Chapter XXII: Section 8: The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect

Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.

The Taxing-Spending Power

KINDS OF TAXES PERMITTED

By the terms of the Constitution, the power of Congress to levy taxes is subject to but one exception and two qualifications. Articles exported from any State may not be taxed at all. Direct taxes must be levied by the rule of apportionment and indirect taxes by the rule of uniformity. The Court has emphasized the sweeping character of this power by saying from time to time that it "reaches every subject,"[216] that it is "exhaustive"[217] or that it "embraces every conceivable power of taxation."[218] Despite these generalizations, the power has been at times substantially curtailed by judicial decision with respect to the subject matter of taxation, the manner in which taxes are imposed, and the objects for which they may be levied.

DECLINE OF THE FORBIDDEN SUBJECT MATTER TEST

In recent years the Supreme Court has restored to Congress the power to tax most of the subject matter which had previously been withdrawn from its reach by judicial decision. The holding of Evans _v._ Gore[219] and Miles _v._ Graham[220] that the inclusion of the salaries received by federal judges in measuring the liability for a nondiscriminatory income tax violated the constitutional mandate that the compensation of such judges should not be diminished during their continuance in office was repudiated in O'Malley _v._ Woodrough.[221] The specific ruling of Collector _v._ Day[222] that the salary of a State officer is immune to federal income taxation also has been overruled.[223] But the principle underlying that decision--that Congress may not lay a tax which would impair the sovereignty of the States--is still recognized as retaining some vitality.

THE RISE AND FALL OF COLLECTOR _v._ DAY

Collector _v._ Day was decided in 1871 while the country was still in the throes of reconstruction. As noted by Chief Justice Stone in a footnote to his opinion in Helvering _v._ Gerhardt,[224] the Court had not then determined how far the Civil War amendments had broadened the federal power at the expense of the States; the fact that the taxing power had recently been used with destructive effect upon notes issued by State banks[225] suggested the possibility of similar attacks upon the existence of the States themselves. Two years later the Court took the logical further step of holding that the federal income tax could not be imposed on income received by a municipal corporation from its investments.[226] A far-reaching extension of private immunity was granted in Pollock _v._ Farmers Loan and Trust Co.,[227] where interest received by a private investor on State or municipal bonds was held to be exempt from federal taxation. As the apprehensions of this era subsided, the doctrine of these cases was pushed into the background. It never received the same wide application as did McCulloch _v._ Maryland[228] in curbing the power of the States to tax operations or instrumentalities of the Federal Government. Only once since the turn of the century has the national taxing power been further narrowed in the name of Dual Federalism. In 1931 the Court held that a federal excise tax was inapplicable to the manufacture and sale to a municipal corporation of equipment for its police force.[229] Justices Stone and Brandeis dissented from this decision and it is doubtful whether it would be followed today.

FEDERAL TAXATION OF STATE INTERESTS

Within a decade after the Pollock decision the retreat from Collector _v._ Day began. In 1903, a succession tax upon a bequest to a municipality for public purposes was upheld on the ground that the tax was payable out of the estate before distribution to the legatee. Looking to form and not to substance, in disregard of the mandate of Brown _v._ Maryland,[230] a closely divided Court declined to "regard it as a tax upon the municipality, though it might operate incidentally to reduce the bequest by the amount of the tax."[231] When South Carolina embarked upon the business of dispensing alcoholic beverages, its agents were held to be subject to the national internal revenue tax, the ground of the holding being that in 1787 such a business was not regarded as one of the ordinary functions of government.[232] Another decision marking a clear departure from the logic of Collector _v._ Day was Flint _v._ Stone Tracy Company,[233] where the Court sustained an act of Congress taxing the privilege of doing business as a corporation, the tax being measured by the income. The argument that the tax imposed an unconstitutional burden on the exercise by a State of its reserved power to create corporate franchises was rejected, partly in consideration of the principle of national supremacy, and partly on the ground that the corporate franchises were private property. This case also qualified Pollock _v._ Farmers Loan and Trust Company to the extent of allowing interest on State bonds to be included in measuring the tax on the corporation. Subsequent cases have sustained an estate tax on the net estate of a decedent, including State bonds;[234] excise taxes on the transportation of merchandise in performance of a contract to sell and deliver it to a county;[235] on the importation of scientific apparatus by a State university;[236] on admissions to athletic contests sponsored by a State institution, the net proceeds of which were used to further its educational program;[237] and on admissions to recreational facilities operated on a nonprofit basis by a municipal corporation.[238] Income derived by independent engineering contractors from the performance of State functions;[239] the compensation of trustees appointed to manage a street railway taken over and operated by a State;[240] profits derived from the sale of State bonds;[241] or from oil produced by lessees of State lands;[242] have all been held to be subject to federal taxation despite a possible economic burden on the State.

IS ANY IMMUNITY LEFT THE STATES?

Although there have been sharp differences of opinion among members of the Supreme Court in recent cases dealing with the tax immunity of State functions and instrumentalities, it has been stated that "all agree that not all of the former immunity is gone."[243] Twice the Court has made an effort to express its new point of view in a statement of general principles by which the right to such immunity shall be determined. However, the failure to muster a majority in concurrence with any single opinion in the more recent of these cases leaves the question very much in doubt. In Helvering _v._ Gerhardt,[244] where, without overruling Collector _v._ Day, it narrowed the immunity of salaries of State officers and federal income taxation, the Court announced "* * *, two guiding principles of limitation for holding the tax immunity of State instrumentalities to its proper function. The one, dependent upon the nature of the function being performed by the State or in its behalf, excludes from the immunity activities thought not to be essential to the preservation of State governments even though the tax be collected from the State treasury. * * * The other principle, exemplified by those cases where the tax laid upon individuals affects the State only as the burden is passed on to it by the taxpayer, forbids recognition of the immunity when the burden on the State is so speculative and uncertain that if allowed it would restrict the federal taxing power without affording any corresponding tangible protection to the State government; even though the function be thought important enough to demand immunity from a tax upon the State itself, it is not necessarily protected from a tax which well may be substantially or entirely absorbed by private persons."[245]

CONFLICTING VIEWS ON THE COURT

The second attempt to formulate a general doctrine was made in New York _v._ United States,[246] where, on review of a judgment affirming the right of the United States to tax the sale of mineral waters taken from property owned and operated by the State of New York, the Court was asked to and did reconsider the right of Congress to tax business enterprises carried on by the States. Justice Frankfurter, speaking for himself and Justice Rutledge, made the question of discrimination _vel non_ against State activities the test of the validity of such a tax. They found "no restriction upon Congress to include the States in levying a tax exacted equally from private persons upon the same subject matter."[247] In a concurring opinion in which Justices Reed, Murphy, and Burton joined, Chief Justice Stone rejected the criterion of discrimination. He repeated what he had said in an earlier case to the effect that "'* * * the limitation upon the taxing power of each, so far as it affects the other, must receive a practical construction which permits both to function with the minimum of interference each with the other; and that limitation cannot be so varied or extended as seriously to impair either the taxing power of the government imposing the tax * * * or the appropriate exercise of the functions of the government affected by it.'"[248] Justices Douglas and Black dissented in an opinion written by the former on the ground that the decision disregarded the Tenth Amendment, placed "the sovereign States on the same plane as private citizens," and made them "pay the Federal Government for the privilege of exercising powers of sovereignty guaranteed them by the Constitution."[249] In the most recent case dealing with State immunity the Court sustained the tax on the second ground mentioned in Helvering _v._ Gerhardt--that the burden of the tax was borne by private persons--and did not consider whether the function was one which the Federal Government might have taxed if the municipality had borne the burden of the exaction.[250]

THE RULE OF UNIFORMITY

Whether a tax is to be apportioned among the States according to the census taken pursuant to article I, section 2, or imposed uniformly throughout the United States depends upon its classification as direct or indirect.[251] The rule of uniformity for indirect taxes is easy to obey. It exacts only that the subject matter of a levy be taxed at the same rate wherever found in the United States; or, as it is sometimes phrased, the uniformity required is "geographical," not "intrinsic."[252] The clause accordingly places no obstacle in the way of legislative classification for the purpose of taxation, nor in the way of what is called progressive taxation.[253] A taxing statute does not fail of the prescribed uniformity because its operation and incidence may be affected by differences in State laws.[254] A federal estate tax law which permitted a deduction for a like tax paid to a State was not rendered invalid by the fact that one State levied no such tax.[255] The term "United States" in this clause refers only to the States of the Union, the District of Columbia, and incorporated territories. Congress is not bound by the rule of uniformity in framing tax measures for unincorporated territories.[256] Indeed, in Binns _v._ United States,[257] the Court sustained license taxes imposed by Congress but applicable only in Alaska, where the proceeds, although paid into the general fund of the Treasury, did not in fact equal the total cost of maintaining the territorial government.

PURPOSES OF TAXATION

Regulation by Taxation

The discretion of Congress in selecting the objectives of taxation has also been held at times to be subject to limitations implied from the nature of the Federal System. Apart from matters which Congress is authorized to regulate, the national taxing power, it has been said, "reaches only existing subjects."[258] Congress may tax any activity actually carried on, regardless of whether it is permitted or prohibited by the laws of the United States[259] or by those of a State.[260] But so-called federal "licenses," so far as they relate to trade within State limits, merely express "the purpose of the government not to interfere * * * with the trade nominally licensed, if the required taxes are paid." Whether the "licensed" trade shall be permitted at all is a question for decision by the State.[261] This, nevertheless, does not signify that Congress may not often regulate to some extent a business within a State in order the more effectively to tax it. Under the necessary and proper clause, Congress may do this very thing. Not only has the Court sustained regulations concerning the packaging of taxed articles such as tobacco[262] and oleomargarine,[263] ostensibly designed to prevent fraud in the collection of the tax; it has also upheld measures taxing drugs[264] and firearms[265] which prescribed rigorous restrictions under which such articles could be sold or transferred, and imposed heavy penalties upon persons dealing with them in any other way. These regulations were sustained as conducive to the efficient collection of the tax though they clearly transcended in some respects this ground of justification.

Extermination by Taxation

A problem of a different order is presented where the tax itself has the effect of suppressing an activity or where it is coupled with regulations which clearly have no possible relation to the collection of the tax. Where a tax is imposed unconditionally, so that no other purpose appears on the face of the statute, the Court has refused to inquire into the motives of the lawmakers and has sustained the tax despite its prohibitive proportions.[266] In the language of a recent opinion: "It is beyond serious question that a tax does not cease to be valid merely because it regulates, discourages, or even definitely deters the activities taxed. * * * The principle applies even though the revenue obtained is obviously negligible, * * *, or the revenue purpose of the tax may be secondary, * * * Nor does a tax statute necessarily fall because it touches on activities which Congress might not otherwise regulate. As was pointed out in Magnano Co. _v._ Hamilton, 292 U.S. 40, 47 (1934): 'From the beginning of our government, the courts have sustained taxes although imposed with the collateral intent of effecting ulterior ends which, considered apart, were beyond the constitutional power of the lawmakers to realize by legislation directly addressed to their accomplishment.'"[267] But where the tax is conditional, and may be avoided by compliance with regulations set out in the statute, the validity of the measure is determined by the power of Congress to regulate the subject matter. If the regulations are within the competence of Congress, apart from its power to tax, the exaction is sustained as an appropriate sanction for making them effective;[268] otherwise it is invalid.[269] During the Prohibition Era, Congress levied a heavy tax upon liquor dealers who operated in violation of State law. In United States _v._ Constantine[270] the Court held that this tax was unenforceable after the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment, since the National Government had no power to impose an additional penalty for infractions of State law.

The Protective Tariff

The earliest examples of taxes levied with a view to promoting desired economic objectives in addition to raising revenue were, of course, import duties. The second statute adopted by the first Congress was a tariff act which recited that "it is necessary for the support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandise imported."[271] After being debated for nearly a century and a half, the constitutionality of protective tariffs was finally settled by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in Hampton and Company _v._ United States,[272] where Chief Justice Taft wrote: "The second objection to Sec. 315 is that the declared plan of Congress, either expressly or by clear implication, formulates its rule to guide the President and his advisory Tariff Commission as one directed to a tariff system of protection that will avoid damaging competition to the country's industries by the importation of goods from other countries at too low a rate to equalize foreign and domestic competition in the markets of the United States. It is contended that the only power of Congress in the levying of customs duties is to create revenue, and that it is unconstitutional to frame the customs duties with any other view than that of revenue raising. * * * In this first Congress sat many members of the Constitutional Convention of 1787. This Court has repeatedly laid down the principle that a contemporaneous legislative exposition of the Constitution when the founders of our Government and framers of our Constitution were actively participating in public affairs, long acquiesced in, fixes the construction to be given its provisions. * * * The enactment and enforcement of a number of customs revenue laws drawn with a motive of maintaining a system of protection, since the revenue law of 1789, are matters of history. * * * Whatever we may think of the wisdom of a protection policy, we can not hold it unconstitutional. So long as the motive of Congress and the effect of its legislative action are to secure revenue for the benefit of the general government, the existence of other motives in the selection of the subject of taxes cannot invalidate Congressional action."[273]

SPENDING FOR THE GENERAL WELFARE

The grant of power to "provide * * * for the general welfare" raises a two-fold question: How may Congress provide for "the general welfare" and what is "the general welfare" which it is authorized to promote? The first half of this question was answered by Thomas Jefferson in his Opinion on the Bank as follows: "* * * the laying of taxes is the _power_, and the general welfare the _purpose_ for which the power is to be exercised. They [Congress] are not to lay taxes _ad libitum for any purpose they please_; but only _to pay the debts or provide for the welfare of the Union_. In like manner, they are not _to do anything they please_ to provide for the general welfare, but only to _lay taxes_ for that purpose."[274] The clause, in short, is not an independent grant of power, but a qualification of the taxing power. Although a broader view has been occasionally asserted,[275] Congress has not acted upon it and the Courts have had no occasion to adjudicate the point.

Hamilton _v._ Madison

With respect to the meaning of "the general welfare" the pages of The Federalist itself disclose a sharp divergence of views between its two principal authors. Hamilton adopted the literal, broad meaning of the clause;[276] Madison contended that the powers of taxation and appropriation of the proposed government should be regarded as merely instrumental to its remaining powers, in other words, as little more than a power of self-support.[277] From an early date Congress has acted upon the interpretation espoused by Hamilton. Appropriations for subsidies[278] and for an ever increasing variety of "internal improvements"[279] constructed by the Federal Government, had their beginnings in the administrations of Washington and Jefferson.[280] Since 1914, federal grants-in-aid,--sums of money apportioned among the States for particular uses, often conditioned upon the duplication of the sums by the recipient State, and upon observance of stipulated restrictions as to its use--have become commonplace.[281]

Triumph of the Hamiltonian Theory

The scope of the national spending power was brought before the Supreme Court at least five times prior to 1936, but the Court disposed of four of them without construing the "general welfare" clause. In the Pacific Railway Cases[282] and Smith _v._ Kansas City Title and Trust Company,[283] it affirmed the power of Congress to construct internal improvements, and to charter and purchase the capital stock of federal land banks, by reference to the powers of the National Government over commerce, the post roads and fiscal operations, and to its war powers. Decisions on the merits were withheld in two other cases--Massachusetts _v._ Mellon and Frothingham _v._ Mellon[284]--on the ground that neither a State nor an individual citizen is entitled to a remedy in the courts against an unconstitutional appropriation of national funds. In United States _v._ Gettysburg Electric Railway Co.,[285] however, the Court had invoked "the great power of taxation to be exercised for the common defence and the general welfare,"[286] to sustain the right of the Federal Government to acquire land within a State for use as a national park. Finally, in United States _v._ Butler,[287] the Court gave its unqualified endorsement to Hamilton's views on the taxing power. Wrote Justice Roberts for the Court: "Since the foundation of the Nation sharp differences of opinion have persisted as to the true interpretation of the phrase. Madison asserted it amounted to no more than a reference to the other powers enumerated in the subsequent clauses of the same section; that, as the United States is a government of limited and enumerated powers, the grant of power to tax and spend for the general national welfare must be confined to the enumerated legislative fields committed to the Congress. In this view the phrase is mere tautology, for taxation and appropriation are or may be necessary incidents of the exercise of any of the enumerated legislative powers. Hamilton, on the other hand, maintained the clause confers a power separate and distinct from those later enumerated, is not restricted in meaning by the grant of them, and Congress consequently has a substantive power to tax and to appropriate, limited only by the requirement that it shall be exercised to provide for the general welfare of the United States. Each contention has had the support of those whose views are entitled to weight. This court had noticed the question, but has never found it necessary to decide which is the true construction. Justice Story, in his Commentaries, espouses the Hamiltonian position. We shall not review the writings of public men and commentators or discuss the legislative practice. Study of all these leads us to conclude that the reading advocated by Justice Story is the correct one. While, therefore, the power to tax is not unlimited, its confines are set in the clause which confers it, and not in those of Sec. 8 which bestow and define the legislative powers of the Congress. It results that the power of Congress to authorize expenditure of public moneys for public purposes is not limited by the direct grants of legislative power found in the Constitution."[288]

The Security Act Cases

Although holding that the spending power is not limited by the specific grants of power contained in article I, section 8, the Court found, nevertheless, that it was qualified by the Tenth Amendment, and on this ground ruled in the Butler case that Congress could not use moneys raised by taxation to "purchase compliance" with regulations "of matters of State concern with respect to which Congress has no authority to interfere."[289] Within little more than a year this decision was reduced to narrow proportions by Steward Machine Co. _v._ Davis,[290] which sustained the tax imposed on employers to provide unemployment benefits, and the credit allowed for similar taxes paid to a State. To the argument that the tax and credit in combination were "weapons of coercion, destroying or impairing the autonomy of the States," the Court replied that relief of unemployment was a legitimate object of federal expenditure under the "general welfare" clause; that the Social Security Act represented a legitimate attempt to solve the problem by the cooperation of State and Federal Governments; that the credit allowed for State taxes bore a reasonable relation "to the fiscal need subserved by the tax in its normal operation,"[291] since State unemployment compensation payments would relieve the burden for direct relief borne by the national treasury. The Court reserved judgment as to the validity of a tax "if it is laid upon the condition that a State may escape its operation through the adoption of a statute unrelated in subject matter to activities fairly within the scope of national policy and power."[292]

Earmarked Funds

The appropriation of the proceeds of a tax to a specific use does not affect the validity of the exaction, if the general welfare is advanced and no other constitutional provision is violated. Thus a processing tax on coconut oil was sustained despite the fact that the tax collected upon oil of Philippine production was segregated and paid into the Philippine Treasury.[293] In Helvering _v._ Davis,[294] the excise tax on employers, the proceeds of which were not earmarked in any way, although intended to provide funds for payments to retired workers, was upheld under the "general welfare" clause, the Tenth Amendment being found to be inapplicable.

Conditional Grants-in-Aid

In the Steward Machine Company case, it was a taxpayer who complained of the invasion of the State sovereignty and the Court put great emphasis on the fact that the State was a willing partner in the plan of cooperation embodied in the Social Security Act.[295] A decade later the right of Congress to impose conditions upon grants-in-aid over the objection of a State was squarely presented in Oklahoma _v._ United States Civil Service Commission.[296] The State objected to the enforcement of a provision of the Hatch Act,[297] whereby its right to receive federal highway funds would be diminished in consequence of its failure to remove from office a member of the State Highway Commission found to have taken an active part in party politics while in office. Although it found that the State had created a legal right which entitled it to an adjudication of its objection, the Court denied the relief sought on the ground that, "While the United States is not concerned with, and has no power to regulate local political activities as such of State officials, it does have power to fix the terms upon which its money allotments to State shall be disbursed. * * * The end sought by Congress through the Hatch Act is better public service by requiring those who administer funds for national needs to abstain from active political partisanship. So even though the action taken by Congress does have effect upon certain activities within the State, it has never been thought that such effect made the federal act invalid."[298]

"Debts of the United States"

The power to pay the debts of the United States is broad enough to include claims of citizens arising on obligations of right and justice.[299] The Court sustained an act of Congress which set apart for the use of the Philippine Islands, the revenue from a processing tax on coconut oil of Philippine production, as being in pursuance of a moral obligation to protect and promote the welfare of the people of the Islands.[300] Curiously enough, this power was first invoked to assist the United States to collect a debt due to it. In United States _v._ Fisher[301] the Supreme Court sustained a statute which gave the Federal Government priority in the distribution of the estates of its insolvent debtors. The debtor in that case was the endorser of a foreign bill of exchange which apparently had been purchased by the United States. Invoking the "necessary and proper" clause, Chief Justice Marshall deduced the power to collect a debt from the power to pay its obligations by the following reasoning: "The government is to pay the debt of the Union, and must be authorized to use the means which appear to itself most eligible to effect that object. It has, consequently, a right to make remittances by bills or otherwise, and to take those precautions which will render the transaction safe."[302]

Clause 2. _The Congress shall have Power_ * * * To borrow Money on the credit of the United States.

The Borrowing Power

The original draft of the Constitution reported to the convention by its Committee of Detail empowered Congress "To borrow money and emit bills on the credit of the United States."[303] When this section was reached in the debates, Gouverneur Morris moved to strike out the clause "and emit bills on the credit of the United States." Madison suggested that it might be sufficient "to prohibit the making them a tender." After a spirited exchange of views on the subject of paper money the convention voted, nine States to two, to delete the words "and emit bills."[304] Nevertheless, in 1870, the Court relied in part upon this clause in holding that Congress had authority to issue treasury notes and to make them legal tender in satisfaction of antecedent debts.[305] When it borrows money "on the credit of the United States" Congress creates a binding obligation to pay the debt as stipulated and cannot thereafter vary the terms of its agreement. A law purporting to abrogate a clause in government bonds calling for payment in gold coin was held to contravene this clause, although the creditor was denied a remedy in the absence of a showing of actual damage.[306]

Clause 3. _The Congress shall have power_ * * * To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.

Purpose of the Clause

This clause serves a two-fold purpose: it is the direct source of the most important powers which the National Government exercises in time of peace: and, except for the due process of law clause of Amendment XIV, it is the most important limitation imposed by the Constitution on the exercise of State power. The latter, or restrictive, operation of the clause was long the more important one from the point of view of Constitutional Law. Of the approximately 1400 cases which reached the Supreme Court under the clause prior to 1900, the overwhelming proportion stemmed from State legislation.[307] It resulted that, with an important exception to be noted in a moment, the guiding lines in construction of the clause were initially laid down from the point of view of its operation as a curb on State power, rather than of its operation as a source of national power; and the consequence of this was that the word "commerce," as designating the thing to be protected against State interference, came to dominate the clause, while the word "regulate" remained in the background.

Definition of Terms: Gibbons _v._ Ogden

"COMMERCE"

The etymology of the word, "cum merce (with merchandise)" carries the primary meaning of traffic--i.e., "to buy and sell goods; to trade" (Webster's International). This narrow conception was replaced in the great leading case of Gibbons _v._ Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1 (1824), by a much broader one, on which interpretation of the clause has been patterned ever since. The case arose out of a series of acts of the legislature of New York, passed between the years 1798 and 1811, which conferred upon Livingston and Fulton the exclusive right to navigate the waters of that State with steam-propelled vessels. Gibbons challenged the monopoly by sending from Elizabethtown, New Jersey, into the Hudson in the State of New York two steam vessels which had been licensed and enrolled to engage in the coasting trade under an act passed by Congress in 1793. Counsel for Ogden (an assignee of Livingston and Fulton) argued that since Gibbons' vessels carried only passengers between New Jersey and New York, they were not engaged in traffic and hence not in "commerce" in the sense of the Constitution. This argument Chief Justice Marshall answered as follows: "The subject to be regulated is commerce; * * * The counsel for the appellee would limit it to traffic, to buying and selling, or the interchange of commodities, and do not admit that it comprehends navigation. This would restrict a general term, applicable to many objects, to one of its significations. Commerce, undoubtedly, is traffic, but it is something more--it is intercourse."[308] The term, therefore, included navigation--a conclusion which Marshall supported by appeal to general understanding, to the prohibition in article I, Sec. 9, against any preference being given "'* * * by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State over those of another,'" and to the admitted and demonstrated power of Congress to impose embargoes.[309]

"COMMERCE" TODAY

Later in his opinion Marshall qualified the word "intercourse" with the word "commercial."[310] Today "commerce" in the sense of the Constitution, and hence "interstate commerce" when it is carried on across State lines, covers every species of movement of persons and things, whether for profit or not;[311] every species of communication, every species of transmission of intelligence, whether for commercial purposes or otherwise;[312] every species of commercial negotiation which, as shown "by the established course of the business," will involve sooner or later an act of transportation of persons or things, or the flow of services or power across State lines.[313]

From time to time the Court has said that certain things were not interstate commerce, such as mining or manufacturing undertaken "with the intent" that the product shall be transported to other States;[314] insurance transactions when carried on across State lines;[315] exhibitions of baseball between professional teams which travel from State to State;[316] the making of contracts for the insertion of advertisements in periodicals in another State;[317] contracts for personal services to be rendered in another State.[318] Recent decisions either overturn or cast doubt on most if not all of these holdings. By one of these the gathering of news by a press association and its transmission to client newspapers is termed interstate commerce.[319] By another the activities of a Group Health Association which serves only its own members are held to be "trade" within the protection of the Sherman Act and hence capable, if extended, of becoming interstate commerce.[320] By a third the business of insurance when transacted between an insurer and an insured in different States is interstate commerce.[321]

THE "NECESSARY AND PROPER" CLAUSE

In the majority of the above cases the commerce clause was involved solely as a limitation on the powers of the States. But when the clause is treated as a source of national power it is, of course, read in association with the power of Congress "* * * To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, * * *,"[322] with the result that, as is pointed out later, "interstate commerce" has come in recent years practically to connote both those operations which precede as well as those which follow commercial intercourse itself, provided such operations are deemed by the Court to be capable of "affecting" such intercourse.[323]

"AMONG THE SEVERAL STATES"

In Cohens _v._ Virginia, decided in 1821, Marshall had asserted, "for all commercial purposes we are one nation."[324] In Gibbons _v._ Ogden, however, he conceded that the phrase commerce "among the several States" was "not one which would probably have been selected to indicate the completely interior traffic of a State"; and added: "The genius and character of the whole government seem to be, that its action is to be applied to all external concerns of the nation, and to those internal concerns which affect the States generally; but not those which are completely within a particular State, which do not affect other States, and with which it is not necessary to interfere, for the purpose of executing some of the general powers of the government."[325]

This recognition of an "exclusively internal" commerce of a State ("intrastate commerce" today) appears at times to have been regarded as implying the existence of an area of State power which Congress was not entitled constitutionally to enter.[326] This inference overlooked the fact that, in consequence of its powers under the necessary and proper clause, Congress can, as Marshall indicates in the words above quoted, interfere with the completely internal concerns of a State "for the purpose of executing its general powers," one of which is its power over foreign and interstate commerce. It is today established doctrine that "no form of State activity can constitutionally thwart the regulatory power granted by the commerce clause to Congress."[327]

And while the word "among" serves to demark "the completely internal" commerce of a State from that which "extends to or affects" other States, it also serves, as Marshall further pointed out, to emphasize the fact that "the power of Congress does not stop at the jurisdictional lines of the several States," but "must be exercised whenever [wherever?] the subject exists. * * * Commerce among the States must, of necessity, be commerce [within?] the States. * * * The power of Congress, then, whatever it may be, must be exercised within the territorial jurisdiction of the several States."[328]

"REGULATE"

Elucidating this word in his opinion for the Court in Gibbons _v._ Ogden, Chief Justice Marshall said: "We are now arrived at the inquiry--What is this power? It is the power to regulate; that is, to prescribe the rule by which commerce is to be governed. This power, like all others vested in Congress, is complete in itself, may be exercised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges no limitations, other than are prescribed in the Constitution. These are expressed in plain terms, and do not affect the questions which arise in this case, or which have been discussed at the bar. If, as has always been understood, the sovereignty of Congress, though limited to specified objects, is plenary as to those objects, the power over commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, is vested in Congress as absolutely as it would be in a single government, having in its constitution the same restrictions on the exercise of the power as are found in the Constitution of the United States. The wisdom and the discretion of Congress, their identity with the people, and the influence which their constituents possess at elections, are, in this, as in many other instances, as that, for example, of declaring war, the sole restraints on which they have relied, to secure them from its abuse. They are the restraints on which the people must often rely solely, in all representative governments."[329]

INTERSTATE VERSUS FOREIGN COMMERCE

There are certain later judicial dicta which urge or suggest that Congress's power to regulate interstate commerce restrictively is less than its analogous power over foreign commerce, the argument being that whereas the latter is a branch of the nation's unlimited power over foreign relations, the former was conferred upon the National Government primarily in order to protect freedom of commerce from State interference. The four dissenting Justices in the Lottery Case (decided in 1903) endorsed this view in the following words: "It is argued that the power to regulate commerce among the several States is the same as the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the Indian tribes. But is its scope the same? * * *, the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and the power to regulate interstate commerce, are to be taken _diverso intuitu_, for the latter was intended to secure equality and freedom in commercial intercourse as between the States, not to permit the creation of impediments to such intercourse; while the former clothes Congress with that power over international commerce, pertaining to a sovereign nation in its intercourse with foreign nations, and subject, generally speaking, to no implied or reserved power in the States. The laws which would be necessary and proper in the one case, would not be necessary or proper in the other. * * * But that does not challenge the legislative power of a sovereign nation to exclude foreign persons or commodities, or place an embargo, perhaps not permanent, upon foreign ships or manufactures. * * * The same view must be taken as to commerce with Indian tribes. There is no reservation of police powers or any other to a foreign nation or to an Indian tribe, and the scope of the power is not the same as that over interstate commerce."[330]

And twelve years later Chief Justice White, speaking for the Court, expressed the same view, as follows: "In the argument reference is made to decisions of this court dealing with the subject of the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce, but the very postulate upon which the authority of Congress to absolutely prohibit foreign importations as expounded by the decisions of this court rests is the broad distinction which exists between the two powers and therefore the cases cited and many more which might be cited announcing the principles which they uphold have obviously no relation to the question in hand."[331]

But dicta to the contrary are much more numerous and span a far longer period of time. Thus Chief Justice Taney wrote in 1847: "The power to regulate commerce among the several States is granted to Congress in the same clause, and by the same words, as the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and is coextensive with it."[332] And nearly fifty years later Justice Field, speaking for the Court, said: "The power to regulate commerce among the several States was granted to Congress in terms as absolute as is the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations."[333] Today it is firmly established doctrine that the power to regulate commerce, whether with foreign nations or among the several States comprises the power to restrain or prohibit it at all times for the welfare of the public, provided only the specific limitations imposed upon Congress's powers, as by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, are not transgressed.[334]

Nor does the power to regulate commerce stop with, nor in fact is it most commonly exercised in, measures designed to outlaw some branch of commerce. In the words of the Court: It is the power to provide by appropriate legislation for its "protection and advancement";[335] to adopt measures "to promote its growth and insure its safety";[336] "to foster, protect, control and restrain, [commerce]."[337] This protective power has, moreover, two dimensions. In the first place, it includes the power to reach and remove every conceivable obstacle to or restriction upon interstate and foreign commerce from whatever source arising, whether it results from unfavorable conditions within the States or from State legislative policy, like the monopoly involved in Gibbons _v._ Ogden; or from both combined. In the second place, it extends--as does also the power to restrain commerce--to the instruments and agents by which commerce is carried on; nor are such instruments and agents confined to those which were known or in use when the Constitution was adopted.[338]

INSTRUMENTS OF COMMERCE

The applicability of Congress's power to the agents and instruments of commerce is implied in Marshall's opinion in Gibbons _v._ Ogden,[339] where the waters of the State of New York in their quality as highways of interstate and foreign transportation are held to be governed by the overruling power of Congress. Likewise, the same opinion recognizes that in "the progress of things," new and other instruments of commerce will make their appearance. When the Licensing Act of 1793 was passed, the only craft to which it could apply were sailing vessels, but it and the power by which it was enacted were, Marshall asserted, indifferent to the "principle" by which vessels were moved. Its provisions therefore reached steam vessels as well. A little over half a century later the principle embodied in this holding was given its classic expression in the opinion of Chief Justice Waite in the case of the Pensacola Telegraph Co. _v._ Western Union Co.,[340] a case closely paralleling Gibbons _v._ Ogden in other respects also. The passage alluded to reads as follows: "The powers thus granted are not confined to the instrumentalities of commerce, or the postal service known or in use when the Constitution was adopted, but they keep pace with the progress of the country, and adapt themselves to the new developments of times and circumstances. They extend from the horse with its rider to the stage-coach, from the sailing-vessel to the steamboat, from the coach and the steamboat to the railroad, and from the railroad to the telegraph, as these new agencies are successively brought into use to meet the demands of increasing population and wealth. They were intended for the government of the business to which they relate, at all times and under all circumstances. As they were intrusted to the general government for the good of the nation, it is not only the right, but the duty, of Congress to see to it that intercourse among the States and the transmission of intelligence are not obstructed or unnecessarily encumbered by State legislation."[341] The Radio Act of 1927 whereby "all forms of interstate and foreign radio transmissions within the United States, its Territories and possessions" were brought under national control, affords another illustration. Thanks to the foregoing doctrine the measure met no serious constitutional challenge either on the floors of Congress or in the Courts.[342]

Congressional Regulation of Waterways

NAVIGATION

In the case of Pennsylvania _v._ Wheeling & Belmont Bridge Co.,[343] decided in 1852, the Court, on the application of the complaining State, acting as representative of the interests of its citizens, granted an injunction requiring that a bridge, erected over the Ohio under a charter from the State of Virginia, either be altered so as to admit of free navigation of the river, or else be entirely abated. The decision was justified by the Court on the basis both of the commerce clause and of a compact between Virginia and Kentucky, whereby both these States had agreed to keep the Ohio River "free and common to the citizens of the United States." The injunction was promptly rendered inoperative by an act of Congress declaring the bridge to be "a lawful structure" and requiring all vessels navigating the Ohio to be so regulated as not to interfere with it.[344] This act the Court sustained as within Congress's power under the commerce clause, saying: "So far, * * *, as this bridge created an obstruction to the free navigation of the river, in view of the previous acts of Congress, they [the said acts] are to be regarded as modified by this subsequent legislation; and, although it still may be an obstruction in fact, [it] is not so in the contemplation of law. * * * That body [Congress] having in the exercise of this power, regulated the navigation consistent with its preservation and continuation, the authority to maintain it would seem to be complete. That authority combines the concurrent powers of both governments, State and federal, which, if not sufficient, certainly none can be found in our system of government."[345] In short, it is Congress and not the Court which is authorized by the Constitution to regulate commerce.

The law and doctrine of the earlier cases with respect to the fostering and protection of navigation are well summed up in the following frequently cited passage from the Court's opinion in Gilman _v._ Philadelphia,[346] decided in 1866. "Commerce includes navigation. The power to regulate commerce comprehends the control for that purpose, and to the extent necessary, of all the navigable waters of the United States which are accessible from a State other than those in which they lie. For this purpose they are the public property of the nation, and subject to all requisite legislation by Congress. This necessarily includes the power to keep them open and free from any obstruction to their navigation, interposed by the States or otherwise; to remove such obstructions when they exist; and to provide, by such sanctions as they may deem proper, against the occurrence of the evil and for the punishment of offenders. For these purposes, Congress possesses all the powers which existed in the States before the adoption of the national Constitution, and which have always existed in the Parliament in England."[347]

Thus Congress was within its powers in vesting the Secretary of War with power to determine whether a structure of any nature in or over a navigable stream is an obstruction to navigation and to order its abatement if he so finds.[348] Nor is the United States required to compensate the owners of such structures for their loss, since they were always subject to the servitude represented by Congress's powers over commerce; and the same is true of the property of riparian owners which is damaged.[349] And while it was formerly held that lands adjoining nonnavigable streams were not subject to the above mentioned servitude,[350] this rule has been impaired by recent decisions;[351] and at any rate it would not apply as to a stream which had been rendered navigable by improvements.[352]

In exercising its power to foster and protect navigation Congress legislates primarily on things external to the act of navigation. But that act itself and the instruments by which it is accomplished are also subject to Congress's power if and when they enter into or form a part of "commerce among the several States." When does this happen? Words quoted above from the Court's opinion in the Gilman case answered this question to some extent; but the decisive answer to it was returned five years later in the case of The "Daniel Ball."[353] Here the question at issue was whether an act of Congress, passed in 1838 and amended in 1852, which required that steam vessels engaged in transporting passengers or merchandise upon the "bays, lakes, rivers, or other navigable waters of the United States," applied to the case of a vessel which navigated only the waters of the Grand River, a stream which lies entirely in the State of Michigan. Argued counsel for the vessel: "The navigable rivers of the United States pass through States, they form their boundary lines, they are not in any one State, nor the exclusive property of any one, but are common to all. To make waters navigable waters of the United States, some other incident must attach to them besides the territorial and the capability for public use. This term contrasts with _domestic_ waters of the United States, and implies, not simply that the waters are public and within the Union, but that they have attached to them some circumstance that brings them within the scope of the sovereignty of the United States as defined by the Constitution." Then as a sort of _reductio ad absurdum_ counsel added: "* * * if merely because a stream is a highway it becomes a navigable water of the United States, in a sense that attaches to it and to the vessels trading upon it the regulating control of Congress, then every highway must be regarded as a highway of the United States, and the vehicles upon _it_ must be subject to the same control. But this will not be asserted on the part of the Government."[354] The Court answered: "In this case it is admitted that the steamer was engaged in shipping and transporting down Grand River, goods destined and marked for other States than Michigan, and in receiving and transporting up the river goods brought within the State from without its limits; * * * So far as she was employed in transporting goods destined for other States, or goods brought from without the limits of Michigan and destined to places within that State, she was engaged in commerce between the States, and however limited that commerce may have been, she was, so far as it went, subject to the legislation of Congress. She was employed as an instrument of that commerce; for whenever a commodity has begun to move as an article of trade from one State to another, commerce in that commodity between the States has commenced."[355] Turning then to counsel's _reductio ad absurdum_, the Court added: "We answer that the present case relates to transportation on the navigable waters of the United States, and we are not called upon to express an opinion upon the power of Congress over interstate commerce when carried on by land transportation. And we answer further, that we are unable to draw any clear and distinct line between the authority of Congress to regulate an agency employed in commerce between the States, when the agency extends through two or more States, and when it is confined in its action entirely within the limits of a single State. If its authority does not extend to an agency in such commerce, when that agency is confined within the limits of a State, its entire authority over interstate commerce may be defeated. Several agencies combining, each taking up the commodity transported at the boundary line at one end of a State, and leaving it at the boundary line at the other end, the Federal jurisdiction would be entirely ousted, and the constitutional provision would become a dead letter."[356] In short, it was admitted inferentially, that the principle of the decision would apply to land transportation; but the actual demonstration of the fact still awaited some years.[357] See _infra_.

HYDROELECTRIC POWER

As a consequence, in part, of its power to forbid or remove obstructions to navigation in the navigable waters of the United States, Congress has acquired the right to develop hydroelectric power, and the ancillary right to sell it to all takers. By a long-standing doctrine of Constitutional Law the States possess dominion over the beds of all navigable streams within their borders,[358] but on account of the servitude which Congress's power to regulate commerce imposes upon such streams, they are practically unable, without the assent of Congress, to utilize their prerogative for power development purposes. Sensing, no doubt, that controlling power to this end must be attributed to some government in the United States and that "in such matters there can be no divided empire,"[359] the Court held, in 1913, in United States _v._ Chandler-Dunbar Co.,[360] that in constructing works for the improvement of the navigability of a stream, Congress was entitled, as a part of a general plan, to authorize the lease or sale of such excess water power as might result from the conservation of the flow of the stream. "If the primary purpose is legitimate," it said, "we can see no sound objection to leasing any excess of power over the needs of the government. The practice is not unusual in respect to similar public works constructed by State governments."[361]

Congress's Jurisdiction Over Navigable Streams Today

Since the Chandler-Dunbar case the Court has come, in effect, to hold that it will sustain any act of Congress which purports to be for the improvement of navigation whatever other purposes it may also embody; nor does the stream involved have to be one which is "navigable in its natural state." Such, at least, seems to be the algebraic sum of its holdings in Arizona _v._ California,[362] decided in 1931, and in the United States _v._ Appalachian Electric Power Co.,[363] decided in 1940. In the former the Court, speaking through Justice Brandeis, said that it was not free to inquire into the motives "which induced members of Congress to enact the Boulder Canyon Project Act," adding: "As the river is navigable and the means which the Act provides are not unrelated to the control of navigation, * * *, the erection and maintenance of such dam and reservoir are clearly within the powers conferred upon Congress. Whether the particular structures proposed are reasonably necessary, is not for this Court to determine. * * * And the fact that purposes other than navigation will also be served could not invalidate the exercise of the authority conferred, even if those other purposes would not alone have justified an exercise of congressional power."[364] And in the Appalachian Electric Power case, the Court, abandoning previous holdings which had laid down the doctrine that to be subject to Congress's power to regulate commerce a stream must be "navigable in fact," said: "A waterway, otherwise suitable for navigation, is not barred from that classification merely because artificial aids must make the highway suitable for use before commercial navigation may be undertaken," provided there must be a "balance between cost and need at a time when the improvement would be useful. * * * Nor is it necessary that the improvements should be actually completed or even authorized. The power of Congress over commerce is not to be hampered because of the necessity for reasonable improvements to make an interstate waterway available for traffic. * * * Nor is it necessary for navigability that the use should be continuous. * * * Even absence of use over long periods of years, because of changed conditions, * * * does not affect the navigability of rivers in the constitutional sense."[365]

Purposes for Which Power May be Exercised

Furthermore, the Court defined the purposes for which Congress may regulate navigation in the broadest terms, as follows: "It cannot properly be said that the constitutional power of the United States over its waters is limited to control for navigation. * * * That authority is as broad as the needs of commerce. * * * Flood protection, watershed development, recovery of the cost of improvements through utilization of power are likewise parts of commerce control."[366] These views the Court has since reiterated.[367] Nor is it by virtue of Congress's power over navigation alone that the National Government may develop super-power. Its war powers and power of expenditure in furtherance of the common defense and the general welfare supplement its powers over commerce in this respect.[368]

Congressional Regulation of Land Transportation

EARLY ACTS; FEDERAL PROVISION FOR HIGHWAYS

The acquisition and settlement of California stimulated Congress some years before the Civil War to authorize surveys of possible routes for railway lines to the Pacific; but it was not until 1862, in the midst of war, with its menace of a general dissolution of the Union, that more decisive action was taken. That year Congress voted aid in the construction of a line from Missouri River to the Pacific; and four years later it chartered the Union Pacific Company.[369] First and last, litigation growing out of this type of legislation has resulted in the establishment in judicial decision of the following propositions: _First_, that Congress may provide highways for interstate transportation (earlier, as well as today, this result might have followed from Congress's power of spending, independently of the commerce clause, as well as from its war and postal powers, which were also invoked by the Court in this connection); _second_, that it may charter private corporations for the purpose of doing the same thing; _third_, that it may vest such corporations with the power of eminent domain in the States; and _fourth_, that it may exempt their franchises from State taxation.[370]

BEGINNINGS OF FEDERAL RAILWAY REGULATION

Congress began regulating the railroads of the country in a more positive sense in 1866. By the so-called Garfield Act of that year "every railroad company in the United States, whose road is operated by steam," was authorized by Congress "* * * to connect with roads of other States so as to form continuous lines for the transportation of passengers, freight, troops, governmental supplies, and mails, to their destination";[371] while by an act passed on July 24 of the same year it was ordered, "in the interest of commerce and the convenient transmission of intelligence * * * by the government of the United States and its citizens, that the erection of telegraph lines shall, so far as State interference is concerned, be free to all who will submit to the conditions imposed by Congress, and that corporations organized under the laws of one State for constructing and operating telegraph lines shall not be excluded by another from prosecuting their business within its jurisdiction, if they accept the terms proposed by the National Government for this national privilege."[372]

Another act of the same period provided that "no railroad company within the United States whose road forms any part of a line of road over which cattle, sheep, swine, or other animals are conveyed from one State to another, or the owners or masters of steam, sailing, or other vessels carrying or transporting cattle, sheep, swine, or other animals from one State to another, shall confine the same in cars, boats, or vessels of any description, for a longer period than twenty-eight consecutive hours, without unloading the same for rest, water, and feeding, for a period of at least five consecutive hours, unless prevented from so unloading by storm or other accidental causes."[373]

REGULATION OF RAILROAD RATES: THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION

On account of the large element of "fixed charges" which enters into the setting of rates by railway companies, competition between lines for new business was from the first very sharp, and resulted in many evils which, in the early 70's, led in the Middle West to the enactment by the State legislatures of the so-called "Granger Laws"; and in the famous "Granger Cases," headed by Munn _v._ Illinois,[374] the Court at first sustained this legislation, in relation to both the commerce clause and the due process of law clause of Amendment XIV. The principal circumstance, however, which shaped the Court's attitude toward the "Granger Laws" had, by a decade later, disappeared, the fact, namely, that originally the railroad business was largely in local hands. In consequence, first, of the panic of 1873, and then of the panic of 1885, hundreds of these small lines went into bankruptcy, from which they emerged consolidated into great interstate systems. The result for the Court's interpretation of the commerce clause was determinative. In the case of Wabash, St. Louis and Pacific R. Co. _v._ Illinois,[375] decided in 1886, it was ruled that a State may not regulate charges for the carriage even within its own boundaries of goods brought from without the State or destined to points outside it; that in this respect Congress's power over interstate commerce was exclusive. The following year, Congress, responding to a widespread public demand, passed the original Interstate Commerce Act.[376]

By this measure a commission of five was created with authority to pass upon the "reasonableness" of all charges by railroads for the transportation of goods or persons in interstate commerce and to order the discontinuance of all such charges as it found to be "unreasonable," or otherwise violative of the provisions of the act. In Interstate Commerce Commission _v._ Brimson,[377] decided in 1894, the validity of the Commission as a means "necessary and proper" for the enforcement of Congress's power to regulate commerce among the States was sustained, as well as its right to enter the courts of the United States in order to secure process for the execution of its orders. Later decisions of the Court, however, including one in which the act was construed not to give the Commission power to set reasonable maximum rates in substitution for those found by it to be unreasonable, disappointed earlier expectations.[378]

The history of the Commission as an effective instrument of government dates from the Hepburn Act of 1906[379] which was followed four years later by the Mann-Elkins Act.[380] By the former the Commission was explicitly endowed with the power, after a full hearing on a complaint made to it, "to determine and prescribe just and reasonable" maximum rates. By the latter it was further authorized to set such rates on its own initiative, and without waiting for a complaint; while any increase of rates by a carrier was made subject to suspension by the Commission until its approval could be obtained. At the same time, the Commission's jurisdiction was extended to telegraphs, telephones and cables.[381]

THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION TODAY

The powers of the Commission, which has been gradually increased to a body of eleven, are today largely defined in the Transportation Act of February 28, 1920. By that act they were extended not only to all "railroads," comprehensively defined, but also to the following additional categories of "'common carriers' * * * all pipeline companies; telegraph, telephone, and cable companies operating by wire or wireless [_See_ note 3 above][Transcriber's Note: Refers to Article I, Footnote [381].]; express companies; sleeping-car companies; and all persons, natural or artificial, engaged in such transportation or transmission as aforesaid as common carriers for hire." The jurisdiction of the Commission covers not only the characteristic activities of such carriers in commerce among the States, but also the issuance of securities by them, and all consolidations of existing companies, or lines. Furthermore, for the first time, the Commission was put under the injunction, in exercising its control over rates and charges, to "give due consideration, among other things, to the transportation needs of the country and the necessity (under honest, efficient and economical management of existing transportation facilities) of enlarging such facilities in order to provide the people of the United States with adequate transportation."[382] Railway rate control itself, which was originally entered upon by the National Government exclusively from the point of view of restraint, has thus been assimilated to the idea of "fostering and promoting" transportation.

Two types of constitutional questions have presented themselves under the legislation just passed in review: 1. Those arising out of the safeguards which the Bill of Rights throws about property rights; 2. Those arising out of the intermingling of the interstate and intrastate operations of the same carriers, and the resulting tangency of State with national power. Only the latter are considered at this point.

THE SHREVEPORT CASE