Chapter XL: Part II: 1\15: See above, chap. v, p. 162 f (1)

[2\15: Lucian 50, _De Luctu_: washing, anointing, crowning of the dead body, ~pro/thesis~: c. 11. Violent dirge-singing over the dead, 12; accompanied by the ~aulo/s~, 19; and led by a special singer ~thrênô=n sophistê/s~, 20. Special lament by the father, 13. The dead is before them with jaws tied up and so secured against unsightly gaping--19 fin. (a stronger form of the Homeric ~su/n te sto/m' erei/dein~, ~l~ 426). For this purpose narrow bands are drawn round the chin, cheeks, and forehead of the dead man. We sometimes see them represented on vases depicting a lying-in-state, and they have also been found sometimes in graves in which case they have been made of metal (gold or lead): see Wolters, _Ath. Mitth._ 1896, p. 367 ff. ~esthê/s, ko/smos~ (even including horses and slaves) burnt or buried in company with the dead for his pleasure, 14. ~obolo/s~ given to the dead, 10. The dead fed by ~choai/~ and ~kathagi/smata~, 9. The gravestone crowned; sprinkled with ~a/kratos~; burnt offering, 19. ~peri/deipnon~ after a three days' fast, 24.]

[3\15: From a rather earlier period we hear that it is a bad thing to be dead ~mê\ tucho/nta tô=n nomi/môn~--it is an infamous deed for the son to deny his father ~ta\ nomizo/mena~ after death; Din., _Aristog._ viii, 18; cf. [D.] 25, 54.--The dead man says with satisfaction ~pa/nth' ho/sa toi=s chrêstoi=s phthime/nois no/mos esti\ gene/sthai tô=nde tuchô\n kagô\ to/nde ta/phon kate/chô~, _Epigr. Gr._, 137; cf. 153, 7-8.]

[4\15: ~homo/taphoi~ are mentioned among other associations as occurring in a Solonian law: _Digest._ 47, 22, 4. These would probably be special _collegia funeraticia_ (at any rate societies of which the exclusive or essential bond of union consisted in ~homou= taphê=nai~--and not, therefore, any of the ordinary ~thi/asoi~ or any "gentilician association" as Ziebarth thinks, _Gr. Vereinswesen_, p. 17 [1896]). There are also traces (but not very frequent) of common burial grounds belonging to ~thi/asoi~; e.g. in Kos, _Inscr. Cos_, 155-9. ~eranistai/~ bury their dead member, _CIA._ ii, 3308; ~summu/stai~ do the same, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 35. A member contributes as ~tami/as~ of the _collegium_ out of his own means, for the benefit of dead members of an ~e/ranos, eis tê\n taphê/n, tou= euschêmonei=n autou\s kai\ teteleutêko/tas ktl.~, _CIA._ ii, 621 (about 150 B.C.). Another ~tami/as de/dôken toi=s metalla/xasin (thiasô/tais) ta\ taphiko\n parachrê=ma~ ins. from Attica, third century B.C. _CIA._ iv, 2, 623b; cf. ib., 615b, l. 14-15; Rhod. inscr. in _BCH._ iv, 138. Dionysiastai, Athenaistai in Tanagra ~e/thapsan to\n dei=na~: _GDI._ 960-2 (_IG. Sept._ i, 685-9). The Iobakchai in Athens (third century A.D.) offer a crown and wine at the burial of a member: _Ath. Mitt._ 1894, 261, l. 158 ff. ~hoi thi/asoi pa/ntes~ and even ~hoi e/phêboi kai\ hoi ne/oi, ho dê=mos, hê gerousi/a~ erect the monument, _CIG._ 3101, 3112. (Teos) ~sunodei=tai~ bury together the members of their ~su/nodoi~, _IPE._ ii, 60-5. A gymnasiarch also undertakes ~tô=n ekkomidô=n epime/leian~, _Inscr. Perg._, ii, 252, l. 16; noteworthy also is ii, 374 B, l. 21-5. A few more exx. are given by E. Loch, _Zu d. griech. Grabschriften_ (_Festschr. Friedländer_, 1895), p. 288.] {551}

[5\15: ~dêmosi/a taphê/~ frequently. Resolution ~pandêmei\ parape/mpsasthai to\ sô=ma tou= dei=nos epi\ tê\n kêdei/an autou=~, inscr. of Amorgos, _BCH._ 1891, p. 577 (l. 26); p. 586 (l. 17 ff.). Resolution of the council and people of Olbia (first century B.C.): when the body of a certain deserving citizen who has died abroad is brought into the city, all workshops are to close, the citizens wearing black shall follow his ~ekphora/~; an equestrian statue of the dead man to be erected and every year at the ~hippodromi/ai~ of Achilles the golden crown granted to the dead man to be proclaimed, etc.: _IPE._ i, 17, 22 ff.--Honour paid to a dead man by granting a golden crown, _CIG._ 3185; cf. Cic., _Flac._ 75. This example comes from Smyrna, where such honours were particularly common: see Böckh on _CIG._ 3216. Frequent on Asia Minor inss.: ~ha po/lis~ sc. ~stephanoi=, e/thapsen, to\n dei=na. ho da=mos tô=| dei=ni~, sc. ~ane/thêke~, on graves: see esp. G. Hirschfeld, _Greek Inscr. in Brit. Mus._ iv, 1, p. 34. More ap. Loch, op. cit., p. 287.]

[6\15: This seems to have been particularly common in Amorgos; cf. _CIG._ 2264b: four inss. from Amorgos. _BCH._ 1891, p. 574 (153-4 B.C.), 577, 586 (242 B.C.), 588 f. The Council of the Areopagos and the people of Athens decree the erection of a statue in honour of a young man of rank (T. Statilius Lamprias) who has died ~pro\ hô/ras~ in Epidauros, and also the dispatch of envoys to ~paramuthê/sasthai apo\ tou= tê=s po/leôs ono/matos~ his parents and his grandfather Lamprias. In the same way the citizens of Sparta send an embassy of sympathy and consolation to other relatives of the same youth (first century A.D.), _Fouil. d'Epidaur._ i, 205-9, pp. 67-70. Honorific decree of council and people of Corinth for the same person, ~Eph. Arch.~, 1894, p. 15. ~_psêphi/smata paramuthêtika/_~ of two Lydian cities at the death of a man of rank (first century A.D.), _Anz. Wien. Ak._, Phil. Hist. Cl., 16th Nov., 1893 (n. 24) = _Ath. Mitt._ 1894, p. 102 f.; cf. Paros, _CIG._ 2383 (the council and people decree the erection of a statue to a dead boy ~epi\ me/rous paramuthêso/menoi to\n pate/ra~); Aphrodisias in Karia, _CIG._ 277b, 2775b-d; Neapolis, _CIG._ 5836 = _IG. Sic. It._ 758.--The grounds of consolation, so far as they are alluded to, are regularly independent of any theological teaching: ~phe/rein summe/trôs ta\ tê=s lu/pês eido/tas ho/ti aparai/têto/s estin hê epi\ pa/ntôn anthrô/pôn moi=ra~ and the like (~phe/rein to\ sumbebêko\s anthrôpi/nôs~, _F. d'Epid._ i, 209). We are reminded of the ~paramuthêtikoi\ lo/goi~ of the philosophers which are literary expressions of these consolations--the philosophers in fact were expected _ex officio_ to offer such consolations to the mourners, cf. Plu., _Superst._ 186 C; D. Chr. 27, § 9 (ii, 285 Arn.).]

[7\15: In spite of any brevity in the narrative the fact of ritual burial is regularly alluded to (as an important circumstance) in the romance of Xen. Eph. and in the _Historia Apollonii_: _Griech. Roman_, 391, 3; 413, 1.]

[8\15: At Athens his friend vainly tries to obtain burial _intra urbem_ for the murdered Marcellus: quod religione se impediri dicerent; neque id antea cuiquam concesserunt (while in Rome people were occasionally buried in the city in spite of the prohibition of the XII tables: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 58): Servius to Cicero, _Fam._ 4, 12, 3 (45 B.C.). There it was permitted uti in quo vellent gymnasio eum sepelirent and finally his body was cremated and the remains buried in nobilissimo orbis terraram gymnasio, the Academy. ~entapha\ kai\ the/sis tou= sô/matos en tô=| gumnasi/ô|~ (of an aristocratic Roman) in Kyme: _GDI._ 311. To a living benefactor of that city ~sunechôrê/thê kai\ entaphê=nai~ (in the future) ~en tô=| gumnasi/ô|~, _CIG._ 279b (Aphrodisias in Karia). As a special mark of honour paid to a benefactor of the city it is permitted that his body in oppidum introferatur (into Smyrna: Cic., _Flac._ 75), ~entapha\ kata\ po/lin kai\ {552} tapha\ dêmosi/a, entapha\ kata\ po/lin en tô=| episamota/tô| tou= gumnasi/ou to/pô|~, Knidos, _GDI._ 3501, 3502 (time of Augustus). The city buries a youth ~gumna/dos en teme/nei~, _Epigr. Gr._ 222 (Amorgos).--Ulpian, _Dig._ 47, 12, 3, 5, implies the possibility that lex municipalis permittat in civitate sepeleri.]

[9\15: ~sê=ma~, i.e. probably grave and monument, of Messia set up by her husband in his own house: _Epigr. Gr._ 682 (Rome).]

[10\15: Thus _Inscr. Perg._ ii, 590, ~zô=n ho dei=na kateskeu/ase to\ mnêmei=on tê=| idi/a| ma/mmê| . . . kai\ tô=| pa/ppô|, heautô=|, gunaiki/, te/knois, ekgo/nois anexallotri/ôton he/ôs diadochê=s ktl.~ Similar directions, ib., n. 591, and frequently. The series includes the old and traditional circle of the ~_agchistei=s_~: see above, chap. v, nn. 141 and 146 (where ~me/chri anepsiadô=n pai/dôn~ should be read).]

[11\15: There was even a Solonian law against violation and plunder of tombs: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 64. The specially invented word ~tumbôru/chos~ shows that such practices were frequent at a quite early period; cf. ~sêma/tôn phô=ra~, Herond. v, 57. Complaint on account of the rifling of a tomb: Egypt, papyr. of 127 B.C., _Notices et extraits_, xviii, 2, p. 161 f. Frequent rescripts of emperors of the fourth century against the profanation of graves, _Cod. Theod._ ix, 17. But even emperors of second and third centuries had to deal with the subject: _Dig._ 47, 12, and cf. Paul., _Sent._ 1, 21, 4 ff.; _sepulchri violati actio_, Quint., _Decl._ 299, 369, 373. Grave-thieves were a favourite character in romance: e.g. ap. Xen. Eph., Chariton and others. Epigram of Greg. Naz. on the subject of looted graves, _Anth. Pal._ viii, 176 ff. From the fourth century the Christians in particular seem to have been a danger to heathen burial places (cf. Gothofred., ad _Cod. Theod._ iii, p. 150 Ritt.)--in fact, ecclesiastics were specially given to grave-robbery: _Novell. Valentin._ 5 (p. 111 Ritt.), Cassiod., _Var._ iv, 18; _bustuarii latrones_ (Amm. Marc. 28, 1, 12), were then frequent. An Egyptian anchorite had at an earlier period become latronum maximus et sepulchrorum violator: Rufin., _Vit. Patr._ 9 (p. 446b Rossw.).]

[12\15: Inscrr. indicating such sepulchral penalties are rare on the mainland of Greece, common in Thrace and the Greek cities of Asia Minor, but most frequent of all in Lykia. Most of them belong to the Roman period, but also appeal occasionally to ~to\n tê=s asebei/as no/mon~ of the city (cf. also Korkyra. _CIG._ 1933); or refer to the ~e/gklêma tumbôruchi/as~ as though it were a local process of law which had perhaps been confirmed by an Imperial ordinance (~hupeu/thunos e/stô toi=s diata/gmasi kai\ toi=s patri/ois no/mois~, inscr. from Tralles: see Hirschfeld, p. 121). They therefore cannot be simply borrowed from the Roman custom, but belong to the old law of the country esp. in Lykia where a similar prescription has been found dating from the third century B.C.: _CIG._ 4529; see Hirschfeld, _Königsb. Stud._ i, pp. 85-144 (1887)--doubt is thrown on the legal validity of the penal clauses in such inscrr. by J. Merkel, _Festg. f. Ihering_, p. 109 ff. (1892).]

[13\15: Curses directed against those who bury unauthorized persons in a grave or damage the monument are rare in European Greece: e.g. Aegina, _CIG._ 2140b; Thessaly, _BCH._ xv, 568; Athens, _CIA._ 1417-28; among these is a Thessalian grave, 1427; a Christian, 1428; 1417-22 are set up by Herodes Atticus to Apia Regilla and Polydeukion (cf. K. Keil, Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101), but his coquetting with the cult of the ~chtho/nioi~ proves nothing for the common opinion of his fellow citizens. Sepulchral curses are particularly common in inss. from Lykia and Phrygia; also Cilicia, _JHS._ 1891, p. 228, 231, 267; a few also from Halikarnassian graves; Samos, _CIG._ 2260.--The {553} grave and its peace are placed under the care of the underworld deities in these inss.: ~paradi/dômi toi=s katachthoni/ois theoi=s tou=to to\ hêrô=|on phula/ssein ktl.~, _CIA._ iii, 1423-4. Cf. also a Cretan inscr. _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p. 211. Whoever introduces a stranger into the grave or damages the grave ~_asebê\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~ (thus in Lykia, _CIG._ 4207; 4290; 4292), ~asebê/sei ta\ peri\ tou\s theou/s te kai\ thea\s pa/sas kai\ hê/rôas pa/ntas~ (from Itonos in Phthiotis, _BCH._ xv, 568). ~_hamartôlo\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~, _CIG._ 4252b, 4259, 4300e, i, k, v, 4307, 4308; _BCH._ 1894, p. 326 (n. 9)--all from Lykia. (The formula occurs already in a Lyk. inscr. of 240 B.C.; _BCH._ 1890, p. 164: ~hamartôloi\ e/stôsan~--the archons and citizens who neglect to offer the yearly sacrifice to Zeus Soter--~theô=n pa/ntôn kai\ apotine/tô ho a/rchôn ktl.~, which thus corresponds exactly with the oldest Lyk. inscr. with sepulchral penalty, _CIG._ 4259). ~e/stô _hiero/sulos_ theoi=s ourani/ois kai\ katachthoni/ois~, _CIG._ 4253 (Pinara in Lykia). This must mean: he shall be regarded as having transgressed the _law_ against ~ase/beia, hierosuli/a~ (cf. ~_hoi no/moi_ hoi peri\ hierosu/lou~, Teos, _SIG._ 523, 51), ~tumbôruchi/a~, having at the same time offended against the gods (see Hirschfeld, op. cit., p. 120 f.). More particular is another Lyk. ins.: ~hamartôlo\s e/stô theô=n pa/ntôn kai\ Lêtou=s kai\ tô=n te/knôn~ (as the special gods of the country), _CIG._ 4259, 4303, (iii, p. 1138), 4303 e^3 (p. 1139). In Cilicia ~e/stô êsebêkô\s e/s te to\n Di/a kai\ tê\n Selê/nên~, _JHS._ xii, 231. Phrygian: ~kecholôme/non e/choito Mê=na katachtho/nion~, _BCH._ 1886, p. 503, 6; cf. ~enorkizo/metha Mê=na katachtho/nion eis tou=to mnêmei=on mêde/na eiselthei=n~, _Amer. School at Athens_ iii, 174. The same is intended by the peculiarly Phrygian denunciation ~e/stô autô=| pro\s to\n theo\n, pro\s tê\n chei=ra tou= theou=, pro\s to\ me/ga o/noma tou= theou=~, _CIG._ 3872b (p. 1099), 3890, 3902 f.o., 3963: _Amer. School_ iii, 411; _BCH._ 1893, p. 246 ff. That these are Christian formulae--as Ramsay, _JHS._ iv, p. 400 f., supposes--is hardly likely. Equally unlikely in the case of 3902r (Franz rightly protests against the idea): ~e/stai autô=| pro\s to\n zô=nta theo/n~ (the same occurs again in a decisively non-Christian sense: _BCH._ 1893, p. 241) ~kai\ nu=n kai\ en tô=| krisi/mô| hême/ra| (kri/sis~ apparently = death in _CIG._ 6731, from Rome, which, considering the words ~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~, can hardly be Christian). ~tê=s tou= theou= orgê=s methe/xetai~, _CIA._ iii, 1427. Obscure threat: ~ou ga\r mê\ sunei/kê| . . .~, _CIG._ 2140b (Aegina. The profaner of graves is cursed in more detail: ~tou/tô| mê\ gê= batê/, mê\ tha/lassa plôtê/, alla\ ekreizôthê/setai pagge/nei~ (the ~arai/~ on the mss. of Herod. Att. agree so far at least in intention, _CIA._ iii, 1417-22). ~pa=si toi=s kakoi=s pei=ran dô/sei, kai\ phrei/kê| kai\ puretô=| kai\ tetartai/ô| kai\ ele/phanti ktl.~, _CIA._ iii, 1423-4 (similar curse on a lead tablet from Crete: _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p. 211). The first half of this imprecation represents the regular formula in such ~arai/~ and ~ho/rkoi--mê\ gê= batê/ ktl.~; cf. Wünsch, _Defix._, p. vii, and a Jewish-Greek inscr. from Euboea: ~Eph. Arch.~, 1892, p. 175; it occurs also in _CIG._ 2664, 2667 (Halikarnassos); 4303 (p. 1138 Phrygia. ~dô/sei toi=s katachthoni/ois theoi=s di/kên~, 4190 (Cappadocia). ~o/rphana te/kna li/poito, chê=ron bio/n, oi=kon e/rêmon, en puri\ pa/nta da/moito, kakô=n hu/po chei=ras o/loito~ 3862, 3875, 400 (Phrygia). These are all peculiarly and originally _Phrygian_; something similar seems to occur in inss. in the Phrygian language: see _Ztschr. vergl. Sprachf._ 28, 381 ff.; _BCH._ 1896, p. 111 ff. Phrygian, too, is the curse ~hou=tos d' aô/rois peripe/soito sumphorai=s~, _Epigr. Gr._, p. 149, _Amer. Sch. Ath._ ii, 168--i.e. may his children die ~a/ôroi~. (More plainly ~te/knôn aô/rôn peripe/soito sumphora=|~, _BCH._ 1893, p. 272.) Sometimes the additional phrase is found ~kai\ meta\ tha/naton de\ la/boi tou\s hupochthoni/ous theou\s timôrou\s kai\ kecholôme/nous~, {554} _CIG._ 3915 (Phrygian). Besides the common imprecations we also have ~thano/nti de\ oude\ hê gê= pare/xei autô=| ta/phon~, 2826 (Aphrodisias in Karia); ~mê/te ourano\s tê\n psuchê\n autou= parade/xaito~, _Am. Sch. Ath._ iii, 411 (Pisidia). Barbarous in the extreme is an inscr. from Cilicia (_JHS._ 1891, p. 287): ~he/xei pa/nta ta\ thei=a kecholôme/na kai\ ta\s stugera\s Ereinu/as kai\ idi/ou te/knou hê/patos geu/setai~.--With these grave-imprecations we may compare also the threats uttered against those who shall neglect the directions for the honouring of King Antiochos of Kommagene who lies buried in his ~hierothe/sion~ (ib, 13; iiib, 3: hence correct ~hierothu/sion~ in Paus. 4, 32, 1) on the Nemrud Dagh: ~eido/tas ho/ti chalepê\ ne/mesis basilikô=n daimo/nôn, timôro\s homoi/ôs ameli/as te kai\ hu/breôs, ase/beian diô/kei kathôsiôme/nôn te hêrô/ôn ateimasthei\s no/mos aneila/tous e/chei poina/s. ta\ me\n ga\r ho/sion ha/pan koupho\n e/rgon, tê=s de\ asebei/as opisthobarei=s anagkai/~ (iiia, 22 ff., _Ber. Berl. Akad._ 1883).]

[14\15: From the point of view of religion, at any rate, it is true, though with considerable reservations, that most of the Greeks and Macedonians scattered over Asia and Egypt in _coloniae_, in Syros Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt, Liv. 38, 17, 11-12. The only non-Greek nation (apart from the Romans) which learnt anything from the Greeks or from the semi-religious Greek philosophy was the Jewish--at once the most stubborn and the most pliable of them all.]

[15\15: At a quite late period, in order to explain the impiety of grave-robbing, Valentinian says (following the libri veteris sapientiae quite as much as Christian teaching) licet occasus necessitatem mens divina (of man) non sentiat, amant tamen animae sedem corporum relictorum et nescio qua sorte rationis occultae sepulchri honore laetantur (_Nov. Valent._ v, p. 111 Ritt.).]

[16\15: After the reception of the last person who has a right there ~apoierô=sthai to\n pla/tan, aphêrôï/sthai to\ mnêmei=on~, _CIG._ 2827, 2834. ~korakôthê/setai~, i.e. it will be finally shut up: 3919.]

[17\15: ~epea\n de\ toi=s kamou=sin egchutlô/sômen~, Herond. v, 84 (i.e. at the end of the month: festival of the dead at the ~triaka/des~, see above, chap. v, n. 88. ~hême/ras lêgou/sês kai\ mêno\s phthi/nontos eiô/thasin enagi/zein hoi polloi/~, Plu., _Q. Rom._ 34, p. 272 D). Offerings to the dead at the grave: see besides Luc., _Charon_, 22.]

[18\15: Epikteta: see above, chap. v, n. 126. Traces of a similar foundation on an inscr. from Thera ap. Ross, _Inscr. Gr._ 198 (ii, p. 81).--Otherwise the son will perhaps offer to his father ~tê\n taphê\n kai\ _to\n enagismo/n_~ (_CIG._ 1976, Thessalonike; 3645 Lampsakos)--~to\ hêrô=|on kateskeu/asen eis aiô/nion mnê/mên kai\ tê=| meta\ tha/naton aphôsiôme/nê| thrêskei/a|~ (_CIG._ 4224d, iii, p. 1119 Lykia). A dead man has left the council of a city a sum of money for a ~stephanôtiko/n~ (_CIG._ 3912, 3916 Hierapolis in Phrygia); i.e. in order that his grave may be crowned every year from the interest of the money: 3919. Another man leaves money to a society to celebrate his memory yearly by holding a ~euôchi/a~ with ~oinoposi/a~ illumination and crowns: 3028 Ephesos. An annual feast in honour of a dead man's memory on his ~gene/thlios hême/ra~: 3417 Philadelphia in Lydia (this is the proper day for a feast of the dead: see above, chap. v, n. 89). Annual memorial in the month ~Huaki/nthios~ for a dead ~archieranistê/s~ in Rhodos, ~anago/reusis~ of his crowns of honour and crowning of his ~mnêmei=on~, regular ~anago/reusis ta=n tima=n en tai=s suno/dois~ (of the ~e/ranos~) ~kai\ tai=s _epichu/sesin_~ (second century B.C.), _IGM. Aeg._ i, 155, l. 53 ff., 67 ff. Another foundation, in Elatea (_BCH._ x, 382), seems to have been much more elaborate in intention and to have included the sacrifice of a bull, as well as ~euôchi/a~ and an ~agô/n~.] {555}

[19\15: ~ta/phos, deuo/menos gera/ôn~, inscr. from Athens (second century A.D.): _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 6. ~the/lgein psuchê\n tethnêko/tos andro/s~ by libations at the grave: _Epigr. Gr._ 120, 9-10.]

[20\15: The ~_apo/taphoi_~: this is the name given to those ~apesterême/noi tô=n progonikô=n ta/phôn~, _EM._ 131, 44. They even had a burial place of their own: ~apota/phôn ta/phôn~ on a marble vase from Rhodos, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 656.]

[21\15: This ~chai=re~ repeats the last farewell which accompanied the removal of the body from the house (Eur., _Alc._ 626 f.). Cf. ~chai=re/ moi ô= Pa/trokle kai\ ein Aï/dao do/moisin~, the words with which Achilles (~Ps~ 179) addresses his dead friend lying upon the funeral pyre. So too on tombstones ~chai=re~ must be intended to suggest the continued sympathy of the survivors and the appreciation by the dead of that sympathy. Does it also imply veneration of the departed as ~krei/ttôn~? Gods and Heroes were also addressed with this word: cf. ~chai=r' a/nax Hêra/klees~, etc.--The passer-by calls out ~chai=re~: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. ho para/gôn se aspa/zetai~, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 263; and cf. _Epigr. Gr._ 218, 17-18; 237, 7-8; cf. Loch, op. cit., 278 f.]

[22\15: ~chai/rete~ is said by the dead man to the living; Böckh on _CIG._ 3775 (ii, p. 968); cf. ~chaire/tô ho anagnou/s~, _IG. Sic. et It._ [_IG._ xiv] 350.]

[23\15: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. chai=re kai\ su\ kai\ euo/dei~, _CIG._ 1956 (more given by Böckh, ii, p. 50; see also on 3278); _Inscr. Cos_, 343; _IG. Sic. et It._ 60, 319; _BCH._ 1893-4, 242 (5), 249 (22), 528 (24), 533 (36); specially noteworthy is p. 529 (28), ~Leu/kie Liki/nie chai=re. ke\ su/ ge ô= parodei=ta "chai/rois ho/ti tou=to to\ semno\n | ei=pas emoi\ chai/rein hei/neken eusebi/ês"~. To call upon the dead is an act of ~euse/beia~.]

[24\15: At the burial of a woman who is being given a public funeral ~epebo/ase ho da=mos tri\s to\ o/noma auta=s~, _GDI._ 3504 (Knidos; in the time of Trajan). In the same way the name of the ~hê/rôs~ was called out three times at a sacrifice in his honour: see above, chap. iv, n. 62.]

[25\15: Tombstone of Q. Marcius Strato (circ. second century A.D.), _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 5 ff. ~toi/gar ho/soi Bromi/ô| Paphi/ê| te ne/oi meme/lêsthe, deuo/menon gera/ôn mê\ maranei=sthe ta/phon; alla\ parastei/chontes ê\ ou/noma kleino\n homartê=| bôstre/et' ê\ rhadina\s sumpatagei=te che/ras~. Those who are thus charged answer, ~prosenne/pô Stra/tôna kai\ timô= kro/tô|~.]

[26\15: Often represented on Attic _lekythoi_: Pottier, _Les lécythes blancs_, p. 57.]

[27\15: The gods and their statues are honoured in this way: Sittl, _Gebärden_, p. 182.]

[28\15: ~belti/ones kai\ krei/ttones~, Arist., _Eudem. fr._ 37 [44].]

[29\15: ~chrêstou\s _poiei=n_~ euphemism for ~apoktinnu/nai~ in a treaty between Tegea and Sparta: Arist., _fr._ 542 [592]. They _become_ ~chrêstoi/~ only after death. This ancient and evidently popular expression gives far stronger grounds for believing that ~chrêsto/s~ applied to the dead than does the passage from Thphr., _Ch. _x, 16 (xiii, 3), for the opposite view (the ~peri/ergos~ writes on a tombstone that a dead woman and her family ~chrêstoi\ ê=san~, which Loch concludes that the word really "denotes a quality of the living and not of the dead", op. cit., 281). It is possible at the same time that those who used such words did not mean anything special by their ~chrêste\ chai=re~, and at any rate only thought of it as a vague adjective of praise. But that was not its real meaning.]

[30\15: ~chrêste\ chai=re~ and the like, with or without ~hê/rôs~, are very commonly met with on epitaphs from Thessaly, Boeotia, the countries of Asia Minor (and Cyprus as well: cf. _BCH._ 1896, pp. 343-6; 353-6). On {556} Attic graves the use of the title ~chrêsto/s~ seems to be confined to foreigners and those mostly slaves (see Keil, _Jahrb. Phil._ suppl. iv, 628; Gutscher, _Att. Grabinschr._ i, p. 24; ii, p. 13).]

[31\15: With Gutscher, op. cit., i, 24; ii, 39.--From the fact that in Attica this word does not seem to be given to natives no conclusion is to be drawn as to the opinions held by the Athenians about their dead (as though they thought of them with less respect). The word was simply not traditional in this sense in Attica. On the other hand, the word ~makari/tês~ was specifically Attic as applied to the dead (see above, ch. vii, n. 10), and this provides unmistakable evidence that the conception of the dead as "blessed" was current also in Attica.]

[32\15: ~chrêstô=n _theô=n_~, Hdt. viii, 111.--~ho hê/rôs~ (Protesilaos), ~chrêsto\s ô/n, xugchôrei=~ that people should sit down in his ~te/menos~: Philostr., _Her._ p. 134, 4 Ks.--Other modes of address intended to mollify the dead are ~a/lupe, chrêste\ kai\ a/lupe, a/riste, a/mempte~, etc. ~chai=re~ (cf. _Inscr. Cos_, 165, 263, 279, and Loch, op. cit., 281).]

[33\15: Paus. 4, 27, 6.]

[34\15: Paus. 4, 32, 4.]

[35\12: Paus. 9, 13, 5-6. Sacrifice (~ente/mnein~) of a white mare to the Heroines: Plu., _Pelop._ 20-2. The same thing is briefly referred to in Xen., _HG._ 6, 4, 7; see also D.S. xv, 54. Detailed account of the fate of the maidens ap. Plu., _Narr. Amor._ 3; Jerome, _a. Jovin._ i, 41 (ii, 1, 308 D Vall.).--~hai Leu/ktron thugate/res~, Plu., _Herod. Mal._ ii, p. 856 F.]

[36\15: ~Leôni/deia~ in Sparta (_CIG._ 1421) at which there were "speeches" about Leonidas (even in Sparta not a surprising circumstance at this late period), and an ~agô/n~ in which only Spartiates might take part: Paus. 3, 14, 1.--~agônisa/menoi to\n epita/phio[n Leôni/dou] kai\ Pausani/[ou kai\ tô=n loi]pô=n hêrô/ô[n agô=na]~, _CIG._ 1417.]

[37\15: At Marathon: crowning and ~enagismo/s~ at the ~polua/ndreion~ of the Marathonian Heroes carried out by the _epheboi_: _CIA._ ii, 471, 26. Cf. more generally Aristid. ii, p. 229 f. Dind. Nocturnal fighting of the ghosts there: Paus. 1, 32, 4 (the oldest prototype of the similar legends told, in connexion with the story of the battle between the dead Huns and Romans, by Damasc., _V. Isid._ 63).]

[38\15: ~a/ndras] eth' hê/rôas se/betai patri/s ktl.~, _Inscr. Cos_, 350 (beginning of Empire).]

[39\15: Speaking of the Attic tragedians, D. Chr. thinks (15, p. 237 M. = ii, 235 Arn.) ~hou\s ekei=noi apodeiknu/ousin hê/rôas tou/tois phai/nontai enagi/zontes (hoi He/llênes) hôs hê/rôsin, kai\ ta\ hêrô=|a ekei/nois ô|kodomême/na idei=n e/stin~. But this is only true in a very limited and qualified sense.]

[40\15: ~He/ktori e/ti thu/ousin en Ili/ô|~, says Luc. (expressly speaking of his own times), _D. Conc._ 12. Apparition of Hektor in Troad: Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p. 283 R. Miracles worked: Philostr., _Her._ pass. Hekt. in Thebes: Lyc. 1204 ff.]

[41\15: In the ~Hêrôiko\s~ Philostratos gives plenty of evidence of this. Most of what he says about the Heroes of the Trojan war is entirely without traditional basis, but not all of it: and especially where he speaks (in the first part of the dialogue) of the appearances and displays of power attributed in his own day to the Heroes he is far from inventing. (His powers of invention are exercised particularly in what he says about the events of their lives where he is expanding or correcting Homer.) Acc. To Philostr. (_Her._ 681, p. 149, 32 ff. Kays., 1871) ~horô=ntai~--at least by the shepherds of the Trojan plain--the figures of the Homeric champions (gigantic in size, pp. 136-40 [667]; ~phai/nontai~ in full armour, {557} p. 131, 1). Hektor in particular appears, works miracles, and his statue ~polla\ erga/zetai chrêsta\ koinê=| te kai\ es he/na~, pp. 151-2. Legend about Antilochos, p. 155, 10 ff. Palamedes appears, p. 154. On the south coast of the Troad opposite Lesbos he has an ancient temple in which ~thu/ousin~ to him ~xunio/ntes hoi ta\s aktai/as oikou=ntes po/leis~, p. 184, 21 (see also _V. Ap._ iv, 13). Sacrifice to Palamedes as a Hero, 153, 29 ff.--_Mantic_ power attributed to the ~hê/rôes~, 135, 21 ff.; 148, 20 ff. (to Odysseus in Ithaca, 195, 5 ff.). Hence Protesilaos in particular, who appears at Elaious in Thrac. Chers. to the vineyard-keeper into whose mouth Philostr. puts his story, has so much to say even about what he had not himself seen or experienced. Protes. is still fully alive (~zê=|~, 130, 23); like Achilles (in Leuke, etc.) he has his ~hieroi\ dro/moi en hoi=s gumna/zetai~ (131, 31). A vision of Protes. appearing to an enemy makes him blind (132, 9). (To meet a Hero often blinds a mortal, cf. Hdt. vi, 117, and the case of Stesichoros and the Dioskouroi.) He protects his protégé's fields from snakes, wild beasts, and everything harmful: 132, 15 ff. He himself is now ~en Ha/idou~ (when he is with Laodameia), now in Phthia, and now in the Troad (143, 17 ff.). He appears about midday (143, 21, 32; cf. Append. vi). At his ancient oracle at Elaious (mentioned already by Hdt. ix, 116, 120; alluded to by Philostr., p. 141, 12) he dispenses oracles more particularly to the champions of the great games, the heroes of the age (p. 146, 13 ff., 24 ff., 147, 8 ff., 15 ff.; famous contemporaries are mentioned: Eudaimon of Alexandria, victor at Olympia in Ol. 237, and Helix well-known from the ~Gumnastiko/s~). He heals diseases, esp. consumption, dropsy, ophthalmia, and ague, and he helps people in the pains of love (p. 147, 30 ff.). Prot. also gives oracles in his Phthiotic home Phylake (where he pays frequent visits), 148, 24 ff.--It is the regular series of miraculous performances normally attributed to the ~hê/rôes~ of older legends, that Protesilaos carries out here.--On Mt. Ismaros in Thrace Maron (~Euanthe/os huio/s~, _Od._ ~i~ 197) appears and ~hora=tai toi=s geôrgoi=s~ to whom he sends rain (149, 3 ff.). Mt. Rhodope in Thrace is haunted (~oikei=~) by Rhesos, who lives there a life of chivalry, breeding horses, practising his weapons, and hunting; the woodland animals offer themselves willingly as sacrifices at his altar; the _heros_ keeps the plague away from the surrounding ~kô=mai~ (149, 7-19).--The legendary details from Philostratos here selected for mention may be taken as really derived from popular tradition (cf. also W. Schmid, _D. Atticismus_, iv, 572 ff.).]

[42\15: Again in 375 A.D. Achilles preserved Attica from an earthquake (Zosim. iv, 18); in 396 he kept Alaric away from Athens; ib., v, 6.]

[43\15: Plu., _Lucull._ 23; App., _Mithr._ 83. Lucullus was Roman enough to carry off from the inhabitants of Sinope their much-honoured statue of Autolykos, to which the elaborate cult was principally attached: ~eti/môn~ Autol. ~hôs theo/n. ê=n de\ kai\ _mantei=on_ autou=~, _Str._ 546.]

[44\15: See above, chap. iv, nn. 119-20.--_Heroon_ of Kyniska (sister of Agesilaos) in Sparta as victor at Olympos: Paus. 3, 15, 1.]

[45\15: Hero-physicians: see above, chap. iv, § 10. Our knowledge of the cult and activity of these Heroes is chiefly derived from evidence from later times.--An evidently late creation is the Hero Neryllinos in the Troad, of whose worship, healing, and prophetic powers Athenag., _Apol._ 26, has something to say (Lob. _Agl._ 1171). ~ho xe/nos iatro/s~, Toxaris, in Athens: Luc., _Scyth._ 1; 2. (The special name of the ~xe/nos iatro/s~ may be Lucian's invention, but not what he tells us of his cult.) There was a permanent cult of Hippokrates in Kos in the time of Soranos: the Koans offered sacrifice to him (~enagi/zein~) annually on his birthday {558} (see above, chap. v, n. 89): Soran. ap. Anon., _V. Hipp._ 450, 13 West. (miracle at the tomb of Hipp. in Larisa: ib., 451, 55 ff.). The doctor in Luc., _Philops._ 21, makes an elaborate sacrifice (something more than ~enagi/zein~) annually to his bronze statue of Hipp.--A good story thoroughly in the manner of popular folk-lore is that told of Pellichos the Corinthian general who was also worshipped as giving help in sickness and the magic tricks that he (simply as ~hê/rôs~) was able to play on the Libyan slave who had stolen the gold pieces which used to be offered to him: Luc., _Philops._ 18-20.]

[46\15: _Anth. Pal._ vii, 694 (~Addai/ou~, probably the Macedonian).]

[47\15: _CIG._ 4838b (see above, chap. iv, n. 60). The name expresses the idea: ~euo/dei~ was the greeting which the dead man returned to the traveller, _CIG._ 1956.]

[48\15: Another example: bulls are still sacrificed in Megara in the fourth century A.D. officially by the city to the Heroes who had fallen in the Persian wars, _IG. Sept._ i, 53.]

[49\15: At the monument of Philopoimen, Plu., _Philop._ 21.]

[50\15: ~en toi=s Hêrôïkoi=s kai\ en tai=s a/llais heortai=s~--in Priansos and Hierapytna in Crete (third century B.C.), _CIG._ 2556, 37. Annual festival of the ~Hêrô=|a~, in which were held ~eucharistê/rioi agô=nes~ for Asklepiades and those who had fought with him in one of the city's wars. A decree honouring the grandsons of this Asklep. has been found at Eski-Manyas near Kyzikos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1884, p. 33.]

[51\15: In taking an oath they swore by the gods ~kai\ hê/rôas kai\ hêrôa/ssas~ (Dreros in Crete): Cauer, _Delect._^1 38 A, 31 (third century B.C.). Treaty between Rhodos and Hierapytna (second century B.C.), Cauer, 44, 3: ~eu/xasthai tô=| Hali/ô| kai\ ta=| Rho/dô| kai\ toi=s a/llois theoi=s pa=si kai\ pa/sais kai\ toi=s archage/tais kai\ toi=s hê/rôsi, ho/soi e/chonti ta\n po/lin kai\ ta\n chô/ran ta\n Rhodi/ôn . . .~ Oath of citizenship from Chersonnesos (third century), _Sitzb. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 480: ~omnu/ô . . . hê/rôas ho/soi po/lin kai\ chô/ran kai\ teu/chê e/chonti ta\ Chersonasita=n~.--Similar exx. from earlier times: see above, chap. iv, n. 4 (and cf. Din., _Dem._ 64: ~martu/romai . . . kai\ tou\s hê/rôas tou\s egchôri/ous ktl.~).]

[52\15: e.g. inscr. from Astypalaia _BCH._ 1891, p. 632 (n. 4): Damatrios son of Hippias dedicates a fountain and trees ~theoi=s hê/rôsi/ te . . . athlopho/rou te/chnas antididou\s cha/rita~.--A grave is dedicated ~theoi=s hê/rôsi~, _CIG._ 3272 (Smyrna), i.e. probably ~th. kai\ hê/rôsi~ (cf. ~theoi=s dai/mosi~, 5827. etc.).]

[53\15: Collegia of ~hêrôistai/~: Foucart. _Assoc. relig._ 230 (49), 233 (56). _CIA._ ii, 630. In Boeotia, _Ath. Mitt._ 3, 299 = _IG. Sept._ i, 2725.]

[54\15: e g. inscr. on one of the seats in the theatre at Athens: ~hiere/ôs Ana/koin kai\ hê/rôos epitegi/ou~, _CIA._ iii, 290.]

[55\15: ~diame/nousi de\ kai\ es to/de tô=| Ai/anti par' Athênai/ois timai/, autô=| te kai\ Eurusa/kei~, Paus. 1, 35, 3 (~Aia/nteia~ in Salamis in first century B.C., _CIA._ ii, 467-71). ~enagi/zousi de\ kai\ es hêma=s e/ti tô=| Phorônei=~ (in Argos), 2, 20, 3. ~kai/ hoi~ (Theras) ~kai\ nu=n e/ti hoi Thêrai=oi kat' e/tos enagi/zousin hôs oikistê=|~, 3, 1, 8. He also bears witness to the still surviving cult of Pandion as Hero in Megara, 1, 41, 6; Tereus in Megara, 1, 41, 9; Melampous in Aigosthena, 1, 44, 5; Aristomenes in Messenia, 4, 14, 7; Aitolos in Elis (~enagi/zei ho _gumnasi/archos_ e/ti kai\ es eme\ kath' he/kaston e/tos tô=| Aitôlô=|~, 5, 4, 4; cf. the ~gumnasi/archos~ who looks after the ~ekkomidai/~: above, this chap., n. 4); Sostratos the ~erô/menos~ of Herakles in Dyme, 7, 17, 8; Iphikles in Phenea, 8, 14, 9; the boys slain at Kaphyai, 8, 23, 6-7; the four lawgivers of Tegea, 8, 48, 1; the ~Eusebei=s~ in Katana, 10, 28, 4-5.--Of course, it does not follow that when Paus. mentions other very numerous Heroes without so {559} expressly saying that their cult still survived, he means that those cults had died out.]

[56\15: Plu., _Aristid._ 21.]

[57\15: Aratos received from the Achaeans after his death ~thusi/an kai\ tima\s hêrôika/s~ in which he may take pleasure himself ~ei/per kai\ peri\ tou\s apoichome/nous e/sti tis ai/sthêsis~, Polyb. 8, 14, 8. He was buried at Sikyon, as ~oikistê\s kai\ sôtê\r tê=s po/leôs~, in a ~to/pos peri/optos~ called the ~Ara/teion~ (cf. Paus. 2, 8, 1; 9, 4). Sacrifice was made to him twice a year, on the day when he had freed Sikyon, 5th Daisios, the ~Sôtê/ria~, and on his birthday; the former was carried out by the priest of Zeus Soter, the latter by the priest of Aratos. They included: Hymn by the Dionysiac ~techni=tai~, procession of ~pai=des~ and ~e/phêboi~ in which the _gymnasiarchoi_, the _boule_ wearing crowns, and the citizens took part. Of all this only ~dei/gmata mikra/~ still survived in Plutarch's time, ~hai de\ plei=stai tô=n timô=n hupo\ chro/nou kai\ pragma/tô=n a/llôn ekleloi/pasin~, Plu., _Arat._ 53 (~sôtê/r~: cf. epigram in c. 14).]

[58\15: ~pa/ntes hê/rôas nomi/zousi tou\s spho/dra palaiou\s a/ndras, kai\ ea\n mêde\n exai/reton e/chôsi, di' auto\n oi=mai to\n chro/non~. But only a few of them have regular ~teleta\s hêrô/ôn~: D. Chr. 31, p. 335 M. [i, 243 Arn.]. omnes qui patriam conservarint, adiuverint, auxerint become immortal: Cic., _Som. Sci._ 3, which also goes too far.]

[59\15: Pelopidas, Timoleon, Leosthenes, Aratos become Heroes: see Keil, _Anal. epigr. et onom._ 50-4. Kleomenes Plu., _Cleom._ 39. Philopoimen, _Philop._ 21. ~iso/theoi timai/~ annual sacrifice of a bull and hymns of praise to Philop. sung by the ~neoi/~: D.S. 29, 18; Liv. 39, 50, 9; _SIG._ 289. See Keil, op. cit., 9 ff.]

[60\15: In Sikyon Aratos is held to be the son of Asklepios who had visited his mother in the form of a snake: Paus. 2, 10, 3; 4, 14, 7-8 (favourite form of stories of divine parentage: see Marx, _Märchen v. dankb. Thieren_, 122, 2).]

[61\15: The very charming and characteristic story of Drimakos, the leader and law-giver of the ~drape/tai~ in Chios, is told by Nymphodoros (ap. Ath. vi, c. 88-90), as having happened ~mikro\n pro\ hêmô=n~. He had a ~hêrô=|on~ in which he was honoured under the name of ~hê/rôs eumenê/s~ (by the ~drape/tai~ with the firstfruits of their plunder). He frequently appeared to masters to whom he revealed the ~oiketô=n epiboula/s~.]

[62\15: Hsch. ~Gathia/das; hê/rôos o/noma, ho\s kai\ tou\s katapheu/gontas eis auto\n rhu/etai [kai\] thana/tou~.]

[63\15: Pixodaros, a shepherd of Ephesos, discovered in a strange fashion a very excellent kind of marble, a discovery which he communicated to the authorities (for use in temple-building). He was made a Hero and renamed ~hê/rôs eua/ggelos~: sacrifice was made to him officially every month, _hodieque_, Vitruv. x, 2.]

[64\15: Luc., Macrob. 21 (for Athenod. see _FHG._ iii, 485 f.).--In Kos an _exedra_ in the theatre was dedicated to C. Stertinius Xenophon (court-physician to the Emp. Claudius) ~hê/rôi~, _Inscr. Cos_, 93.--In Mitylene there was even an apotheosis of the historian Theophanes (the friend of Pompeius: cf. ~Gn. Pompê/ios Hieroi/ta huio\s Theopha/nês~ with full name, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 87): Tac., _A._ vi, 18. ~Theopha/nês theo\s~ on coins of the city, and cf. ~Se/xston hê/rôa, Lesbô=nax hê/rôs ne/os~, etc., on the same city's coins (Head, _Hist. Num._ 488).]

[65\15: On a _stele_ in Messene there was a portrait of a certain Aithidas of the beginning of the third century B.C.; instead of whom a descendant of the same name is worshipped: Paus. 4, 32, 2. In the market place of Mantinea stood a _heroon_ of Podares who had {560} distinguished himself in the battle of Mant. (362). Three generations before Paus. visited the place the Mantineans had altered the inscription on the _heroon_ and dedicated it to a later Podares, a descendant of the original one, who lived in the Roman period: Paus. 8, 9, 9.]

[66\15: Cf. Keil, _Anal. Epigr._ 62.]

[67\15: Cult paid to king Lysimachos in his lifetime in Samothrake, _SIG._ 190 (_Archäol. Unters. auf. Samoth._ ii, 85, n. 2). "Heroizing" of Diogenes _phrourarchos_ of Demetrios; in 229 B.C. he was bribed by Aratos to lead the Macedonian garrison out of Attica: see Köhler, _Hermes_, vii, 1 ff.--~hupe\r ta=s Niki/a tou= da/mou huiou=, philopa/tridos, _hê/rôos_, euerge/ta de\ ta=s po/lios, sôtêri/as~ a dedication ~theoi=s patrô=|ois~, _Inscr. Cos_, 76. This is a decree made in the lifetime of the _heros_ (or why ~sôtêri/as~?), who is probably identical, as the editors suggest, with Nikias, tyrant of Kos in the Strabo's time: _Str._ 658; Perizonius on Ael., _VH._ i, 29.]

[68\15: ~hê/rôs~ applied to a living person occasionally on inss. of the Imperial age, _CIG._ 2583, Lyttos, Crete; 3665 ~hêrôi/s~, living, Kyzikos second century; _Ath. Mitt._ vi, 121 (Kyzikos again) ~hipparchou=ntos Kleome/nous hê/rôos~ also certainly living.]

[69\15: When Demetrios Poliorketes conquered and rebuilt Sikyon in 303 the inhabitants of the city which is now called "Demetrias" offer to him while still alive, sacrifice, festival, and annual ~agô=nes~ as ~kti/stê| (alla\ tau=ta me\n ho chro/nos êku/rôsen~): D.S. 20, 102, 3. Later this frequently occurred: Marcellea, Lucullea, etc., are well known. But the matter did not stop there. The inhabitants of Lete in Macedonia in the year 117 B.C. decree to a prominent Roman, besides other honours, ~ti/thesthai autô=| agô=na hippiko\n kat' he/tos en tô=| Daisi/ô| mêni/, ho/tan kai\ toi=s a/llois euerge/tais hoi agô=nes epitelô=ntai~ (_Arch. des miss. scientif._ 3e série, iii, p. 278, n. 127). This implies that all ~euerge/tai~ were by custom offered such games at this time.]

[70\15: D.S. 17, 115. Alexander after inquiry at the oracle of Ammon commanded that he should be worshipped as ~hê/rôs~ (the oracle having granted in his case ~enagi/zein hôs hê/rôi~, but not ~hôs theô=| thu/ein~): Arrian, _An._ 7, 14, 7; 23, 6; Plu., _Alex._ 72 (an ~hêrô=|on~ was immediately set up to him in Alexandria Aeg.: Arr. 7, 23, 7). This did not prevent the superstition and servility which flourished together in Alexander's empire from occasionally worshipping Heph. as ~Hêphaisti/ôn theo\s pa/redros~.--D.S. probably only exaggerates the truth: 17, 115, 6; cf. Luc., _Calumn._ 17-18. (The new _heros_ or god immediately gave proof of his power by appearances, visions sent in dreams, ~ia/mata, mantei=ai~, ib. 17.)--Elaborate pomp at the funeral of Dem. Poliork.: Plu., _Demetr._ 53.]

[71\15: Cf. the Testament of Epikteta and other foundations mentioned above, this chap., n. 18, and chap. v, n. 126. Or cf. the elaborate arrangements which Herodes Atticus made for the funeral, etc., of Regilla and Polydeukes (but ~_hê/rôs_ Poludeuki/ôn~ is only said in the weakened sense in which ~hê/rôs~ had been current for a long time): collected by Keil in Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101 ff. The extravagant manifestations of grief that Cicero offered to the memory of his daughter were modelled on Greek originals (and upon the certainly Greek auctores qui dicant fieri id oportere: _Att._ 12, 81, 1). In _Att._ 12 he gives an account of their architectural side: he frequently calls the object that he meditates an ~apothe/ôsis~; cf. _consecrabo te_ (_Consol. fr._ 5 Or.).--Cf. the Temple-tomb of Pomptilla, who like another Alkestis died instead of her husband, whom she followed into exile as far as Sardinia: her death was caused by breathing in the breath of the sick man. Her {561} temple is at Cagliari in Sardinia, and is adorned with many inss. in Latin and Greek: _IG. Sic. et It._ 607, p. 144 ff. (first century A.D.).]

[72\15: ~ho da=mos~ (occasionally also ~ha boula\ kai\ ho da=mos) aphêrô/ïxe~--Thera, _CIG._ 2467; Ross, _Inscr. Gr. Ined._ 203 ff. (and sometimes outside Thera: Loch, _Zu d. gr. Grabschr._ 282, 1) ~ho da=mos eti/mase (to\n dei=na) . . . hê/rôa~. Cf. also (Thera) _Ath. Mitt._ xvi, 166; _Epigr. Gr._ 191-2.]

[73\15: ~phronti/sai de\ tou\s orgeô=nas~ (the members of a _collegium_ of Dionysiasts) ~ho/pôs aphêrôisthei= Dionu/sios kai\ anatethei= en tô=| hierô=| para\ to\n theo/n, ho/pou kai\ ho patê\r autou=, hi/na hupa/rchei ka/lliston hupo/mnêma autou= eis to\n ha/panta chro/non~, inscr. of Peiraeus, second century B.C.; _CIA._ iv, 2, n. 623e, 45 ff. In Argos a guild, apparently of tanners, puts up an inscr. ~tô=| dei=ni, kti/sta| hê/rôi~, _CIG._ 1134.]

[74\15: Like that Naulochos whom Philios of Salamis saw three times in a dream appearing in company with Demeter and Kore. The city of Priene thereupon ordered that he should be worshipped (~hê/rôa se/bein~, _Epigr. Gr._ 774).]

[75\15: ~Ka/rpos ta\n idi/an gunai=ka aphêrô/ïxe~ (Thera) _CIG._ 2471. From the same place come many more exx. of ~aphêrôi/zein~ by members of a family: 2472b-d, 2473; cf. ~Androsthe/nên Phi/lônos ne/on hê/rôa . . . hê mê/têr~ (Macedonia) _Arch. miss. scient._ iii, 1876, 295, n. 130.--This is probably how we should understand the matter when in sepulchral epigrams one member of the family addresses or refers to another as ~hê/rôs~: _Epigr. Gr._ 483, 510, 552, 674.--But ~hê/rôs suggenei/as~, _CIA._ iii, 1460, must have a fuller sense than the otherwise usual ~hê/rôs~. It distinguishes a true ~archêge/tês~. Prob. this is also the meaning of ~Charmu/lou hê/rôos tô=n Charmulei/ôn~, _GDI._ 3701 (Kos). Something more than simple ~hê/rôs~ is also probably intended by the language of the Pergamene inscr. (specially distorted to suit the ~isopsêphi/a~) _Inscr. Perg._ ii, 587, ~I. Niko/dêmos, ho kai\ Ni/kôn (a|phig) agatho\s ei=en a\n hê/rôs (a|phig)~.]

[76\15: It is true that it is difficult to find certain exx. of the identification of a dead man with an already existing and honoured _heros_ of another name. Of the various examples generally quoted for this perhaps the only relevant is the Spartan inscr. ~Aristoklê=s ho kai\ Zê=thos~, _Ath. Mitt._ iv, _tab._ 8, 2. Identification with a god is of frequent occurrence: cf. imagines defuncti, quas ad habitum dei Liberi formaverat (uxor), divinis percolens honoribus: Apul., _M._ viii, 7. (Cf. Lob., _Agl._ 1002, who also thinks of the example given in the ~Prôtesi/laos~ of Eur.; but the resemblance is only a distant one.) The dead man as ~Ba/kchos~, _Epigr. Gr._ 821; ~Dionu/sou a/galma~, ib. 705; cf. the dead man of _CIG._ 6731, ~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~. Many similar exx. of the representation of the dead in accordance with the types of Dionysos, Asklepios, Hermes are given by Ross, _Archäol. Aufs._ i, 51; Deneken in Roscher, _Lex._ i, 2588.]

[77\15: See above, chap. iv, p. 128 ff.]

[78\15: See Keil, _Syll. Inscr. Boeot._, p. 153.]

[79\15: In Thespiai the inss. do not show the addition of ~hê/rôs~ to the name of the dead until Imperial times: see Dittenberger on _IG. Sept._ i, 2110, p. 367.]

[80\15: Many exx. of ~hê/rôs, hê/rôs chrêste\ chai=re~, etc., are collected and arranged by Deneken in Roscher's _Lex._ s. _Heros_, i, 2549 ff. See also Loch, _Gr. Grabschr._, p. 282 ff.]

[81\15: As Keil has already observed, loc. cit. [n. 78].--At any rate ~hêrôi/nê~ still preserves its full sense when the council and people of Athens, in the first century A.D., so describe a woman of position after her death, _CIA._ iii, 889. Or again, when the Athenian as well as the {562} Spartan decree calls P. Statilius Lamprias expressly ~hê/rôs~ (see above, n. 6)--_Fouilles d'Epid._ i, n. 205-9.]

[82\15: It is curious how, much later, in Christian times, ~ho hê/rôs~ is applied to one who has recently died (exactly synonymous with ~ho makari/tês~): cf. ~ho hê/rôs Eudo/xios, ho hê/rôs Patri/kios, Ia/mblichos~ in _Schol. Basilic._]

[83\15: ~hu/pnos e/chei se ma/kar . . . , kai\ zê=|s hôs hê/rôs kai\ ne/kus ouk ege/nou~, _Epigr. Gr._ 433; where it is evident that the ~hê/rôs~ is something more living than the mere ~ne/kus. aspa/zesth' hê/rôa, to\n ouk edama/ssato lu/pê~ (i.e. who has not been made nothing by death), ib., 296. The husband ~timai=s iso/moiron e/thêke ta\n homo/lektron hê/rôsin~, 189, 3. The title ~hê/rôs~ still has a stronger and deeper sense in inss. such as _CIG._ 1627 (referring to a descendent of Plutarch's) and 4058 (~. . . a/ndra philo/logon kai\ pa/sê| aretê=| kekosmême/non eudai/mona hê/rôa~). Cf. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 80, p. 359 Lom.: ~hoi biou=ntes hô=sth' hê/rôes gene/sthai kai\ meta\ theô=n he/xein ta\s diatriba/s~. In 3, 22, p. 276, he distinguishes between ~theoi/, hê/rôes, hapaxaplô=s psuchai/~ (the soul can divina _fieri_ et a legibus mortalitatis educi, Arnob. ii, 62; cf. Corn. Labeo ap. Serv., _Aen._ iii, 168).]

[84\15: ~a/ôroi, biotha/natoi, a/taphoi~ see Append. vii.--~tha/ptein kai\ hosiou=n tê=| Gê=|~, significantly, Philostr., _Her._ 714, p. 182, 9 f. K.]

[85\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2: some say that only children and women and foolish men see ghosts, ~dai/mona ponêro\n en autoi=s deisidaimoni/an e/chontes~. Plu. on the other hand thinks that he can confound the unbelieving by pointing to the fact that even Dio and Brutus had seen ~pha/smata~ shortly before their death.]

[86\15: Cf. the story of Philinnion and Machates in Amphipolis: Phleg., _Mirab._ 1. Procl. _in Rp._, p. 64 Sch. [ii, p. 116 Kr.; see Rohde in _Rh. Mus._ 32, 329 ff.]. The Erinyes in Aesch. are conceived as vampire-like: _Eum._ 264 f.: see above, chap. v, n. 161.--Souls of the dead as nightmare, ~ephia/ltês~, _incubo_ oppressing a man's enemy: Soran. ap. Tert., _An._ 44; Cael. Aurel., _Morb. Chron._ 1, 3, 55 (_Rh. Mus._ 37, 467, 1).]

[87\15: The ~_Philopseudê/s_~ is a genuine treasure-house of typical narratives of apparitions and sorceries of every kind. ~dai/monas ana/gein kai\ nekrou\s heô/lous anakalei=n~ is a mere bagatelle, according to these sage doctors, to the magician: c. 13. An example is given of this conjuration of the dead (the seven-months dead father of Glaukias): 14. Appearance of the dead wife of Eukrates whose golden sandals they had forgotten to burn with her: 27 (see above, chap. i, n. 51). As a rule the only haunting ghosts are ~hai tô=n biai/ôs apothano/ntôn psuchai/~ not those of the ~kata\ moi=ran apothano/ntôn~ as the learned Pythagorean instructs us, c. 29. Then follows the story of the ghost of Corinth (30-1), which must be taken from a widely known ghost-story, as it agrees completely in its circumstances with the story told with such simple candour by Pliny (_Ep._ vii, 27). ~dai/mona/s tinas ei=nai kai\ pha/smata kai\ nekrô=n _psucha\s_ peripolei=n hupe\r gê=s kai\ phai/nesthai hoi=s a\n ethe/lôsin~ (29) is the fixed conviction of these philosophers. The living too can sometimes catch a glimpse of the underworld: 22-4. A man's soul can be detached from his body and go down to Hades, and afterwards, again reunited to his body, relate its adventures. Thus the soul of Kleodemos, while his body lay in fever, is taken down to the lower world by a messenger but then sent back again since he had been taken by mistake for his neighbour, the smith Demylos: 25. This edifying narrative is certainly intended as a parody of the similar story told in good faith by Plu. _de An. fr._ 1, preserved {563} ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563. It is certain that Plu. did not simply invent such a story; he may perhaps have found it in some older collection of miraculous ~anabiô/seis~ such as, for example, Chrysippos did not disdain to make. The probability that Plu. got this story of mistaken identity from a collection of folk-tales is made all the likelier since the same story occurs again in a popular guise. Of a similar character is what Augustine has to say on the authority of Corn. Labeo: _Civ. Dei_ 22, 28 (p. 622, 1-5 Domb.). Augustine himself, _Cur. pro Mort._ 15, tells a story exactly like that of Plu. (about Curma the _curialis_ and Curma the _faber ferrarius_), which, of course, is supposed to happen a little before his time in Africa; and once more at the end of the sixth century Gregory the Great introduces a vision of Hell by the same formula: _Dial._ 4, 36, p. 384 AB Migne. The inventive powers of ghoststory-tellers is very limited: they keep on repeating the same few old and tried motifs.]

[88\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2, 55: _Cimon_, 1; _Brut._ 36 f., 48.]

[89\15: Cf. above, chap. v, n. 23; chap. ix, nn. 105 ff.]

[90\15: ~psucha\s hêrô/ôn anakalei=n~ among the regular arts of the magician, Cels. ap. Orig., _Cels._ 1, 68, p. 127 Lomm.]

[91\15: See Append. xii.]

[92\15: And in consequence we sometimes have the most surprising confusion of the two states of being. Lucian, e.g. (in _D. Mort._ frequently, cf. 18, 1, 20, 2, and _Necyom._ 15, 17; _Char._ 24) speaks of the dead in _Hades_ as skeletons lying one upon another, Aiakos allowing them each one foot of earth, etc. (The Romans have the same confusion of ideas: nemo tam puer est, says Sen., _Ep._ 24, 18, ut Cerberum timeat et tenebras et larvalem habitum nudis ossibus cohaerentium. Cf. Prop. iv, 5, 3, Cerberus . . . ieiuno terreat ossa sono, etc.) There is also a confusion between the grave and Hades in such expressions as ~met' eusebe/essi _kei=sthai_~: _Epigr. Gr._ 259, 1; ~skê=nos nu=n kei=mai Ploute/os emmela/throis~, 226, 4; cf. above, chap. xii, n. 95. Such a mixture of ideas was all the more natural seeing that ~Ha/idês~ also occurs as a metaphor for ~tu/mbos~ (see below, n. 135).]

[93\15: ~ho polu\s ho/milos hou=s idiô/tas hoi sophoi\ kalou=sin, Homê/rô| kai\ Hêsio/dô| kai\ toi=s a/llois muthopoioi=s peri\ tou/tôn peitho/menoi, to/pon tina\ hupo\ tê\n gê=n bathu\n Ha/idên hupeilê/phasi ktl.~, Luc., _Luct._ 2 (continued to c. 9). Plu., _Suav. Viv._ 27, 1105 AB, thinks that ~ou pa/nu polloi/~ are afraid of Kerberos, having to fill broken pitchers and the other terrors of Hades, as being ~mête/rôn kai\ titthô=n do/gmata kai\ lo/gous muthô/deis~. And yet as protection against these things people are always seeking ~teleta\s kai\ katharmou/s~.]

[94\15: See _Griech. Roman_, 261, Ettig _Acheruntica_ (_Leipz. Stud._ 13, 251 ff.).]

[95\15: Man hopes that after death he will see ~tou\s nu=n hubri/zontas hupo\ plou/tou kai\ duna/meôs ktl. axi/an di/kên ti/nontas~, Plu., _Suav. V._ 28, 2, 1105 C. Reversal of earthly situation in Hades: ~ta\ pra/gmata es tou/mpalin anestramme/na; hêmei=s me\n ga\r hoi pe/nêtes gelô=men, aniô=ntai de\ kai\ oimô/zousin hoi plou/sioi~, Luc., _Catapl._ 15; cf. _DM._ 15, 2; 25, 2: ~isotimi/a, isêgori/a~ in Hades and ~ho/moioi pa/ntes~. aequat omnes cinis; impares nascimur, pares morimur, Sen., _Ep._ 91, 16--a favourite commonplace: see Gataker on M. Ant. vi, 24, p. 235 f.]

[96\15: How far indeed this really happened is of course not to be answered decisively. The Celsus against whom Origen wrote his polemical treatise looks at the matter from the popular point of view on the whole. (He is no Epicurean as Orig. supposes; but neither in fact is he a professional philosopher of any kind, but rather {564} an ~idiô/tês~ with inclinations to philosophy of all sorts and esp. to the semi-Platonism current at the time.) He distinctly says ~mê/te tou/tois~ (the Christians) ~ei/ê mê/t' emoi\ mê/t' a/llô| tini\ anthrô/pôn apothe/sthai to\ peri\ tou= kolasthê/sesthai tou\s adi/kous kai\ gerô=n axiôthê/sesthai tou\s dikai/ous do/gma~ (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 16, p. 270 Lomm.).--On the other hand, it is significant of the temper of the very "secular" Graeco-Roman society which was at the head of affairs at the end of the last century B.C., that Cicero at the end of his work, _de Nat. Deor._ (iii, 81 ff.), in discussing the various means of obtaining a balance between desert and punishment, virtue and reward, in the circumstances of human life, never even mentions the belief in a final balance and recompense after death. (He only mentions among other things the visiting of the sins of the father upon his **descendants on earth--90 ff.--that old Greek belief [see above, chap. xii, n. 65] which really excludes the idea of an after life.) Between the days of Cic. and those of Celsus ideas had changed. We know this from innumerable indications; even the next world was looked at in quite a different light in the second century A.D. from what it had been two centuries earlier.]

[97\15: ~timôri/ai aiônioi hupo\ gê=n kai\ kolasmoi\ phrikô/deis~ are expected after death by many (while others regard death as merely an ~agathô=n ste/rêsis~): Plu., _Virt. Moral._ 10, 450 A. Horrible tortures in the ~kolastê/rion~ in Hades, fire, scourging, etc.: Luc., _Necyom._ 14 (carried still further in Plu.'s pictures of Hades, _Gen. Soc._ and _Ser. NV._). Fire, pitch, and sulphur belong to the regular apparatus of this place of torment; already in _Axioch._ 372 A, sinners are scorched by burning torches ~aïdi/ois timôri/ais~ (cf. Lehrs, _Popl. Aufs._ 308 ff.). How far such horrors really represented popular belief it is difficult to say for certain (they became quite familiar to Christian writers on Hell from classical tradition: cf. Maury, _Magie et l'astrol. dans l'antiq._ 166 ff.). But Celsus, for example, though he himself believes in the punishments of Hell (Orig., _Cels._ 8, 49, p. 180) only appeals in confirmation of his belief to the teaching of ~exêgêtai\ telestai/ te kai\ mustagôgoi/~ of certain (not precisely defined) ~hiera/~: 8, 48, p. 178; cf. above, chap. vii, § 2; chap. x, n. 62.]