Chapter XLIII: Part IV: Diplomatic Papers Relating to the Origin of the War, (9)

"The German Government, however, entertain the distinct hope that
this eventuality will not occur, and that the Belgian Government
will know how to take the necessary measures to prevent the
occurrence of incidents such as those mentioned. In this case the
friendly ties which bind the two neighboring States will grow
stronger and more enduring."

MONDAY, AUGUST 3, 1914

_Serbia._ On the following day M. Yov. Yovanovitch, former Minister to Vienna, and now at Nish, the temporary capital of Serbia, made a long report to M. N. Pashitch, the Prime Minister, of events at Vienna from the days following the crime of Sarajevo to his departure from the Austrian capital. The points in this are:

SERBIA'S POSITION EXPLAINED

1. Constant police surveillance of the Serbian legation and menacing attitude of the public.

2. Sudden change early in July of Austro-Hungarian attitude to the Sarajevo incident. Press begins to represent it as a manifestation of Serbian intrigue which Austria must settle, and alone, with Serbia--eventually by war.

3. Assistance given by German Embassy to this press agitation.

4. Austrian financiers declare that "a settlement with Serbia" is the only way out of the general financial and economic crisis prevailing in Austria-Hungary since annexation of Bosnia. Gold secretly and gradually withdrawn from circulation.

5. Austrian Minister of War, Krobatin, and Chief of Staff, Hetzendorf, break leave of absence to return to Vienna, the latter having had a conversation at Carlsbad with German Chief of Staff, Count Moltke.

6. Reserves retained after stipulated period for maneuvers had expired and their numbers augmented.

7. Noncommittal answers of Count Tisza, Hungarian Prime Minister, to interpolations concerning Serbia in Hungarian Diet.

8. Refusal at Foreign Office in Vienna to discuss Sarajevo incident with foreign representatives, or if subject was mentioned, assurances that nothing would be done against Serbia to give uneasiness to the powers, in particular Russia. Foreign ambassadors, thus assured, quit Vienna on long leaves of absence for watering places. All this indicates that Austria-Hungary was contemplating sudden action, which, when a _fait accompli_, would likely be accepted by the powers in order to avoid a general war.

9. German Ambassador, Herr von Tschirschky, the only foreign representative informed of note to Serbia. He knew its minutest details, and there is reason to believe he helped draft it.

10. When note was published, French, British, and Russian representatives at Vienna asked me if it were not better to accept the demands and avoid war for the present.

"I said that the note, which amounted in fact to a declaration of
war upon Serbia, was worded in such a way that, even if Serbia
should accept all the conditions without reserve, Austria-Hungary
would still find an excuse for her army to march into Serbia at
any time. It was in the belief that the conflict would be limited
to Serbia and Austria-Hungary that Austria-Hungary had drafted
such a note.

"The Russian Ambassador, M. Schebeko [then absent from Vienna,]
previously to the presentation of the note, had stated on several
occasions to his colleagues and the Austro-Hungarian Government
that Russia could not remain indifferent to any step taken by
Austria-Hungary, which might have as an object the humiliation of
Serbia. Hence the apprehension felt by the French and British
Ambassadors and the Russian Chargé d'Affaires, who at once
foresaw the possibility of war between Russia and
Austria-Hungary."

11. Expressed intention of Count Berchtold, Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to chastise Serbia by arms without consent of European concert. Belief expressed by German Ambassador that Russia would permit this, owing to troubles in Asia, and assurances given by him that Germany would stand by her ally in the matter.

"These statements of Herr von Tschirschky have induced many to
hold the opinion that Germany desired to provoke a European war,
on the ground that it was better to have war with Russia before
the latter had completed her military reorganization, _i.e._,
before the spring of 1917. This point of view had formerly been
freely discussed and even written about in Vienna. 'The longer
the matter is postponed, the smaller will become the chances of
success of the Triple Alliance.' On the other hand, rumors from
the most authoritative diplomatic sources in Berlin reached me in
Vienna, to the effect that the Wilhelmstrasse [German Foreign
Office] did not approve of Austria's policy on this question,
and that Herr von Tschirschky has exceeded the instructions given
to him."

_Great Britain._ Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, made a statement in the House of Commons as to the diplomatic situation, particularly of Great Britain. The chief points in it were:

1. The peace of Europe cannot be preserved, despite Great Britain's earnest and consistent efforts to that end.

2. Great Britain's good faith in this matter is proved by her actions in the Balkan crisis, where it was generally admitted she worked for peace.

3. Parliament is free to decide on attitude of Great Britain.

Here the secretary referred to the Moroccan crisis of 1906, and said that then he had taken the same attitude with respect to France.

"That position was accepted by the French Government, but they
said to me at the time, and I think very reasonably, 'If you
think it possible that the public opinion of Great Britain might,
should a sudden crisis arise, justify you in giving to France the
armed support which you cannot promise in advance, you will not
be able to give that support, even if you wish it, when the time
comes, unless some conversations have already taken place between
naval and military experts.' There was force in that. I agreed to
it, and authorized those conversations to take place, but on the
distinct understanding that nothing which passed between military
or naval experts should bind either Government or restrict in any
way their freedom to make a decision as to whether or not they
would give that support when the time arose.

"As I have told the House, upon that occasion a general election
was in prospect; I had to take the responsibility of doing that
without the Cabinet. It could not be summoned. An answer had to
be given. I consulted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the Prime
Minister; I consulted Lord Haldane, who was then Secretary of
State for War; and the present Prime Minister [Henry Asquith] who
was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. They authorized that
[answer], on the distinct understanding that it left the hands of
the Government free whenever the crisis arose."

Here the secretary read his reply to the French Ambassador, dated November 22, 1912, which was to the effect stated. It instanced the disposition of the French and British fleets at the time as "not based upon an engagement to cooperate in war," and went on to say

"that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an
unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened
the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other
whether both governments should act together to prevent
aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so what measures they
would be prepared to take in common."

The secretary said that the present crisis involved Great Britain's obligations to France in a less formal fashion.

"While we were pledged to give nothing but diplomatic support to
France in the Morocco affairs, we were pledged to do so by a
definite public agreement [the Treaty of April 8, 1904]. But no
Government and no country has less desire to be involved in war
over a dispute with Austria and Serbia than the Government and
the country of France. France is involved in it because of her
obligation of honor under a definite alliance with Russia. It is
only fair to the House to say that that obligation cannot apply
in the same way to us. We are not parties to the Franco-Russian
alliance. We do not even know its terms.

"I now come to what we think the situation requires of us. We
have had a long-standing friendship with France. But how far that
friendship entails obligation, let every man look into his own
heart, and his own feelings, and construe for himself.

"The French coasts are absolutely undefended. The French fleet is
in the Mediterranean, and has for some years been concentrated
there because of the feeling of confidence and friendship which
has existed between the two countries. My own feeling is that if
a foreign fleet, engaged in a war which France had not sought,
and in which she had not been the aggressor, came down the
English Channel and bombarded and battered the undefended coasts
of France, we could not stand aside, and see this going on
practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms folded,
looking on dispassionately, doing nothing.

"Let us assume that out of the situation come consequences
unforeseen, which make it necessary at a sudden moment that, in
defense of vital British interests, we should go to war; and let
us assume--which is quite possible--that Italy, who is now
neutral, should depart from her attitude, what then will be the
position in the Mediterranean where our trade routes are vital to
our interests? We have not kept a fleet in the Mediterranean
which is equal to dealing alone with a combination of other
fleets in the Mediterranean. We would have exposed this country
from our negative attitude at the present moment to the most
appalling risk. We feel strongly that France was entitled to
know--and to know at once--whether or not in the event of attack
upon her unprotected northern and western coasts she could depend
upon British support. In these compelling circumstances,
yesterday afternoon I gave to the French Ambassador the assurance
that if the German fleet undertakes hostile operations against
the French coast or shipping the British fleet will give all the
protection in its power, subject to the ratification of
Parliament.

"I understand that the German Government would be prepared, if we
would pledge ourselves to neutrality, to agree that its fleet
would not attack the northern coast of France. It is far too
narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the more serious
consideration--becoming more serious every hour--of the
neutrality of Belgium."

Here the secretary discussed the treaties of 1839 and of 1870 between the powers and Belgium respecting preservation of her neutrality, and cited in particular the real and written recognition by Prince Bismarck of the sacredness of this neutrality, and the speech in Parliament by William E. Gladstone on Great Britain's obligation to maintain it.

He then reported the promise he had just secured from France to respect Belgian neutrality, the evasive answer that had been given by Germany in regard to the same, and Belgium's promise to maintain her neutrality.

He then recited Germany's ultimatum to Belgium, and Belgium's appeal to King George.

"Diplomatic intervention took place last week on our part. What
can diplomatic intervention do now? We have great and vital
interests in the independence--and integrity is the least
part--of Belgium. The smaller States in that region of Europe ask
but one thing, to be left alone and independent. If in this war
which is before Europe the neutrality of one of those countries
is violated, and no action be taken [by the powers] to resent it,
at the end of the war, whatever the integrity may be, the
independence will be gone. Mr. Gladstone said:

"We have an interest in the independence of Belgium which is
wider than that which we may have in the literal operation of the
guaranty. It is found in the answer to the question whether,
under the circumstances of the case, this country, endowed as it
is with influence and power, would quietly stand by and witness
the perpetration of the direst crime that ever stained the pages
of history, and thus become participators in the sin.

"If Belgium's independence goes, the independence of Holland will
follow. I ask the House from the point of view of British
interests to consider what may be at stake. If France is beaten
in a struggle of life and death, loses her position as a great
power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of one greater
than herself--consequences which I do not anticipate, because I
am sure that France has the power to defend herself with all the
energy and ability and patriotism which she has shown so often,
and if Belgium fell under the same dominating influence, and then
Holland, and then Denmark, then would not Mr. Gladstone's words
come true, that just opposite to us there would be a common
interest against the unmeasured aggrandizement of any power?

"It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband
our strength, and that, whatever happened in the course of this
war, at the end of it to intervene with effect to put things
right, and to adjust them to our own point of view. If, in a
crisis like this, we run away from those obligations of honor and
interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I doubt whether,
whatever material force we might have at the end, it would be of
very much value in face of the respect that we should have lost.
And do not believe, whether a great power stands outside this war
or not, it is going to be in a position at the end of it to exert
its superior strength. For us, with a powerful fleet, which we
believe able to protect our commerce, to protect our shores, and
to protect our interests, if we are engaged in war, we shall
suffer but little more than we shall suffer even if we stand
aside.

"We are going to suffer terribly in this war, whether we are in
it or whether we stand aside. Foreign trade is going to stop, not
because the trade routes are closed, but because there is no
trade at the other end. I do not believe for a moment that at the
end of this war, even if we stood aside, we should be in a
material position, to use our force decisively to undo what had
happened in the course of the war, to prevent the whole of the
west of Europe opposite to us falling under the domination of a
single power, and I am quite sure that our moral position would
be such as to have lost us all respect.

"Mobilization of the fleet has taken place; mobilization of the
army is taking place; but we have as yet taken no engagement with
regard to sending an expeditionary armed force out of the
country, because I feel that--in the case of a European
conflagration such as this, unprecedented, with our enormous
responsibilities in India and other parts of the Empire, or in
countries in British occupation, with all the unknown factors--we
must take the question very carefully into consideration, until
we know how we stand.

"What other policy is there before the House? There is but one
way in which the Government could make certain at the present
moment of keeping outside this war, and that would be that it
should immediately issue a proclamation of unconditional
neutrality. We cannot do that. We should sacrifice our good name
and reputation before the world, and should not escape the most
serious and grave economic consequences.

"As far as the forces of the crown are concerned, we are ready. I
believe the Prime Minister and the First Lord of the Admiralty
[Winston Churchill] have no doubt whatever that the readiness and
the efficiency of those forces were never at a higher mark than
they are to-day, and never was there a time when confidence was
more justified in the power of the navy to protect our commerce
and to protect our shores.

"The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in
deciding what to advise the House of Commons to do. We have made
clear to the House, I trust, that we are prepared to face that
situation. We worked for peace up to the last moment, and beyond
the last moment. We believe we shall have the support of the
House at large in proceeding to whatever the consequences may be
and whatever measures may be forced upon us. The country has not
had time to realize the issue. It perhaps is still thinking of
the quarrel between Austria and Serbia, and not the complications
of this matter which have grown out of the quarrel between
Austria and Serbia. Russia and Germany we know are at war. We do
not yet know officially that Austria, the ally whom Germany is to
support, is yet at war with Russia. We know that a good deal has
been happening on the French frontier.

"I believe, when the country realizes what is at stake, what the
real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the
west of Europe, we shall be supported throughout, not only by the
House of Commons, but by the determination, the resolution, the
courage, and the endurance of the whole country."

_France._ Minister Klobukowski telegraphed from Brussels the answer the Belgian Government had given on the evening of August 2 to the German ultimatum:

"The information as to the French movements appeared to them to
be inaccurate in view of the formal assurances which had been
given by France, and were still quite recent; that Belgium, which
since the establishment of her kingdom, has taken every care to
assure the protection of her dignity and of her interests, and
has devoted all her efforts to peaceful development of progress,
strongly protests against any violation of her territory from
whatever quarter it may come: and that, supposing the violation
takes place, she will know how to defend with energy her
neutrality, which has been guaranteed by the powers, and notably
by the King of Prussia."

M. Klobukowski added in a supplementary telegram:

"To the assurance which I gave him that if Belgium appealed to
the guarantee of the powers against the violation of her
neutrality by Germany, France would at once respond to her
appeal, the Minister for Foreign Affairs [M. Davignon] answered:

"It is with great sincerity that we thank the Government of the
Republic for the support which it would eventually be able to
offer us, but under present conditions we do not appeal to the
guarantee of the powers. At a later date the Government of the
king will weigh the measures which it may be necessary to take."

Ambassador Paul Cambon telegraphed from London:

"Sir Edward Grey has authorized me to inform you that he was
making explanations to the Commons as to the present attitude of
the British Government, and that the chief of these declarations
would be as follows:

"'In case the German fleet came into the Channel or entered the
North Sea in order to go round the British Isles with the object
of attacking the French coasts or the French navy and of
harassing French merchant shipping, the British fleet would
intervene in order to give to French shipping its complete
protection, in such a way that from that moment Great Britain and
Germany would be in a state of war.'

"Sir Edward Grey explained to me that the mention of an operation
by way of the North Sea implied protection against a
demonstration in the Atlantic Ocean.

"The declaration concerning the intervention of the British fleet
must be considered as binding the British Government. Sir Edward
Grey has assured me of this and has added that the French
Government were thereby authorized to inform the Chambers of
this."

M. Paul Cambon supplemented this by a telegram stating:

"Just as Sir Edward Grey was starting this morning for the
meeting of the Cabinet, my German colleague [Prince Lichnowsky]
came to press him to say that the neutrality of Great Britain did
not depend upon respecting Belgian neutrality. Sir Edward Grey
refused all conversation on this matter.

"The German Ambassador has sent to the press a _communiqué_
saying that if Great Britain remained neutral Germany would give
up all naval operations and would not make use of the Belgian
coast as a _point d'appui_. My answer is that respecting the
coast is not respecting the neutrality of the territory, and that
the German ultimatum is already a violation of this neutrality."

Later M. Paul Cambon telegraphed:

"Sir Edward Grey has made the statement regarding the
intervention of the British fleet. He has explained, in
considering the situation, what he proposed to do with regard to
Belgian neutrality; and the reading of a letter from King Albert
asking for the support of Great Britain has deeply stirred the
House.

"The House will this evening vote the credit which is asked for;
from this moment its support is secured to the policy of the
Government, and it follows public opinion which is declaring
itself more and more in our favor."

M. Viviani warned M. Paul Cambon that the German Ambassador Schoen was reported to have said at the Foreign Office that yesterday eighty French officers in Prussian uniform had attempted to cross the German frontier in twelve motor cars at Walbeck.

"Be good enough urgently to contradict this news which is pure
invention, and to draw the attention of the [British] Foreign
Office to the German campaign of false news which is beginning."

German Ambassador von Schoen had a farewell audience at the Foreign Office at 6.45 p. m., at which he handed M. Viviani a letter stating that French military aviators had committed "flagrantly hostile acts" on German territory, one throwing bombs on the railway near Karlsruhe and Nuremberg, and had openly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying over Belgian territory.

"I am instructed, and I have the honor to inform your excellency,
that in the presence of these acts of aggression the German
Empire considers itself in a state of war with France in
consequence of the acts of this latter power.

"At the same time I have the honor to bring to the knowledge of
your excellency that the German authorities will detain French
mercantile vessels in German ports, but they will release them
if, within forty-eight hours, they are assured of complete
reciprocity."

M. Viviani formally challenged as inaccurate the allegations of the ambassador.

M. Viviani instructed Ambassador Jules Cambon at Berlin to ask for his passports.

"I request you at the same time to protest in writing against the
violation of the neutrality of Luxemburg by German troops, of
which notice has been given by the Prime Minister of Luxemburg;
against the ultimatum addressed to the Belgian Government by the
German Minister at Brussels to force upon them the violation of
Belgian neutrality and to require of that country that she should
facilitate military operations against France on Belgian
territory; finally against the false allegation of an alleged
projected invasion of these two countries by French armies, by
which he has attempted to justify the state of war which he
declares henceforth exists between Germany and France."

M. Allizé, Minister at Munich, was also instructed to ask for his passports.

M. Viviani reported to the French representatives abroad that German troops had violated Belgian territory at Gemmerich.

_Belgium._ Baron von der Elst, Secretary General, reported an interview at 1.30 p. m. with Herr von Below Saleske, German Minister.

"The minister officially informed the Belgian Government that
French dirigibles had thrown bombs, and that a French cavalry
patrol had crossed the frontier in violation of international
law, seeing that war had not been declared.

"The secretary general asked Herr von Below where these incidents
had happened, and was told that it was in Germany. Baron van der
Elst then observed that in that case he could not understand the
object of this communication. Herr von Below stated that these
acts, which were contrary to international law, were calculated
to lead to the supposition that other acts, contrary to
international law, would be committed by France."

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, communicated to Herr von Below Saleske Belgium's reply to the German note.

"This note has made a deep and painful impression upon the
Belgian Government.

"The intentions attributed to France by Germany are in
contradiction to the formal declarations made to us on August 1,
in the name of the French Government.

"Moreover, if, contrary to our expectation, Belgian neutrality
should be violated by France, Belgium intends to fulfill her
international obligations and the Belgian army would offer the
most vigorous resistance to the invader.

"The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870 vouch
for the independence and neutrality of Belgium under the guaranty
of the powers, and notably of the Government of his majesty the
King of Prussia.

"Belgium has always been faithful to her international
obligations, she has carried out her duties in a spirit of loyal
impartiality, and she has left nothing undone to maintain and
enforce respect for her neutrality.

"The attack upon her independence with which the German
Government threaten her constitutes a flagrant violation of
international law. No strategic interest justifies such a
violation of law.

"The Belgian Government, if they were to accept the proposals
submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of the nation and
betray their duty toward Europe.

"Conscious of the part which Belgium has played for more than
eighty years in the civilization of the world, they refuse to
believe that the independence of Belgium can only be preserved at
the price of the violation of her neutrality.

"If this hope is disappointed the Belgian Government are firmly
resolved to repel, by all the means in their power, every attack
upon their rights."

M. Davignon reported this action to the Ministers at St. Petersburg, Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, and The Hague. To the same representatives, except the Minister at The Hague, he reported a statement made to him by the French Minister at Brussels:

"Although I have received no instructions to make a declaration
from my Government, I feel justified, in view of their well-known
intentions, in saying that if the Belgian Government were to
appeal to the French Government as one of the powers guaranteeing
their neutrality, the French Government would at once respond to
Belgium's appeal; if such an appeal were not made it is probable,
that--unless of course exceptional measures were rendered
necessary in self-defence--the French Government would not
intervene until Belgium had taken some effective measure of
resistance.

"I thanked M. Klobukowski for the support which the French
Government had been good enough to offer us in case of need, and
I informed him that the Belgian Government were making no appeal
at present to the guaranty of the powers, and that they would
decide later what ought to be done."

Count Lalaing, Minister at London, telegraphed to M. Davignon that Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had informed him "that if our neutrality is violated it means war with Germany."

TUESDAY, AUGUST 4, 1914

_Serbia._ On the following day, August 4, 1914, M. Pashitch, Prime Minister, recalled the legation and consulate from Germany.

_Austria-Hungary._ Ambassador Mensdorff telegraphed from Berlin that Great Britain had sent to Germany its ultimatum concerning Belgium, and expected an answer to-night at twelve o'clock.

"Sir E. Grey said to me that at present there was no reason why
he should make any communication to the Imperial and Royal
Government, and there was no cause why a conflict should arise
between us, so long as we were not in a condition of war with
France. In any case, he hoped that we would not begin hostilities
without the formality of a previous declaration of war. He does
not intend to recall Sir M. de Bunsen.

"Should we be at war with France, it would indeed be difficult
for Great Britain, as the ally of France, to cooperate with her
in the Atlantic, and not in the Mediterranean."

VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG EXPLAINS GERMANY'S POSITION IN THE REICHSTAG

_Germany._ Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg spoke before the Reichstag (Imperial Parliament). The points of his address were as follows:

1. Germany has kept the peace and protected the peace of Europe for forty-four years, yet, under the pretense that she was desirous of war,

"enmity has been awakened against us in the East and the West and
chains have been fashioned for us. The wind then sown has brought
forth the whirlwind which has now broken loose. We wished to
continue our work of peace, and, like a silent vow, the feeling
that animated everyone from the emperor down to the youngest
soldier was this: Only in defence of a just cause shall our sword
fly from its scabbard.

"The day has now come when we must draw it, against our wish, and
in spite of our sincere endeavors. Russia has set fire to the
building. We are at war with Russia and France--a war that has
been forced upon us."

2. Germany has endeavored to localize the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. All other European Governments (particularly Great Britain) save one took the same attitude. Russia alone asserted that she had to be heard in a settlement of the matter.

"Thus the danger of a European crisis raised its threatening
head."

3. Russia began to mobilize. On this, Germany declared that Russian military measures against Austria-Hungary would find her on the side of her ally, and that she would take countermeasures, coming near to actual war.

"Russia assured us in the most solemn manner of her desire for
peace, and declared that she was making no military preparations
against us.

"In the meantime, Great Britain, warmly supported by us, tried to
mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg."

4. Kaiser William II telegraphed to Nicholas II asking for the Czar's assistance in smoothing over difficulties between Russia and Austria-Hungary. Before receipt of this telegram the Czar asked the Kaiser to induce Austria-Hungary to aid him in inducing Vienna to moderate her demands on Serbia. The Kaiser accepted the rôle of mediator.

5. Germany influenced Austria-Hungary to resume the broken conversations with Russia.

"But before the final decision was taken at Vienna, the news
arrived that Russia had mobilized her entire forces and that her
mobilization was therefore directed against us also. The Russian
Government, who knew from our repeated statements what
mobilization on our frontiers meant, did not notify us of this
mobilization, nor did they even offer any explanation. It was not
until the afternoon of July 31 that the emperor received a
telegram from the czar in which he guaranteed that his army would
not assume a provocative attitude toward us. But mobilization on
our frontiers had been in full swing since the night of July
30-31, and France, though indeed not actually mobilizing, was
admittedly making military preparations.

"What was our position? For the sake of the peace of Europe we
had, up till then, deliberately refrained from calling up a
single reservist. Were we now to wait further in patience until
the nations on either side of us chose the moment for their
attack? It would have been a crime to expose Germany to such
peril. Therefore, on July 31, we called upon Russia to demobilize
as the only measure which could still preserve the peace of
Europe, and informed her that in case our demand met with a
refusal, we should have to consider that a state of war existed.

"No answer was given, and we mobilized our forces on August 1, at
5 p. m."

6. France evaded our direct question as to whether she would remain neutral in a Russo-German war.

"In spite of this, the kaiser ordered that the French frontier
was to be unconditionally respected. This order, with one single
exception[2], was strictly obeyed. France, who mobilized at the
same time as we did, assured us that she would respect a zone of
10 kilometers on the frontier. What really happened? Aviators
dropped bombs, and cavalry patrols and French infantry
detachments appeared on the territory of the empire! Though war
had not been declared, France thus broke the peace and actually
attacked us."

[Footnote 2: Against express orders, a patrol of the Fourteenth
Army Corps, apparently led by an officer, crossed the frontier
on August 2. They seem to have been shot down, only one man
having returned.]

After this recital the Chancellor entered upon his oration proper.

"Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity (_Notwehr_), and
necessity (_Not_) knows no law. Our troops have occupied
Luxemburg and perhaps have already entered Belgian territory.

"Gentlemen, that is a breach of international law. It is true
that the French Government declared at Brussels that France would
respect Belgian neutrality as long as her adversary respected it.
We knew, however, that France stood ready for an invasion. France
could wait, we could not. A French attack on our flank on the
lower Rhine might have been disastrous. Thus we were forced to
ignore the rightful protests of the Governments of Luxemburg and
Belgium. The wrong--I speak openly--the wrong we thereby commit
we will try to make good as soon as our military aims have been
attained.

"He who is menaced as we are and is fighting for his highest
possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through
(_durchhauen_).

"Gentlemen, we stand shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.

"As for Great Britain's attitude, the statements made by Sir
Edward Grey in the House of Commons yesterday show the standpoint
assumed by the British Government. We have informed the British
Government that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, our
fleet will not attack the northern coast of France, and that we
will not violate the territorial integrity and independence of
Belgium. These assurances I now repeat before the world, and I
may add that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, we would
also be willing, upon reciprocity being assured, to take no
warlike measures against French commercial shipping.

"Gentlemen, so much for the facts. I repeat the words of the
emperor: 'With a clear conscience we enter the lists.' We are
fighting for the fruits of our works of peace, for the
inheritance of a great past and for our future. The fifty years
are not yet past during which Count Moltke said we should have to
remain armed to defend the inheritance that we won in 1870. Now
the great hour of trial has struck for our people. But with clear
confidence we go forward to meet it. Our army is in the field,
our navy is ready for battle--behind them stands the entire
German nation--the entire German nation united to the last man.

"Gentlemen, you know your duty and all that it means. The
proposed laws need no further explanation. I ask you to pass them
quickly."

Secretary of State von Jagow telegraphed Ambassador Lichnowsky at London:

"Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of the
British Government with regard to our intentions, by repeating
most positively formal assurance that, even in the case of armed
conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pretence whatever,
annex Belgian territory. Sincerity of this declaration is borne
out by the fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland
strictly to respect her neutrality. It is obvious that we could
not profitably annex Belgian territory without making at the same
time territorial acquisitions at expense of Holland. Please
impress upon Sir E. Grey that the German army could not be
exposed to French attack across Belgium, which was planned
according to absolutely unimpeachable information. Germany had
consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality, it being for her a
question of life or death to prevent French advance."

_Great Britain._ Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, telegraphed Ambassador Goschen at Berlin to protest to the German Government against its violation of the treaty safeguarding Belgian neutrality, and to request an immediate assurance that the demand made upon Belgium would not be proceeded with.

Ambassador Villiers telegraphed from Brussels that the German Minister, Von Below Saleske, had addressed a note to M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs,

"stating that as Belgian Government have declined the
well-intentioned proposals submitted to them by the Imperial
Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret, be compelled
to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, the measures
considered indispensable in view of the French menaces."

Sir Edward Grey telegraphed back that Great Britain expected the Belgian Government to resist by any means in their power Germany's invasion of their neutrality, and that the British Government were prepared to join Russia and France in common action to resist the German action and to guarantee to maintain Belgian independence and integrity in future years.

Grey protested, through Ambassador Goschen, to the German Government against the continued detention of British merchant ships at Hamburg and other German ports, as in direct contravention of international law and of the assurances given by Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg.

Villiers telegraphed from Brussels:

"German troops have entered Belgian territory, and Liege has been
summoned to surrender by small party of Germans who, however,
were repulsed."

Grey, on the basis of this information, telegraphed Ambassador Goschen to ask the German Government that a satisfactory answer to his morning telegram be received in London by twelve o'clock at night.

"If not, you are instructed to ask for your passports, and to say
that his majesty's Government feel bound to take all steps in
their power to uphold the neutrality of Belgium and the
observance of a treaty to which Germany is as much a party as
ourselves."

As reported to Sir Edward Grey on August 8, after his return to London, Sir Edward Goschen, Ambassador at Berlin, had an interview with Herr von Jagow on this same day, August 4.

SIR EDWARD GOSCHEN'S INTERVIEW WITH VON JAGOW

"In accordance with your instructions of the 4th inst., I called
upon the Secretary of State that afternoon and inquired, in the
name of his majesty's Government, whether the Imperial Government
would refrain from violating Belgian neutrality. Herr von Jagow
at once replied that he was sorry to say that his answer must be
'No,' as, in consequence of the German troops having crossed the
frontier that morning, Belgian neutrality had been already
violated. He again went into the reasons why the Imperial
Government had been obliged to take this step, namely, that they
had to advance into France by the quickest and easiest way, so as
to be able to get well ahead with their operations and endeavor
to strike some decisive blow as early as possible. It was a
matter of life and death for them, as if they had gone by the
more southern route they could not have hoped, in view of the
paucity of roads and the strength of the fortresses, to have got
through without formidable opposition entailing great loss of
time. This loss of time would have meant time gained by the
Russians for bringing up their troops to the German frontier.
Rapidity of action was the great German asset, while that of
Russia was an inexhaustible supply of troops. I pointed out to
Herr von Jagow that this _fait accompli_ of the violation of the
Belgian frontier rendered, as he would readily understand, the
situation exceedingly grave, and I asked him whether there was
not still time to draw back and avoid possible consequences,
which both he and I would deplore. He replied that, for the
reasons he had given me, it was now impossible for them to draw
back.

"During the afternoon I received your further telegram of the
same date and, in compliance with the instructions therein
contained, I again proceeded to the Imperial Foreign Office and
informed the Secretary of State that, unless the Imperial
Government could give the assurance by twelve o'clock that night
that they would proceed no further with their violation of the
Belgian frontier and stop their advance, I had been instructed to
demand my passports and inform the Imperial Government that his
majesty's Government would have to take all steps in their power
to uphold the neutrality of Belgium and the observance of a
treaty to which Germany was as much a party as themselves.

"Herr von Jagow replied that to his great regret he could give no
other answer than that which he had given me earlier in the day,
namely, that the safety of the empire rendered it absolutely
necessary that the Imperial troops should advance through
Belgium. I asked him whether, in view of the terrible
consequences which would necessarily ensue, it were not possible
even at the last moment that their answer should be reconsidered.
He replied that if the time given were even twenty-four hours or
more, his answer must be the same. I said that in that case I
should have to demand my passports. This interview took place at
about seven o'clock. In a short conversation which ensued Herr
von Jagow expressed his poignant regret at the crumbling of his
entire policy and that of the chancellor, which had been to make
friends with Great Britain, and then, through Great Britain, to
get closer to France. I said that this sudden end to my work in
Berlin was to me also a matter of deep regret and disappointment,
but that he must understand that under the circumstances and in
view of our engagements, his majesty's Government could not
possibly have acted otherwise than they had done.

"I then said that I should like to go and see the chancellor, as
it might be, perhaps, the last time I should have an opportunity
of seeing him. He begged me to do so. I found the chancellor very
agitated. His excellency at once began a harangue, which lasted
for about twenty minutes. He said that the step taken by his
majesty's Government was terrible to a degree; just for a
word--'neutrality,' a word which in war time had so often been
disregarded--just for a scrap of paper Great Britain was going to
make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing better than to
be friends with her. All his efforts in that direction had been
rendered useless by this last terrible step, and the policy to
which, as I knew, he had devoted himself since his accession to
office had tumbled down like a house of cards. What we had done
was unthinkable; it was like striking a man from behind while he
was fighting for his life against two assailants. He held Great
Britain responsible for all the terrible events that might
happen. I protested strongly against that statement, and said
that, in the same way as he and Herr von Jagow wished me to
understand that for strategical reasons it was a matter of life
and death to Germany to advance through Belgium and violate the
latter's neutrality, so I would wish him to understand that it
was, so to speak, a matter of 'life and death' for the honor of
Great Britain that she should keep her solemn engagement to do
her utmost to defend Belgium's neutrality if attacked. That
solemn compact simply had to be kept, or what confidence could
anyone have in engagements given by Great Britain in the future?
The chancellor said: 'But at what price will that compact have
been kept. Has the British Government thought of that?' I hinted
to his excellency as plainly as I could that fear of consequences
could hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn
engagements, but his excellency was so excited, so evidently
overcome by the news of our action, and so little disposed to
hear reason that I refrained from adding fuel to the flame by
further argument. As I was leaving he said that the blow of Great
Britain joining Germany's enemies was all the greater that almost
up to the last moment he and his Government had been working with
us and supporting our efforts to maintain peace between Austria
and Russia. I said that this was part of the tragedy which saw
the two nations fall apart just at the moment when the relations
between them had been more friendly and cordial than they had
been for years. Unfortunately, notwithstanding our efforts to
maintain peace between Russia and Austria, the war had spread and
had brought us face to face with a situation which, if we held to
our engagements, we could not possibly avoid, and which
unfortunately entailed our separation from our late
fellow-workers. He would readily understand that no one regretted
this more than I.

"After this somewhat painful interview I returned to the embassy
and drew up a telegraphic report of what had passed. This
telegram was handed in at the Central Telegraph Office a little
before 9 p. m. It was apparently never dispatched."[3]

[Footnote 3: This telegram never reached the British Foreign
Office.]

Mr. Goschen's report went on to relate the attack that evening on the British Embassy by a mob excited by the report in a flying sheet of the "Berliner Tageblatt" that Great Britain had declared war on Germany. The German Government repudiated the report and did all it could, by the personal apology of the secretary of state and by police protection, to make amends for what Herr von Jagow termed "the indelible stain on the reputation of Berlin."

"On the following morning, August 5, the emperor sent one of his
majesty's aides-de-camp to me with the following message:

"'The emperor has charged me to express to your excellency his
regret for the occurrences of last night, but to tell you at the
same time that you will gather from those occurrences an idea of
the feelings of his people respecting the action of Great Britain
in joining with other nations against her old Allies of Waterloo.
His majesty also begs that you will tell the king that he has
been proud of the titles of British field marshal and British
admiral, but that in consequence of what has occurred he must now
at once divest himself of those titles.'

"I would add that the above message lost none of its acerbity by
the manner of its delivery."

At 11 a. m., August 5, Ambassador Goschen received his passports. He returned to London on the following day without molestation from the crowd, although this could not be said of the departure of the French and Russian Ambassadors. He closed his report with a compliment to the American Ambassador, Mr. Gerard, for assistance rendered by him in these trying times.

_France._ A message from President Poincaré was read at a extraordinary session of Parliament, the members of which remained standing during the reading. This announced the "violent and premeditated" attack on France by Germany in "insolent defiance of the law of nations" being delivered before any declaration of war, and asking for passports by the German Ambassador at Paris. The president recounted the pacific course of Frenchmen in "burying at the bottom of their heart the desire for legitimate reparation, of the wrong done their country by Germany in 1871, and in using their rejuvenated strength in the interest of progress and for the good of humanity." In particular he spoke of the efforts France had made for peace since Austria's ultimatum to Serbia. He solemnly declared

"that France had made up to the last moment supreme efforts to
avert the war now about to break out, the crushing responsibility
for which the German Empire will have to bear before history.
(_Unanimous and repeated applause._)

"On the very morrow of the day when we and our allies were
publicly expressing our hope of seeing negotiations which had
been begun under the auspices of the London Cabinet carried to a
peaceful conclusion Germany suddenly declared war upon Russia;
she has invaded the territory of Luxemburg; she has outrageously
insulted the noble Belgian nation (_loud applause_), our neighbor
and our friend, and attempted treacherously to fall upon us while
we were in the midst of diplomatic conversation. (_Fresh and
repeated applause._)

"But France was watching. As alert as she was peaceful, she was
prepared; and our enemies will meet on their path our valiant
covering troops, who are at their post and will provide the
screen behind which the mobilization of our national forces will
be methodically completed....

"In the war which is beginning France will have right on her
side, the eternal power of which cannot with impunity be
disregarded by nations any more than by individuals. (_Loud
applause._)

"She will be heroically defended by all her sons; nothing will
break their sacred union before the enemy; to-day they are joined
together as brothers in a common indignation against the
aggressor, and in a common patriotic faith. (_Loud and prolonged
applause and cries of 'Vive la France.'_)

"She is faithfully helped by Russia, her ally (_loud applause_);
she is supported by the loyal friendship of Great Britain. (_Loud
applause._)

"And already from every part of the civilized world sympathy and
good wishes are coming to her. For to-day once again she stands
before the universe for liberty, justice, and reason (_loud and
repeated applause_) 'Haut les coeurs et vive la France!'[4]
(_Prolonged applause._)"

[Footnote 4: Lift up your hearts, and long live France!]

M. Viviani, the Prime Minister, spoke before the Chamber of Deputies. He recounted those actions of Germany in relation to the Austro-Serbian crisis on which the light of subsequent events cast a sinister interpretation. He gave the fabricated complaints against France for violating German territory presented by Ambassador von Schoen plainly to offset the true charges made by France of German violation of French territory, and declared:

"At no time has any French aviator penetrated into Belgium, nor
has any French aviator committed either in Bavaria or any other
part of Germany any hostile act. The opinion of Europe has
already done justice to these wretched inventions. (_Loud
applause._)

"Against these attacks, which violate all the laws of justice and
all the principles of public law, we have now taken all the
necessary steps; they are being carried out strictly, regularly,
and with calmness.

"The mobilization of the Russian army also continues with
remarkable vigor and unrestrained enthusiasm. (_Prolonged
applause, all the deputies rising from their seats._) The Belgian
army, mobilized with 250,000 men, prepares with a splendid
passion and magnificent ardor to defend the neutrality and
independence of their country. (_Renewed applause._)

"The entire British fleet is mobilized and orders have been given
to mobilize the land forces. (_Loud cheers, all the deputies
rising to their feet._)"

_Belgium._ Baron Fallon, Belgian Minister at The Hague, reported to M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs at Brussels, that Holland intended to institute war buoying on the Scheldt (Dutch river leading to Antwerp in Belgium). The river would be closed at night only, and navigation by day would be under Dutch pilots. Belgian lightships must be withdrawn from Dutch territory to facilitate maintenance of its neutrality.

M. Davignon presented passports to German Minister von Below Saleske. The minister intrusted the custody of the German Legation to the American Minister, Brand Whitlock. The Belgian Minister, Baron Beyens, at Berlin, asked for his passports. Before leaving he telegraphed a report of the German Chancellor's speech to the Reichstag on the "infamous" violation of Belgian neutrality.

"It is noteworthy that Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg recognizes
without the slightest disguise, that Germany is violating
international law by her invasion of Belgian territory, and that
she is committing a wrong against us."

Count de Lalaing, Minister at London, telegraphed that Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had informed the British Ministers in Norway, Holland, and Belgium

"that Great Britain expects that these three kingdoms will resist
German pressure and observe neutrality. Should they resist they
will have the support of Great Britain, who is ready in that
event, should the three above-mentioned Governments desire it, to
join France and Russia in offering an alliance to the said
Governments for the purpose of resisting the use of force by
Germany against them, and a guaranty to maintain the future
independence and integrity of the three kingdoms. I observed to
him that Belgium was neutral in perpetuity. The Minister for
Foreign Affairs answered: This is in case her neutrality is
violated."

M. Davignon reported to the ministers at Paris, London, and St. Petersburg all the important diplomatic happenings respecting Belgium from July 31 to the appeal to the powers to guarantee Belgian neutrality, which was under present deliberation.

M. Davignon appealed to Great Britain, France, and Russia to cooperate as guarantors of her territory and independence, and to employ concerted action to resist by force German violation of the same, and at the same time

"to guarantee the future maintenance of the independence and
integrity of Belgium.

"Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will undertake
the defense of her fortified places."

King Albert made an address to the Belgian Parliament which closed as follows:

"The army is equal to its task. The Government and myself have
full confidence. The Government understands its responsibilities
and will maintain them till the end to safeguard the supreme good
of the country. If the stranger violates our territory he will
find all Belgians gathered round their sovereign, who will never
betray his constitutional oath.

"I have faith in our destinies. A country which defends itself
imposes respect on all and does not perish. God will be with us."