p. 144 (Karo-phrygian funeral-flutes: Ath. 174 F: Poll. iv, 75-9).]

[56\5: ~to\n thano/nta de\ phe/ren katakekalumme/non siôpê=| me/chri epi\ to\ sê=ma~, _SIG._ 877, 11. Funeral-law of Labyad., l. 40 ff. ~to\n de\ nekro\n kekalumme/non phere/tô siga=|, kê\n tai=s strophai=s~ ("at the street-corners") ~mê\ kattithe/ntôn mêdamei=, mêd' ototuzo/ntôn e/chthos ta=s woiki/as pri/g k' epi\ to\ sa=ma hi/kônti; tênei= d' e/nagos e/stô ktl.~ (the last not yet satisfactorily explained).

[57\5: Solon diminished (under the alleged influence of Epimenides) at funerals ~to\ sklêro\n kai\ to\ barbariko\n hô=| sunei/chonto pro/teron hai plei=stai gunai=kes~, Plu., _Sol._ 12.]

[58\5: In the list of quotations from individual authors from the fifth century on, given in Becker **_Char._^2 iii, 98 ff. [= E.T.^3 pp. 390-1], only the foll. speak for _burial_ as the prevailing custom: Plu., _Sol._ 21. ~ouk ei/asen~ (Solon) ~_suntithe/nai_ ple/on himati/ôn triô=n~, and Plu., _Lyc._ 27, ~_suntha/ptein_ ou/den eiasen~ (Lycurg.) ~alla\ en phoiniki/di kai\ phu/llois elai/as _the/ntes to\ sô=ma_ perie/stellon~: cf. Th. i, 134, 4. _Cremation_, on the other hand, is implied as the more common in Athens (fourth century) by Is. 4, 19: ~_ou/t' e/kausen_ out' ôstolo/gêsen~; so, too, the will (third century) of the Peripatetic Lykon (D.L. v, 70): ~peri\ de\ tê=s ekphora=s kai\ {192} _kau/seôs_ epimelêthê/tôsan ktl.~ Cf. Also Teles ap. Stob. 40, 8, i, p. 747, 5 H.; ~ti/ diaphe/rei hupo\ puro\s katakauthê=nai~--which is here regarded as _Greek_ funeral usage.--In the graves recently discovered before the Dipylon gate in Athens those belonging to the earliest period almost without exertion have their dead _buried_ (without coffin); the following period (into the sixth century) generally burnt their dead; later, burial seems to have been more usual--see the account by Brückner and Pernice of the excavations before the Dipylon gate, _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, pp. 73-191. Thus it appears that in the later period burial was the prevailing practice in Attica (L. Ross, _Archaeol. Aufs._ i, 23), as also, being essentially cheaper than cremation, in other parts of Greece as well (a few references given in _BCH._ '95, p. 144, 2).]

[59\5: ~ôstolo/gêsen~, Is. 4, 19.]

[60\5: The custom of ~ekphora/~ on an open ~kli/nê~ is not in harmony with the intention of laying the body of the dead in a coffin, but evidently presupposes that the body is to be placed either unenveloped in the ground or else to be burnt. The practice of coffin-burial (probably introduced from the East) later became common, but was never completely harmonized with the ancient ceremonies of the _~ekphora/~_.]

[61\5: Coffinless burial was usual in the graves of the "Mycenaean" period, and also in the oldest times in Attica. The Spartans were merely keeping up this ancient custom when they ~en phoiniki/di kai\ phu/llois elai/as the/ntes to\ sô=ma perie/stellon~ (buried), Plu., _Lyc._ 27. Here everything points to the retention of primitive usage. The bodies were buried in the ancient fashion, not burnt; they were wrapped in a crimson robe. Crimson is otherwise the special colour for war and festival dress (cf. Müller, _Dorians_, ii, 264); here it is used in connexion with chthonic cult: ~e/chei ga/r tina to\ porphurou=n chrô=ma sumpa/theian pro\s to\n tha/naton~ says rightly Artemid. 1, 77, p. 70, 11 H. This can hardly be because of the red colour of blood; any more than that is why ~tha/natos~ is called ~porphu/reos~. But even Homer ~Ô~ 796 makes Hektor's bones wrapped ~_purphure/ois_ pe/ploisi~--the bones only in this case instead of the whole body: clearly a vestige of an older custom which survived unchanged in Sparta. Similarly ~Ps~ 254. So, too, e.g. in the Dipylon graves at Athens burnt bones were found wrapped in a cloth, _Ath. Mitt._ 18, 160-1, 185. The head of the murdered brother ~_phoiniki/di_ ekalupsa/tên kai\ ethapsa/tên~ the two other Kabeiroi in the religious myth related by Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, p. 16 P. Crimson frequently occurs as a colour used in chthonic cult: e.g. at the ceremonial ~a/rai~ implying consecration to the infernal deities in [Lys.] 6, 51; at sacrifices to the Plataean Heroes: Plu., _Arist._ 21; at the transfer of the bones of Rhesos: see above, chap. iv, n. 36; Polyaen. vi, 53; at sacrifices to the Eumenides, Aesch., _Eum._ 1028.--The custom of burial upon leaves was also retained by the Pythagoreans: they buried their dead (without burning them, Iamb., _VP._ 154) in myrti et oleae et populi nigrae foliis (in fact, the trees regularly sacred to the ~chtho/nioi~), Plin. 35, 160. Fauvel (ap. Ross, _Arch. Aufs._ i, 31) found in graves by the Melitean gate at Athens le squelette couché sur un lit épais de feuilles d'olivier encore en état de brûler. (Olive stones in Mycenaean Graves, Tsundas, ~Eph. Arch.~, '88, p. 136; '89, p. 152.)]