Chapter XLI: Part IV: Diplomatic Papers Relating to the Origin of the War, (7)

Ambassador Paléologue telegraphed from St. Petersburg that Russia would acquiesce in any measures proposed by France and Great Britain to maintain peace. Minister Klobukowski reported from Brussels that the Belgian Government regarded Germany's attitude as enigmatical, and justifying every apprehension.

"It seems improbable that the Austro-Hungarian Government would
have taken an initiative which would lead, according to a
preconceived plan, to a declaration of war, without previous
arrangement with the Emperor William.

"The German Government stand 'with rounded arms' ready to take
peaceful or warlike action as circumstances may require; a sudden
intervention against us would not surprise anybody here.

"The Belgian Government are taking steps which harmonize with the
statement made to me yesterday by M. Davignon that everything
will be put in readiness for the defence of the neutrality of the
country."

Ambassador Dumaine reported from Vienna:

"The French Consul at Prague confirms the mobilization of the
Eighth Army corps, and that of the Landwehr division of this army
corps. The cavalry divisions in Galicia are also mobilizing;
regiments and cavalry divisions from Vienna and Budapest have
already been transported to the Russian frontier. Reservists are
now being called together in this district.

"There is a rumor that the Austro-Hungarian Government, in order
to be in a position to meet any danger, and perhaps in order to
impress St. Petersburg, intend to decide on a general
mobilization of their forces on July 30, or August 1. The
Austrian Emperor will return from Ischl to Vienna to-morrow."

Ambassador Paléologue reported from Berlin that Austria-Hungary refused direct conversation offered by Russia.

"Austria is hurrying on her military preparations against Russia,
and is pressing forward the mobilization which has begun on the
Galician frontier. As a result the order to mobilize will be
dispatched to-night to thirteen army corps, which are destined
to operate eventually against Austria."

Ambassador Jules Cambon reported from Berlin his interview with the German Secretary of State. Von Jagow was awaiting reply from Vienna to his request to hold direct conversation with Russia. He considered that the Serbian reply afforded a basis for negotiation.

"I said that it was just on that account that I considered the
rupture by Austria, after she had received such a document,
inexplicable.

"The Secretary of State then remarked that with eastern nations
one could never obtain sufficient guaranties, and that Austria
wished to be able to supervise the carrying out of promises made
to her, a supervision which Serbia refused. This, in the eyes of
the Secretary of State, is the cardinal point. I answered Herr
von Jagow that Serbia, as she wished to remain independent, was
bound to reject the control of a single power, but that an
International Commission would not have the same character. The
Balkan States have more than one, for instance the Financial
Commission at Athens. One could imagine among other combinations,
a Provisional International Commission, charged with the duty of
controlling the police inquiry demanded by Austria; it was clear,
by this instance, that the reply of Serbia opened the door to
conversations and did not justify a rupture.

"I then asked the Secretary of State if, leaving aside direct
conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg to which Sir E.
Grey had given his adherence, he did not think that common action
could be exercised by the four powers by means of their
ambassadors. He answered in the affirmative, adding that at this
moment the London Cabinet were confining themselves to exercising
their influence in support of direct conversations."

He gave a summary of the interview between Bethmann-Hollweg and British Ambassador Goschen.

"The attitude of the German Chancellor is very probably the
result of the last interview of Sir E. Grey with Ambassador
Lichnowsky. Up to quite the last days they flattered themselves
here that England would remain out of the question, and the
impression produced on the German Government and on the
financiers and business men by her attitude is profound."

Ambassador Dumaine reported from Vienna that he and his British, Russian, and Italian colleagues agreed that war is now certain between Austria and Serbia since all attempts to avoid it have failed. The Italian Ambassador, Duke d'Avarna, said

"it is very probable that the imminence of a general insurrection
among the Southern Slav inhabitants precipitated the resolutions
of the [Dual] Monarchy. He still clings to the hope that, after a
first success of the Austro-Hungarian arms, but not before this,
mediation might be able to limit the conflict."

M. Bienvenu-Martin, Acting Secretary of Foreign Affairs, informed the ambassadors at London, Berlin, St. Petersburg, Rome, Vienna, and Constantinople, and the minister to Serbia, of a semiofficial communication made by the German Ambassador.

Germany, said Baron von Schoen, was continuing its efforts to induce Austria-Hungary to hold direct conversations with Russia, being in no way impeded by her ally's declaration of war on Serbia. Germany did not know Austria's intentions.

A second message was sent to these French representatives abroad reporting an interview of M. Bienvenu-Martin and the Russian Ambassador at Paris.

M. Isvolsky communicated the telegram from Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs to Berlin, notifying Germany of Russian mobilization in the southern provinces, and the telegrams from Sazonof to London asking Great Britain to use her influence as quickly as possible with Austria to secure cessation of military operations, and stating that he believed Germany was favoring her ally's uncompromising attitude.

Ambassador Barrère at Rome reported that the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs had been officially informed of the above telegrams.

M. Viviani, who had now reached Paris and resumed his office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, instructed Ambassador Paul Cambon at London to request Sir Edward Grey to renew at Berlin his proposal of four-power mediation, the principle of which had been accepted by both Germany and Russia.

"I would ask you also to point out to the British Secretary of
State how important it would be for him to obtain from the
Italian Government the most whole-hearted continuance of their
support in cooperating in the action of the four powers in favor
of peace."

M. Paul Cambon reported that Grey had invited Germany to propose her own formula for peace as acceptable to Great Britain, France, and Italy.

"The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs said to me that
Germany's reply to this communication and to that of Russia
concerning the mobilization of four army corps on the Austrian
frontier would allow us to realize the intentions of the German
Government.

"Sir E. Grey did not disguise the fact that he found the
situation very grave and that he had little hope of a peaceful
solution."

Ambassador Paléologue telegraphed from St. Petersburg of the notification by the German Ambassador that Russia must stop mobilization or Germany would mobilize.

"The tone in which Count Pourtalès delivered this communication
has decided the Russian Government this very night to order the
mobilization of the thirteen army corps which are to operate
against Austria."

_Belgium._ M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, notified the ministers at Berlin, Vienna, Paris, London, St. Petersburg, Rome, The Hague, and Luxemburg that the Belgian Government had decided to place the army upon a strengthened peace footing.

"This step should in no way be confused with mobilization.

"Owing to the small extent of her territory, all Belgium
consists, in some degree, of a frontier zone. Her army on the
ordinary peace footing consists of only one class of armed
militia; on the strengthened peace footing, owing to the recall
of three classes, her army divisions and her cavalry division
comprise effective units of the same strength as those of the
corps permanently maintained in the frontier zones of the
neighboring powers."

THURSDAY, JULY 30, 1914

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed to Count Szápáry at St. Petersburg his answer to the ambassador's telegram of July 29:

"I am of course still ready to explain to M. Sazonof [Russian
Minister for Foreign Affairs] the various points contained in our
note addressed to Serbia which, however, has already been
outstripped by recent events. I should also attach special
importance, in accordance with the suggestion made to me through
M. Schebeko [Russian Ambassador at Vienna], also, to discussing
on this occasion in a confidential and friendly manner the
questions which affect directly our relations toward Russia. From
this it might be hoped that it would be possible to remove the
ambiguities which have arisen and to secure the development in a
friendly manner of our relations toward our neighbors, which is
so desirable an object."

This was followed by another telegram. Count Berchtold said that he had explained to Russian Ambassador Schebeko what seemed his flat refusal to discuss matters directly with Russia, which had so hurt the feelings of the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

"This must rest on a misunderstanding, as M. Schebeko and myself
had discussed the practical questions two days before, a fact
which the ambassador confirmed with the observation that he had
fully informed M. Sazonof of this conversation.

"M. Schebeko then explained why our action against Serbia was
regarded with such anxiety at St. Petersburg. He said that we
were a great power which was proceeding against the small Serbian
state, and it was not known at St. Petersburg what our intentions
in the matter were; whether we desired to encroach on its
sovereignty, whether we desired completely to overthrow it, or
even to crush it to the ground. Russia could not be indifferent
toward the future fate of Serbia, which was linked to Russia by
historical and other bonds. At St. Petersburg they had taken the
trouble to use all their influence at Belgrade to induce them to
accept all our conditions, though this was indeed at a time when
the conditions afterward imposed by us could not yet be known.
But even with reference to these demands they would do everything
they could in order to accomplish at any rate all that was
possible.

"I reminded the ambassador that we had repeatedly emphasized the
fact that we did not desire to follow any policy of conquest in
Serbia, also that we would not infringe her sovereignty, but we
only desired to establish a condition of affairs which would
offer us a guarantee against being disturbed by Serbia. To this I
added a somewhat lengthy discussion of our intolerable relations
with Serbia. I also gave M. Schebeko clearly to understand to how
large an extent Russian diplomacy was responsible for these
circumstances, even though this result might be contrary to the
wishes of the responsible authorities.

"I referred to the Russian mobilization which had then come to my
knowledge. Since this was limited to the military districts of
Odessa, Kiev, Moscow, and Kazan it had an appearance of hostility
against the [Dual] Monarchy. I did not know what the grounds for
this might be, as there was no dispute between us and Russia.
Austria-Hungary had mobilized exclusively against Serbia; against
Russia not a single man; and this would be observed from the
single fact that the first, tenth, and eleventh corps had not
been mobilized. In view, however, of the fact that Russia was
openly mobilizing against us, we should have to extend our
mobilization too, and in this case I desired to mention expressly
that this measure did not, of course, imply any attitude of
hostility toward Russia."

_Germany._ Military Attaché Eggeling at St. Petersburg telegraphed to William II that Prince Troubetzki had said to him yesterday: "Thank God that a telegram from your emperor has come!"

"He has just told me the telegram has made a deep impression upon
the czar but as the mobilization against Austria had already been
ordered and Sazonof [Minister for Foreign Affairs] had convinced
his majesty that it was no longer possible to retreat, his
majesty was sorry he could not change it any more. I then told
him that the guilt for the measureless consequences lay at the
door of premature mobilization against Austria-Hungary which
after all was involved merely in a local war with Serbia, for
Germany's answer was clear and the responsibility rested upon
Russia which ignored Austria-Hungary's assurance that it had no
intentions of territorial gain in Serbia. Austria-Hungary
mobilized against Serbia and not against Russia and there was no
ground for an immediate action on the part of Russia. I further
added that in Germany one could not understand any more Russia's
phrase that 'she could not desert her brethren in Serbia' after
the horrible crime of Sarajevo. I told him finally he need not
wonder if Germany's army were to be mobilized."

At 1 a. m. the German Kaiser telegraphed to Nicholas II:

"My ambassador has instructions to direct the attention of your
Government to the dangers and serious consequences of a
mobilization. I have told you the same in my last telegram.
Austria-Hungary has mobilized only against Serbia, and only a
part of her army. If Russia, as seems to be the case, according
to your advice and that of your Government, mobilizes against
Austria-Hungary, the part of the mediator with which you have
intrusted me in such friendly manner and which I have accepted
upon your express desire, is threatened if not made impossible.
The entire weight of decision now rests upon your shoulders, you
have to bear the responsibility for war or peace."

HENRY OF PRUSSIA AND GEORGE V

The Czar at once replied:

"I thank you from my heart for your quick reply. I am sending
to-night Tatisheff (Russian honorary aide to the Kaiser) with
instructions. The military measures now taking form were decided
upon five days ago, and for the reason of defense against the
preparations of Austria. I hope with all my heart that these
measures will not influence in any manner your position as
mediator, which I appraise very highly. We need your strong
pressure upon Austria so that an understanding can be arrived at
with us."

Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the Kaiser, telegraphed to the King of Great Britain from Berlin:

"I arrived here yesterday and have communicated what you were so
good as to say to me at Buckingham Palace last Sunday to William,
who was very thankful to receive your message.

"William, who is very anxious, is doing his utmost to comply with
the request of Nicholas to work for the maintenance of peace. He
is in continual telegraphic communication with Nicholas, who has
to-day confirmed the news that he has ordered military measures
which amount to mobilization, and that these measures were taken
five days ago.

"We have also received information that France is making military
preparations while we have not taken measures of any kind, but
may be obliged to do so at any moment if our neighbors continue
their preparations. This would then mean a European war.

"If you seriously and earnestly desire to prevent this terrible
misfortune, may I propose to you to use your influence on France
and also on Russia that they should remain neutral. In my view
this would be of the greatest use. I consider that this is a
certain and, perhaps, the only possible way of maintaining the
peace of Europe. I might add that Germany and England should now
more than ever give each other mutual support in order to prevent
a terrible disaster, which otherwise appears inevitable.

"Believe me that William is inspired by the greatest sincerity in
his efforts for the maintenance of peace. But the military
preparations of his two neighbors may end in compelling him to
follow their example for the safety of his own country, which
otherwise would remain defenseless."

George V replied:

"I am very glad to hear of William's efforts to act with Nicholas
for the maintenance of peace. I earnestly desire that such a
misfortune as a European war--the evil of which could not be
remedied--may be prevented. My Government is doing the utmost
possible in order to induce Russia and France to postpone further
military preparations, provided that Austria declares herself
satisfied with the occupation of Belgrade and the neighboring
Serbian territory as a pledge for a satisfactory settlement of
her demands, while at the same time the other countries suspend
their preparations for war. I rely on William applying his great
influence in order to induce Austria to accept this proposal. In
this way he will prove that Germany and England are working
together to prevent what would be an international catastrophe.
Please assure William that I am doing all I can, and will
continue to do all that lies in my power, to maintain the peace
of Europe."

_Russia._ M. Strandtman, Chargé d'Affaires in Serbia, telegraphed from Nish to M. Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg, that Prince Regent Alexander had yesterday published a manifesto, signed by all the Serbian Ministers, on Austria's declaration of war against Serbia.

M. Sazonof telegraphed to the ambassadors at Berlin, Vienna, Paris, London, and Rome:

"The German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès], who has just left me,
has asked whether Russia would not be satisfied with the promise
which Austria might give--that she would not violate the
integrity of the Kingdom of Serbia--and whether we could not
indicate upon what conditions we would agree to suspend our
military preparations. I dictated to him the following
declaration to be forwarded to Berlin for immediate action:

"'If Austria, recognizing that the Austro-Serbian question has
assumed the character of a question of European interest,
declares herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum points
which violate the sovereign rights of Serbia, Russia engages to
stop her military preparations.'

"Please inform me at once by telegraph what attitude the German
Government will adopt in face of this fresh proof of our desire
to do the utmost possible for a peaceful settlement of the
question, for we cannot allow such discussions to continue solely
in order that Germany and Austria may gain time for their
military preparations."

Ambassador Swerbeiev telegraphed from Berlin that the order for the mobilization of the German army and navy had just been issued. He followed this with a telegram stating that Secretary of State von Jagow had just telephoned him that the news was false:

"the news sheets had been printed in advance so as to be ready
for all eventualities, and they were put on sale in the
afternoon, but they have now been confiscated."

Ambassador Swerbeiev telegraphed from Berlin to M. Sazonof that he had presented the minister's telegram of July 29 to Secretary of State von Jagow, who "declared that he considered it impossible for Austria to accept our proposal."

_Great Britain._ Ambassador Bunsen telegraphed from Vienna to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs:

"Russian Ambassador [Schebeko] hopes that Russian mobilization
will be regarded by Austria as what it is, viz., a clear
intimation that Russia must be consulted regarding the fate of
Serbia, but he does not know how the Austrian Government are
taking it. He says that Russia must have an assurance that Serbia
will not be crushed, but she would understand that
Austria-Hungary is compelled to exact from Serbia measures which
will secure her Slav provinces from the continuance of hostile
propaganda from Serbian territory.

"The French Ambassador [Dumaine] hears from Berlin that the
German Ambassador at Vienna [Tschirsky] is instructed to speak
seriously to the Austro-Hungarian Government against acting in a
manner calculated to provoke a European war.

"Unfortunately the German Ambassador is himself so identified
with extreme anti-Russian and anti-Serbian feeling prevalent in
Vienna that he is unlikely to plead the cause of peace with
entire sincerity.

"Although I am not able to verify it, I have private information
that the German Ambassador knew the text of the Austrian
ultimatum to Serbia before it was dispatched, and telegraphed it
to the German Emperor. I know from the German Ambassador himself
that he indorses every line of it."

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg to Grey of an interview with the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

"M. Sazonof said that German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès] had
told him yesterday afternoon that German Government were willing
to guarantee that Serbian integrity would be respected by
Austria. To this he had replied that this might be so, but
nevertheless Serbia would become an Austrian vassal, just as, in
similar circumstances Bokhara had become a Russian vassal. There
would be a revolution in Russia if she were to tolerate such a
state of affairs.

"M. Sazonof told us that absolute proof was in possession of
Russian Government that Germany was making military and naval
preparations against Russia--more particularly in the direction
of the Gulf of Finland.

"German Ambassador had a second interview with Minister for
Foreign Affairs at 2 a. m., when former completely broke down on
seeing that war was inevitable. He appealed to M. Sazonof to make
some suggestion which he could telegraph to German Government as
a last hope. M. Sazonof accordingly drew up and handed to German
Ambassador a formula.

"'If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Serbia has
assumed character of question of European interest, declares
herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum points which
violate principle of sovereignty of Serbia, Russia engages to
stop all military preparations.'

"Preparations for general mobilization will be proceeded with if
this proposal is rejected by Austria, and inevitable result will
be a European war. Excitement here has reached such a pitch that,
if Austria refuses to make a concession, Russia cannot hold back,
and now that she knows that Germany is arming, she can hardly
postpone, for strategical reasons, converting partial into
general mobilization."

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin to Grey:

"Secretary of State [Von Jagow] informs me that immediately on
receipt of Prince Lichnowsky's [German Ambassador in London]
telegram recording his last conversation with you he asked
Austro-Hungarian Government whether they would be willing to
accept mediation on basis of occupation by Austrian troops of
Belgrade or some other point and issue their conditions from
here. He has up till now received no reply, but he fears Russian
mobilization against Austria will have increased difficulties, as
Austria-Hungary, who has as yet only mobilized against Serbia,
will probably find it necessary also against Russia. Secretary of
State says if you can succeed in getting Russia to agree to above
basis for an arrangement and in persuading her in the meantime to
take no steps which might be regarded as an act of aggression
against Austria he still sees some chance that European peace may
be preserved.

"He begged me to impress on you difficulty of Germany's position
in view of Russian mobilization and military measures which he
hears are being taken in France. Beyond recall of officers on
leave--a measure which had been officially taken after, and not
before, visit of French Ambassador [Jules Cambon]
yesterday--Imperial Government had done nothing special in way of
military preparations. Something, however, would have soon to be
done, for it might be too late, and when they mobilized they
would have to mobilize on three sides. He regretted this, as he
knew France did not desire war, but it would be a military
necessity.

"His excellency added that telegram received from Prince
Lichnowsky last night contains matter which he had heard with
regret, but not exactly with surprise, and at all events he
thoroughly appreciated frankness and loyalty with which you had
spoken.

"He also told me that this telegram had only reached Berlin very
late last night; had it been received earlier chancellor would,
of course, not have spoken to me in the way he had done."

Ambassador Bertie telegraphed from Paris to Grey the report of Germany's request to Russia to be informed on what conditions Russia would consent to demobilization.

"The answer given is that she agrees to do so on condition that
Austria-Hungary gives an assurance that she will respect the
sovereignty of Serbia and submit certain of the demands of the
Austrian note, which Serbia has not accepted, to an international
discussion."

SIR EDWARD GREY REFUSES TERMS OF NEUTRALITY

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin in answer to his telegram of July 29:

"His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the
Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to
neutrality on such terms.

"What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while French
colonies are taken and France is beaten, so long as Germany does
not take French territory as distinct from the colonies.

"From the material point of view such a proposal is unacceptable,
for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from
her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a great
power, and become subordinate to German policy.

"Altogether apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to
make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a
disgrace from which the good name of this country would never
recover.

"The chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away whatever
obligation or interest we have as regards the neutrality of
Belgium. We could not entertain that bargain either.

"Having said so much it is unnecessary to examine whether the
prospect of a future general neutrality agreement between England
and Germany offered positive advantages sufficient to compensate
us for tying our hands now. We must preserve our full freedom to
act as circumstances may seem to us to require in any such
unfavorable and regrettable development of the present crisis as
the chancellor contemplates.

"You should speak to the chancellor in the above sense, and add
most earnestly that the one way of maintaining the good relations
between England and Germany is that they should continue to work
together to preserve the peace of Europe; if we succeeded in this
object, the mutual relations of Germany and England will, I
believe, be _ipso facto_ improved and strengthened. For that
object his majesty's Government will work in that way with all
sincerity and good will.

"And I will say this: If the peace of Europe can be preserved,
and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to
promote some arrangement to which Germany could be a party, by
which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy
would be pursued against her or her Allies by France, Russia, and
ourselves, jointly or separately. I have desired this and worked
for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan crisis, and,
Germany having a corresponding object, our relations sensibly
improved. The idea has hitherto been too Utopian to form the
subject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so
much more acute than any that Europe has gone through for
generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that the relief and
reaction which will follow may make possible some more definite
rapprochement between the powers than has been possible
hitherto."

Grey telegraphed Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg:

"German Ambassador [Prince Lichnowsky] informs me that German
Government would endeavor to influence Austria, after taking
Belgrade and Serbian territory in region of frontier, to promise
not to advance further, while powers endeavored to arrange that
Serbia should give satisfaction sufficient to pacify Austria.
Territory occupied would of course be evacuated when Austria was
satisfied. I suggested this yesterday as a possible relief to the
situation, and, if it can be obtained, I would earnestly hope
that it might be agreed to suspend further military preparations
on all sides.

"Russian Ambassador [Count Benckendorff] has told me of condition
laid down by M. Sazonof [Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs],
as quoted in your telegram of July 30, and fears it cannot be
modified; but if Austrian advance were stopped after occupation
of Belgrade, I think Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs'
formula might be changed to read that the powers would examine
how Serbia could fully satisfy Austria without impairing Serbian
sovereign rights or independence.

"If Austria, having occupied Belgrade and neighboring Serbian
territory declares herself ready, in the interest of European
peace, to cease her advance and to discuss how a complete
settlement can be arrived at, I hope that Russia would also
consent to discussion and suspension of further military
preparations, provided that other powers did the same.

"It is a slender chance of preserving peace, but the only one I
can suggest if Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs can come to
no agreement at Berlin. You should inform Minister for Foreign
Affairs"

Grey wrote Ambassador Bertie at Paris enclosing a copy of a letter he had written to Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, on November 22, 1912, and of the agreement of which M. Cambon had just reminded him. The letter was as follows:

"From time to time in recent years the French and British naval
and military experts have consulted together. It has always been
understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom
of either Government to decide at any future time whether or not
to assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that
consultation between experts is not, and ought not to be regarded
as, an engagement that commits either Government to action in a
contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The
disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets
respectively at the present moment is not based upon an
engagement to cooperate in war.

"You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had
grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it
might become essential to know whether it could in that event
depend upon the armed assistance of the other.

"I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an
unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened
the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other
whether both Governments should act together to prevent
aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they
would be prepared to take in common. If these measures involved
action, the plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken
into consideration, and the Governments would then decide what
effect should be given to them."

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin to Sir Edward Grey:

"The Chancellor [Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg] told me last night
that he was 'pressing the button' as hard as he could, and that
he was not sure whether he had not gone so far in urging
moderation at Vienna that matters had been precipitated rather
than otherwise."

_France._ M. Viviani, Prime Minister, informed the Ambassadors at St. Petersburg and London that Germany had notified Russia of her decision to mobilize unless Russia ceased her military preparations.

"M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, declares that
in these circumstances Russia can only expedite her arming and
consider war as imminent; that she counts on the help of France
as an ally; and that she considers it desirable that England
should join Russia and France without loss of time.

"France is resolved to fulfill all the obligations of her
alliance.

"She will not neglect, however, any effort toward a solution of
the conflict in the interests of universal peace. The
conversation entered into between the powers which are less
directly interested still allows of the hope that peace may be
preserved; I therefore think it would be well that, in taking any
precautionary measures of defense, which Russia thinks must go
on, she should not immediately take any step which may offer to
Germany a pretext for a total or partial mobilization of her
forces.

"Yesterday, in the late afternoon, the German Ambassador [Baron
von Schoen] spoke to me of the military measures which the
Government of the republic were taking, adding that France was
able to act in this way, but that in Germany preparations could
not be secret and that French opinion should not be alarmed if
Germany decided on them.

"I answered that the French Government had not taken any step
which could give their neighbors any cause for disquietude, and
that their wish to lend themselves to any negotiations for the
purpose of maintaining peace could not be doubted."

Ambassador Paléologue reported from St. Petersburg that, in deference to the desire of M. Viviani, no pretext be offered Germany for general mobilization, the Russian General Staff had suspended all measures of military precaution.

"Yesterday the chief of the staff sent for the Military Attaché
of the German Embassy and gave him his word of honor that the
mobilization ordered this morning was exclusively directed
against Austria.

"Nevertheless, from an interview which he had this afternoon with
Count Pourtalès [German Ambassador], M. Sazonof was forced to the
conclusion that Germany does not wish to pronounce at Vienna the
decisive word which would safeguard peace. The Emperor Nicholas
has received the same impression from an exchange of telegrams
which he has just had personally with the Emperor William.

"Moreover, the Russian General Staff and Admiralty have received
disquieting information concerning the preparations of the German
army and navy.

"In giving me this information Mr. Sazonof added that the Russian
Government are continuing none the less their efforts toward
conciliation. He repeated to me: 'I shall continue to negotiate
until the last moment.'"

Ambassador Jules Cambon reported from Berlin of the official recall of the press announcement of German mobilization, but added that his apprehension of the plans of Germany was not diminished thereby.

"It seems certain that the Extraordinary Council held yesterday
evening at Potsdam with the military authorities under the
presidency of the emperor decided on mobilization, and this
explains the preparation of the special edition of the 'Lokal
Anzeiger,' but that from various causes (the declaration of Great
Britain that she reserved her entire liberty of action, the
exchange of telegrams between the czar and William II) the
serious measures which had been decided upon were suspended.

"One of the ambassadors with whom I have very close relations saw
Herr von Zimmermann at two o'clock. According to the
Under-Secretary of State, the military authorities are very
anxious that mobilization should be ordered, because every delay
makes Germany lose some of her advantages. Nevertheless, up to
the present time the haste of the General Staff, which sees war
in mobilization, had been successfully prevented. In any case
mobilization may be decided upon at any moment. I do not know who
has issued in the 'Lokal Anzeiger,' a paper which is usually
semiofficial, premature news calculated to cause excitement in
France.

"Further, I have the strongest reasons to believe that all the
measures for mobilization which can be taken before the
publication of the general order have already been taken here,
and that they are anxious here to make us publish our
mobilization first in order to attribute the responsibility to
us."

M. Viviani instructed Ambassador Paul Cambon at London to inform Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, of the following facts of French and German military preparations, to show that, "if France is resolved, it is not she who is taking aggressive steps."

"Although Germany has made her covering dispositions a few
hundred meters from the frontier, along the whole front from
Luxemburg to the Vosges, and has transported her covering troops
to their war positions, we have kept our troops ten kilometers
from the frontier and forbidden them to approach nearer.

"By leaving a strip of territory undefended against sudden
aggression of the enemy, the Government of the republic hopes to
prove that France does not bear, any more than Russia, the
responsibility for the attack.

"In order to be convinced of this, it is sufficient to compare
the steps taken on the two sides of our frontier; in France
soldiers who were on leave were not recalled until we were
certain that Germany had done so five days before.

"In Germany, not only have the garrison troops of Metz been
pushed up to the frontier, but they have been reenforced by units
transported by train from garrisons of the interior such as
Trèves or Cologne; nothing like this has been done in France.

"The arming of the frontier defenses (clearing of trees, placing
of armament, construction of batteries, and strengthening of wire
entanglements) was begun in Germany on Saturday, the 25th; with
us it is going to be begun, for France can no longer refrain from
taking similar measures.

"The railway stations were occupied by the military in Germany on
Saturday, the 25th; in France on Tuesday, the 28th.

"Finally, in Germany the reservists by tens of thousands have
been recalled by individual summons, those living abroad (the
classes of 1903 to 1911) have been recalled, the officers of
reserve have been summoned; in the interior the roads are closed,
motor cars only circulate with permits. It is the last stage
before mobilization. None of these measures has been taken in
France.

"The German army has its outposts on our frontier; on two
occasions yesterday German patrols penetrated our territory. The
whole Sixteenth Army Corps from Metz, reenforced by part of the
Eighth from Trèves and Cologne, occupies the frontier from Metz
to Luxemburg; the Fifteenth Army Corps from Strassburg is massed
on the frontier.

"Under penalty of being shot, the inhabitants of the annexed
parts of Alsace-Lorraine are forbidden to cross the frontier."

FRIDAY, JULY 31, 1914

_Austria-Hungary._ On the following day Count Berchtold, Minister for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed the ambassador at Berlin, Count Szögyény, an account of the discussion on the 30th inst. between Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the German Ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky.

The ambassador was instructed to thank Secretary of State von Jagow for communications made to Austria-Hungary

"and to declare to him that in spite of the change in the
situation which has since arisen through the mobilization of
Russia, we are quite prepared to entertain the proposal of Sir
Edward Grey to negotiate between us and Serbia.

"The conditions of our acceptance are, nevertheless, that our
military action against Serbia should continue to take its
course, and that the British Cabinet should move the Russian
Government to bring to a standstill the Russian mobilization
which is directed against us, in which case, of course, we will
also at once cancel the defensive military countermeasures in
Galicia, which are occasioned by the Russian attitude."

Ambassador Szápáry telegraphed from St. Petersburg:

"The order for the general mobilization of the entire [Russian]
army and fleet was issued early to-day."

Count Berchtold notified the Austro-Hungarian representatives abroad:

"As mobilization has been ordered by the Russian Government on
our frontier, we find ourselves obliged to take military measures
in Galicia.

"These measures are purely of a defensive character and arise
exclusively under the pressure of the Russian measures, which we
regret exceedingly, as we ourselves have no aggressive intentions
of any kind against Russia, and desire the continuation of the
former neighborly relations.

"_Pourparlers_ between the Cabinets at Vienna and St. Petersburg
appropriate to the situation are meanwhile being continued, and
from these we hope that things will quiet down all around."

Ambassador Szécsen telegraphed from Paris that the German Ambassador had officially declared to France

"that if the general mobilization ordered by the Russian
Government is not stopped within twelve hours, Germany also will
mobilize. At the same time Baron Schoen has asked whether France
will remain neutral in the event of a war between Germany and
Russia. An answer to this is requested within eighteen hours. The
time limit expires to-morrow (Saturday) at one o'clock in the
afternoon."

Ambassador Szápáry telegraphed from St. Petersburg that he had resumed conversations with M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, but that the "points of view on the two sides had not materially approximated to each other."

"Meanwhile, however, it has appeared from the conversations
between the German Ambassador [Count Pourtalès] and M. Sazonof
that Russia will not accept as satisfactory the formal
declaration that Austria-Hungary will neither diminish the
territory of the Serbian Kingdom nor infringe on Serbian
sovereignty, nor injure Russian interests in the Balkans or
elsewhere; since then, moreover, a general mobilization has been
ordered on the part of Russia."

FURTHER EXCHANGES BETWEEN WILLIAM AND NICHOLAS

_Germany._ The Czar sent the following telegram to William II:

"I thank you cordially for your mediation, which permits the hope
that everything may yet end peaceably. It is technically
impossible to discontinue our military preparations, which have
been made necessary by the Austrian mobilization. It is far from
us to want war. As long as the negotiations between Austria and
Serbia continue, my troops will undertake no provocative action.
I give you my solemn word thereon. I confide with all my faith in
the grace of God, and I hope for the success of your mediation in
Vienna for the welfare of our countries and the peace of Europe."

This telegram of the Czar crossed with the following sent by the Kaiser, at 2 p. m.:

"Upon your appeal to my friendship and your request for my aid, I
have engaged in mediation between your Government and the
Government of Austria-Hungary. While this action was taking place
your troops were being mobilized against my ally,
Austria-Hungary, whereby, as I have already communicated to you,
my mediation has become almost illusory. In spite of this I have
continued it, and now I receive reliable news that serious
preparations for war are going on on my eastern frontier. The
responsibility for the security of my country forces me to
measures of defense. I have gone to the extreme limit of the
possible in my efforts for the preservation of the peace of the
world. It is not I who bear the responsibility for the misfortune
which now threatens the entire civilized world. It rests in your
hand to avert it. No one threatens the honor and peace of Russia
which might well have awaited the success of my mediation. The
friendship for you and your country, bequeathed to me by my
grandfather on his deathbed, has always been sacred to me, and I
have stood faithfully by Russia while it was in serious
affliction, especially during its last war. The peace of Europe
can still be preserved by you if Russia decides to discontinue
those military preparations which menace Germany and
Austria-Hungary."

_Germany._ Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg telegraphed to Ambassador Von Flotow at Rome:

"We have continued to negotiate between Russia and
Austria-Hungary through a direct exchange of telegrams between
his Majesty the Kaiser and his Majesty the Czar, as well as in
conjunction with Sir Edward Grey. Through the mobilization of
Russia all our efforts have been greatly handicapped, if they
have not become impossible. In spite of pacifying assurances
Russia is taking such far-reaching measures against us that the
situation is becoming continually menacing."

The Chancellor telegraphed to Ambassador Pourtalès at St. Petersburg:

"In spite of negotiations still pending, and although we have up
to this hour made no preparations for mobilization, Russia has
mobilized her _entire_ army and navy, hence also against us. On
account of these Russian measures we have been forced, for the
safety of the country, to proclaim the threatening state of war,
which does not yet imply mobilization. Mobilization, however, is
bound to follow if Russia does not stop every measure of war
against us and against Austria-Hungary within twelve hours, and
notifies us definitely to this effect. Please to communicate this
at once to M. Sazonof and wire hour of communication."

The German White Book states that Count Pourtalès delivered the note at midnight of this day (July 31).

"The reply of the Russian Government has _never_ reached us.

"_Two hours after the expiration of the time limit_ the czar
telegraphed the kaiser as follows:

"I have received your telegram. I comprehend that you are forced
to mobilize, but I should like to have from you the same guaranty
which I have given to you, viz., that these measures do not mean
war, and that we shall continue to negotiate for the welfare of
our two countries and the universal peace which is so dear to our
hearts. With the aid of God it must be possible to our
long-tried friendship to prevent the shedding of blood. I expect
with full confidence your urgent reply."

The Chancellor telegraphed to Ambassador Schoen at Paris:

"Russia has ordered mobilization of her entire army and fleet,
therefore also against us in spite of our still pending
mediation. We have, therefore, declared the threatening state of
war which is bound to be followed by mobilization unless Russia
stops within twelve hours all measures of war against us and
Austria. Mobilization inevitably implies war. Please ask French
Government whether it intends to remain neutral in a Russo-German
war. Reply must be made in eighteen hours. Wire at once hour of
inquiry. Utmost speed necessary."

William II telegraphed to George V of Great Britain:

"Many thanks for your friendly communication. Your proposals
coincide with my ideas and with the communication which I have
this evening received from Vienna, and which I have passed on to
London. I have just heard from the chancellor that intelligence
has just reached him that Nicholas this evening has ordered the
mobilization of his entire army and fleet. He has not even
awaited the result of the mediation in which I am engaged, and he
has left me completely without information. I am traveling to
Berlin to assure the safety of my eastern frontier, where strong
Russian forces have already taken up their position."

_Russia._ M. Schebeko, Ambassador at Vienna, telegraphed to M. Sazonof, Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburg:

"In spite of the general mobilization, my exchange of views with
Count Berchtold and his colleagues continues. They all dwell upon
the absence on Austria's part of any hostile intentions
whatsoever against Russia, and of any designs of conquest at the
expense of Serbia, but they are all equally insistent that
Austria is bound to carry through the action which she has begun
and to give Serbia a serious lesson, which would constitute a
sure guaranty for the future."

_Great Britain._ Ambassador Goschen telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs:

"The [German] Chancellor [Bethmann-Hollweg] informs me that his
efforts to preach peace and moderation at Vienna have been
seriously handicapped by the Russian mobilization against
Austria. He has done everything possible to attain his object at
Vienna, perhaps even rather more than was altogether palatable at
the Ballplatz. He could not, however, leave his country
defenseless while time was being utilized by other powers; and
if, as he learns the case, military measures are now being taken
by Russia against Germany also, it would be impossible for him to
remain quiet. He wished to tell me that it was quite possible
that in a very short time, to-day perhaps, the German Government
would take some very serious step; he was, in fact, just on the
point of going to have an audience with the emperor.

"His excellency added that the news of the active preparations on
the Russo-German frontier had reached him just when the czar had
appealed to the emperor, in the name of their old friendship, to
mediate at Vienna, and when the emperor was actually conforming
to that request."

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Buchanan at St. Petersburg that a conversation had taken place between Austria and Russia at Vienna, and that one at St. Petersburg had been authorized by the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Berchtold, in which Austria would explain the ultimatum to Serbia and discuss any questions directly affecting Austro-Russian relations.

"I informed the German Ambassador that, as regards military
preparations, I did not see how Russia could be urged to suspend
them unless some limit were put by Austria to the advance of her
troops into Serbia."

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin his hope for a satisfactory result from the Austro-Russian conversations.

"The stumblingblock hitherto has been Austrian mistrust of
Serbian assurances, and Russian mistrust of Austrian intentions
with regard to the independence and integrity of Serbia. It has
occurred to me that, in the event of this mistrust preventing a
solution being found by Vienna and St. Petersburg, Germany might
sound Vienna, and I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg,
whether it would be possible for the four disinterested powers to
offer to Austria that they would undertake to see that she
obtained full satisfaction of her demands on Serbia, provided
that they did not impair Serbian sovereignty and the integrity of
Serbian territory. As your excellency is aware, Austria has
already declared her willingness to respect them. Russia might be
informed by the four powers that they would undertake to prevent
Austrian demands going the length of impairing Serbian
sovereignty and integrity. All powers would of course suspend
further military operations or preparations.

"You may sound the Secretary of State [Von Jagow] about this
proposal.

"I said to German Ambassador [Prince Lichnowsky] this morning
that if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put forward
which made it clear that Germany and Austria were striving to
preserve European peace, and that Russia and France would be
unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St.
Petersburg and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia
and France would not accept it his majesty's Government would
have nothing more to do with the consequences; but, otherwise, I
told German Ambassador that if France became involved we should
be drawn in.

"You can add this when sounding Chancellor [Bethmann-Hollweg] or
Secretary of State as to proposal above."

Goschen telegraphed Grey that the whole Russian army and fleet were mobilizing, and that _Kriegsgefahr_ (imminence of war) will be proclaimed at once by Germany, as it can be only against her that Russian general mobilization is directed. German mobilization would follow almost immediately.

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg that Russian general mobilization had been ordered because of news from Vienna

"that Austria is determined not to yield to intervention of
powers, and that she is moving troops against Russia as well as
against Serbia.

"Russia has also reason to believe that Germany is making active
military preparations, and she cannot afford to let her get a
start."

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris:

"I still trust that situation is not irretrievable, but in view
of mobilization in Germany it becomes essential to his majesty's
Government, in view of existing treaties, to ask whether French
Government are prepared to engage to respect neutrality of
Belgium so long as no other power violates it."

The same telegram, with change of words, "French Government" to "German Government," was sent to Ambassador Goschen at Berlin. Grey asked Sir Francis Villiers, Ambassador at Brussels, to inform M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, of these telegrams, and to say:

"I assume that the Belgian Government will maintain to the utmost
of their power their neutrality, which I desire and expect other
powers to uphold and observe."

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris:

"Nobody here feels that in this dispute, so far as it has yet
gone, British treaties or obligations are involved. Feeling is
quite different from what it was during the Morocco question.
That crisis involved a dispute directly involving France, whereas
in this case France is being drawn into a dispute which is not
hers.

"I believe it to be quite untrue that our attitude has been a
decisive factor in situation. German Government do not expect our
neutrality.

"We cannot undertake a definite pledge to intervene in a war. I
have so told the French Ambassador, who has urged his majesty's
Government to reconsider this decision.

"I have told him that we should not be justified in giving any
pledge at the present moment, but that we will certainly consider
the situation again directly there is a new development."

Bertie telegraphed to Grey that German Ambassador von Schoen had just informed M. Viviani, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, that Germany had addressed an ultimatum to Russia to demobilize, saying that, if it were not complied with within twenty-four hours, Germany would order complete mobilization on Russian and French frontiers. Viviani wishes to know what, in these circumstances, will be Great Britain's attitude.

"German Ambassador is going to call at the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs to-morrow at 1 p. m. in order to receive the French
Government's answer as to their attitude."

Grey telegraphed to Ambassador Bertie at Paris that French Ambassador Jules Cambon at Berlin had reported to M. Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, that uncertainty of Great Britain's intervention was encouraging Germany in her warlike attitude, and that a definite declaration by Great Britain on the side of Russia and France would decide the German attitude in favor of peace.

Ambassador Buchanan telegraphed from St. Petersburg the following proposition (sent also to France), made by M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs:

"If Austria will agree to check the advance of her troops on
Serbian territory; if, recognizing that the dispute between
Austria and Serbia has assumed a character of European interest,
she will allow the great powers to look into the matter and
determine whether Serbia could satisfy the Austro-Hungarian
Government without impairing her rights as a sovereign state of
her independence, Russia will undertake to maintain her waiting
attitude."

M. Sazonof adduced the latest telegram of Nicholas II to William II as proof of sincerity of Russia's attitude. He proposed that the conference of the powers be held in London. He was grateful to Great Britain; if peace were secured, it would be due largely to her efforts; Russia would never forget her firm attitude.

Ambassador Goschen telegraphed from Berlin that he had spent an hour with Secretary of State von Jagow, urging him to accept Grey's proposal to make another effort to prevent the terrible catastrophe of a European war.