Chapter X: Appendix: (lists of Sources) 517 (10)

Imported articles became cheap. Real estate and all the products of the soil, particularly at the north, increased in value. Commerce trebled in a year. All damages caused by men recognized as in the service of the United States were repaired, and the offenders punished. The return of José Castro without means or hopes at the beginning of 1848 produced an excellent effect. Gold-digging became more attractive than conspiracies. And although a certain number of irreconcilables cherished regrets and grievances, the official news of peace and absorption in the United States--which came on the evening of August 6, 1848--greeted a busy and hopeful community.[31.21]

So much for the north, and we pass now to the régime of Scott. After learning of the atrocities perpetrated on the Rio Grande, that "scientific and visionary" officer drafted and laid before the secretary of war a martial-law order, to be enforced in Mexico until action should be taken by Congress. But the idea of putting constraint on the free American voter probably struck Marcy with terror. He started at the title, said nothing, and after a while returned the paper without comment. Scott then sent it on to Taylor, and was informed that the General threw it aside almost instantly, calling it "another of Scott's lessons." The crying need of some adequate method for punishing American soldiers in foreign parts compelled Marcy in December to recommend that Congress authorize a military tribunal; but that body also doubtless had an eye to votes, and took no action.[31.25]

[SCOTT'S POLICY]

Scott, however, though an aspirant for the Presidency, did not shrink from his duty, and on arriving in Tampico he issued General Orders 20, which threw the pale of martial law round all United States forces operating in Mexico, and provided for the punishment, through "military commissions," of offences committed by, in or upon them.[31.22] Orders 20, republished at Vera Cruz, Puebla and the capital and widely circulated in Spanish, were supplemented by issuing safeguards, under which one or more soldiers, bearing a proper document signed by a corps or division commander, could be quartered at any place which it was especially for the interest of the army to protect.[31.23] In occupying towns the rule was to billet no officer or man, without consent, upon any inhabitant, and to quarter the troops in barracks and other public buildings already used for the purpose by the Mexican government.[31.24] These arrangements, the practice of paying for everything used by the army, the principle of treating non-combatant Mexicans as fellow-citizens, and a strenuous endeavor to enlist the coöperation of all the decent men of the army in the suppression of outrages constituted the system of Scott.[31.25]

At Vera Cruz misdeeds were perpetrated, of course, but the culprits who could be detected paid a price for their sport that put the fear of the Lord--or at least of Scott--into the hearts of others. One tipsy fellow, who nearly killed a Mexican woman with kicks and blows, was strapped over a wagon, given twelve good lashes, and then placed at labor in a fort with a ball-and-chain for the rest of the war. A second ruffian, for a worse offence against a woman, was promptly and publicly hanged.[31.26] On the other hand preventive regulations[31.27] concerning liquor, gambling, roaming about the city and the like soon went into force.[31.30]

But the American measures were not simply negative. Worth, who became governor as soon as the town surrendered, distributed free rations among the people, and prevented extortion by establishing a fair scale of prices for eatables. A large force of laborers was employed at liberal wages to clean the streets and the Augean castle of Ulúa. Assured of protection the shops reopened promptly. In ten days the general effects of the bombardment appeared hardly noticeable. Freed from the exactions of their officials and military chiefs and rapidly gaining confidence in our intentions, the people seemed like new men. Commerce, favored by the low American duties, took on fresh life. Although anti-Catholic sentiment was raging in the United States, Scott and some of his principal officers attended mass and even marched in the processions; and the soldiers were bidden to salute not only the tasselled cane of the magistrate but the cassock of the priest.[31.30]

Worth soon moved on with Scott's army; but his successor was described by the British consul as deserving "all praise." Those who followed him did perhaps equally well;[31.28] all branches of the public service were maintained; the good-will of the citizens was acquired and held; and Lerdo de Tejada, one of the best statesmen and historians of Mexico, has declared that Vera Cruz had to suffer scarcely anything from the American occupation except the humiliation of foreign rule, while profiting substantially in several respects.[31.30]

These results were achieved, too, under serious and almost crippling embarrassments. In some regards the city was highly agreeable. Fish more resplendent than gems lay always in the market. A long list of delicious fruits and vegetables graced each its proper season. Often a duet of the military band and the mocking-birds enchanted the ear. To sip a sherbet at noonday--all the curtains drooping over the balconies, the blue sky gray with excess of light, the blackbirds panting with beaks wide open and wings partly spread, the lépero drunk with sleep in the shadow of a wall, a hush over the docks, a stillness in the market--had an exotic fascination; and an evening stroll round the plaza or along the beach at Vergara, where the principal camp lay, with the soft, languid, lingering breeze of the Gulf on one's face and every star asking to be counted, was a delight one could not soon forget.[31.30]

This region, however, was a favorite hunting-ground, not only of the yellow fever, but of diseases even more fatal.[31.29] A few slices of the fragrant Córdoba pineapple, washed down with a glass of the almost irresistible brandy, left one hardly time to make a will. Through the long day a huge ball of fire called the sun poured down an intense heat, and at night the mosquitos were numberless. The story of the invalids was long and sad; and sadder yet the tale of many a gallant soldier-boy, full of thoughts of the loved ones, who breathed his last sigh in the crowded wards of a hospital--_alone_.[31.30]

At Córdoba, where the lanes blazed with small red roses, the sentiment was intensely Mexican, and the authorities ordered that on the approach of the American forces as many of the inhabitants as possible should leave town with everything belonging to the state that could be of service. But the people were mostly satisfied with shutting themselves up during the brief stay of General Bankhead, and the merchants did not go so far as that. The legitimate rights of the conqueror were asserted, but the American commander perhaps made full compensation for this by requiring the city council to reduce the expenses of administration. Care was taken to provide for the punishment of all disorders, and in particular for all interference with religious observances. After Bankhead left, hearing that some of the garrison were plundering, he threatened to send an entire battalion, if necessary, to apprehend the culprits.[31.31]

On higher ground farther west lay Orizaba, sombre yet beautiful amidst its orchards, gardens, palm groves, orange trees and rich fields of tobacco and sugar-cane, like a proud Spanish dowager surrounded by her grandchildren. Here the troops helped themselves occasionally to fruit and cane, injured trees and committed some graver offences. The consequence was that soldiers were forbidden to leave the town except on service and the officers commanding guards in the outskirts had to arrest every man guilty of such acts or pay for the damages, and in either case were held responsible for disobedience and neglect of duty.[31.32]

[THE STATE OF THINGS AT JALAPA]

Of all the places occupied by American troops in Mexico the most delightful was Jalapa. In fact, probably a more delightful place is nowhere to be found. For natural attractiveness it surpasses even Taormina, Kandy and Nikko, the beauty-spots of Sicily, Ceylon, Japan. The abundant water was excellent, which could rarely be said of Mexican towns, and ice from Orizaba Mountain could be had to cool the abundant refreshments. The mercury never stood high and never low. Spring was almost the only season. The foliage always looked new and exuberant, and blossoms were constantly opening as if with ever fresh surprise.[31.34]

From the plaza one gazed into a broad valley tapestried with many-hued verdure. Here palms, live-oaks, magnolias, tamarinds and aguacates--often enmeshed with beautiful and sometimes with aromatic vines--gracefully sheltered the azalea, the verbena, the poppy, the jasmine and countless varieties of geraniums and roses. Here such exquisite plants as the vanilla, heliotrope and tree-lily exhaled with unceasing generosity their delightful odors. Here, amid ancient forests, gorges curtained with exotic ferns and orchids extended to mysterious depths teeming with all manner of strange, fascinating growths. And when, after long surveying this Eden, or descending to wander far in its mazy paths, one's eye rose to a broad belt of pines and firs clothing jagged sierras, and at last, above their rich green, beheld a slender but enormous pyramid of snow, the peak of Orizaba, heaven-high and resplendent against the deep, tropical blue, it seemed as if nature had lavished on this chosen spot the whole diapason of her beauty. Music hath charms to soothe; and such loveliness, grace, perfume and grandeur, combined, were splendidly suited to still the passions of war.[31.34]

Scott and the first American troops proved worthy of this paradise. Nobody was molested. The officers lodged only in vacated houses. The soldiers tried to make friends among the townsfolk. Our generals attended the funeral of a worthy Mexican officer killed at Cerro Gordo. Gold and silver flowed in streams--brighter than "Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus"--that reached the humblest cottage. Many of the people wept when Scott marched away.[31.34]

But some later commands, untamed volunteers who stopped there for a brief time, left a different impression. Lally's men seem to have been a scourge, and Wynkoop's proved so lawless that even Lally's were glad to see the last of them. During their stay the shops were closed, and all business came to an end. Seven officers left their accounts unpaid at the hotels, and some of them carried away towels or the shirts of brother officers. In a word they were natural thieves. Other misdeeds could be traced to the lack, for some time, of pay. But the main cause of trouble was liquor. Against this evil, as against gambling and the rest, adequate regulations were issued; but sometimes commissioned officers, anxious to be popular, would force hotel keepers to let their men have drink. At the bottom of everything lay the selling of liquor by wholly unauthorized persons. "Let the municipal authorities unite with me to put a stop to that _infamous traffic_," wrote one American governor of the city to the first alcalde, "and I will answer for it that there will be no disturbances or outrages committed by the soldiers."[31.34]

Another feature also of the American occupation came out with especial clearness at Jalapa. Not only were offences, extending to robbery and murder, committed against our troops, but it was found on scrupulous investigation that often definite stories of misdeeds charged to our men were plausible only till the other side came out, and that many claims for damages were deliberately invented or grossly exaggerated.[31.34]

Against all real offenders the successive governors--particularly Colonel George W. Hughes, who remained in office a considerable time--were as a rule severe. Stern orders, biting rebukes, earnest appeals to represent our country worthily, precautions like patrols and frequent roll-calls, and at need exemplary punishments were not lacking. One day four soldiers received thirty lashes each, had their heads shaved, and were drummed out of camp, with the word "ROBBER" pasted on their backs, for breaking into a house.[31.33] But at the same time careful measures had to be taken for the protection of our men and our government. Happily the people in general seem to have understood that some pilfering and occasionally other misdemeanors were unavoidable, and to have appreciated our efforts to defend, conciliate and please them, to maintain--in coöperation with the town officials--the municipal service, to provide for the charities of the city, and to ensure respect for woman, religion and civil authority. Vigne, a French traveller, says the Americans were much liked at Jalapa, and probably they were nowhere treated more pleasantly.[31.34]

[THE AMERICANS AT PUEBLA]

At Puebla, August 1, 1847, the Robert Anderson of Fort Sumter wrote: "We have been now in this large City since May 15th, with a soldiery gathered from many Nations, many of them undisciplined, and yet, I will venture the assertion, without fear of contradiction, that, in no City of the same size, either in our own blessed Country or in any other, is private property, or are private rights, more secure and better guarded than here.... Not an instance, I am certain, has been elicited, or brought to light, of one of our soldiers killing a Mexican.... 'Tis truly Wonderful, I cannot understand it."[31.35] The people are all contented, said a letter to _El Republicano_, for business is good and taxes are low; and, he might have added, an American band plays for us in the park. It is "almost incredible," admitted a writer in _El Nacional_, a newspaper of the state, how well the American soldiers treat our priests and women. How are they able to wear the mask so long? The common people, not seeing through the trick, accept their conduct in good faith.[31.37]

After the siege ended, some of our men were arrested for plundering houses from which they had been fired upon, and there was a little pilfering at the fruit stands; but Fúrlong, the Mexican prefect, urged the people to give the war no further thought, and friendly relations very soon returned. Street lanterns were still punctured occasionally by tipsy and facetious Americans with their bayonets, but they were paid for. When Lane's brigade of volunteers arrived, complaints began in earnest, and a committee laid the situation before Scott; but there was no case of such importance that amends or even investigation was demanded.[31.36] The city council stated to the prefect that Childs had saved its authority, improved the condition of the town, aided the Mexican officials, and given them willing audience in order to concert measures for the public good. One measure in particular was the re-establishment of the chamber of commerce, destroyed by the state government; and, as the bishop admitted, Childs did all in his power to prevent and remedy abuses.[31.37]

[AMERICAN RULE AT THE CAPITAL]

At Mexico City there were "some outrages naturally," reported Doyle, chargé d'affaires of England; and emphasis can fairly be placed on his last word, for the troops, entering the town excited by desperate fighting and crowned with victory, were fired upon by the populace, and found themselves hunted at every turn by robbers, assassins and their confederates.[31.38] Doyle added that "even from the beginning a great deal of forbearance" was displayed by the Americans; and the correspondent of the London _Daily News_ wrote, "On the whole I must confess that General Scott and his troops have acted with unexpected moderation." Indeed, they "have shown an exemplary clemency," admitted a Mexican letter printed by a Mexican paper.[31.43]

The restaurant-keeper who furnished a meal and got rather less than he expected or the janitor who tried to keep soldiers out of their assigned quarters and got rather more, had little reason to complain. Indeed, both had reason to be content, for in a city full of léperos and escaped felons property and life depended upon our protection. "We must endure the presence of the Americans or suffer worse things," said a Mexican. No allowances were made by Scott, however.[31.39] "Revelling in the halls of Montezuma" means now, a soldier wrote home, that if the patrol finds you in the street after eight o'clock in the evening you are taken to the guardhouse, and if noisy, you are handcuffed; and for more serious offences the punishments were extremely severe. Quitman, the first governor of the city,[31.40] and P. F. Smith, who succeeded him, ably seconded the commander-in-chief.[31.43]

Under such auspices the shops began to open within a week after the capital surrendered, and business was soon brisker than ever. The clergy were somewhat refractory, and on September 19 all the churches were found closed; but Quitman immediately sent word that should they remain closed, the United States flags would be removed from their towers as a sign that our army had withdrawn its protection. No further hint was needed, for millions in gold, silver and gems lay within their dark walls; and soon the relations between army and church became entirely satisfactory.[31.43]

The troops then felt at liberty to make themselves at home. The _American Star_, "a neat and saucy little sheet," whose proprietors and editors had followed the troops from Vera Cruz, and set up their press wherever Scott made a stay, appeared on September 20, and later was followed by the _North American_.[31.41] The cafés and eating places took on strange names: New York Restaurant Eagle Hotel, Old Kentucky House and the like. "American Dry Goods," read one sign; "Mince Pies for sale Here," another; "Mush and Milk at All Hours," a third. Officers formed an association called the Aztec Club. An agitation for an American railroad to Vera Cruz began. An American sermon was preached at the palace in the splendid Ambassadors' Hall, on the text: "Only fear the Lord, and serve Him in truth with all your heart; for consider how great things he hath done for you"; and other sermons followed. American citizens, temporarily soldiers, made all the shows prosperous, and a complimentary benefit was given to Señora Canete at the National Theatre by "The Chiefs and Officers of the American Army." As cold weather came on, stoves, chimneys and smoke made their appearance to the intense astonishment of the natives, total strangers to such abominations; and finally that proud Spanish institution, the bull-fight, succumbed in this manner:[31.43]

"The Publid are respectfull informed thoh the _secind Bull Fihk_
nill take place, _this Evening, Wsdnesday_, 10te instant, cohen
nill bi introduced á variez of new performanas, by the Compay of
Bull Fighk, and fa which occasia has been obtaind. Some of the
mest fusian Bulls in the Countri.

THIS WSDNESDAY. NIGHT 10 NOVEMBRE 1847."

Unfortunately, under such names as "Contreras," "Churubusco" and "Old Chapultepec," American drinks of established fame arrived. Music halls and dance houses, familiarly known as the Hells of Montezuma, were crowded. Relieved now from the anxiety and tension of the campaign, the gallant volunteers could not be still a moment. Generally they were rather brusque and rowdyish, and to the polite Mexicans they appeared even more so than they really were. They loved to present themselves at a show with trousers tucked into their boots, drape their legs over the backs of the seats, and yell for American patriotic airs; and they seemed to be always eating except when busy with a glass.[31.43]

Gambling became a rage, and in its temples were other priestesses besides those of Chance. Of _La Bella Unión_, the chief resort, it was said, What is unknown "is as well as what is known." Eager for popularity and advancement many officers would not interfere, and in fact some of them sank almost as low as their men. One consequence of such dissipation was illness,[31.42] and another was robberies, quarrels and fights. The arrival of reinforcements--fresh volunteers and recruits--quickened all riotous tendencies. So far as personal morals went the conditions of Santa Fe were approached by not a few, and to crown all two volunteer officers, involved in what seems to have been a gambling-house fracas, were convicted of murder. Conqueror as well as conquered must pay his penalty.[31.43]

Most, however, shrank from such a life, and many tried to render the American stay a fine experience for themselves and for others. It was not in vain. Their nobler tastes found congenial soil. The turquoise sky, the pictured façades of the houses, the handsome gray old palaces curiously and lavishly sculptured, and embellished with precious tiles in blue and white, the Alameda with its grand trees and its fountain, the amazing richness of the churches and their wondrous gilded carvings, the embroidered gold vestments of the priests, the perfume here and there of an ancient garden stealing out through a broken wall, the red conflagration of sunrise behind snowy mountains, the distant, mellow clang of a convent bell as evening shadows gathered, the brilliant round moon turning the peaks into gigantic veiled watchmen and setting massive domes and spires a-quiver with a mystical sort of life--these things helped introduce our finer spirits to the heart of the land, and fill them with sympathy and good-will. Mexico has never been without strangers to love her, and she found such among her conquerors.[31.43]

Here our survey of the ground ends, but a few vertical sections will be instructive. While always having it understood that our authority was paramount, the American local governors desired to let the alcaldes and ayuntamientos (city councils) look after municipal affairs, and were disposed to coöperate in a liberal fashion with them for the good order, the efficient and economical administration and even the improvement of the towns.[31.46]

[AMERICAN METHODS]

Naturally enough those officials, exposed to the criticism of both sides, found their positions irksome. Usually, though not always, they were permitted to resign if they chose to do so, and new officials were then elected by the people or appointed by the governor. Shields extinguished the ayuntamiento of Tampico for incompetence and malfeasance in office, and selected their successors. At Mexico a refractory council was dissolved by Scott, and a Puro body, friendly to the Americans and anxious to make the city government democratic through our aid, was chosen in a somewhat irregular way. When provisions, mules and other such things were needed, it was usual to call upon the town authorities to furnish them at liberal prices. A threat that otherwise the needed supplies would be taken by force and nothing paid, often accompanied the request; but this was in most cases only designed to justify the authorities, in the view of the people, for complying.[31.46]

Attention was paid by the governors to the care and lighting of the streets, proper sanitation, the maintenance of schools, hospitals, prisons and public works, and especially to the police. At Córdoba the city guards were allowed to carry only clubs, but such a restriction was not usual. Worth had regulars for policemen at one time. At Puebla after the siege a guard of 100 volunteers patrolled the streets all night. General Smith enlisted at Mexico a picked body of four hundred American soldiers. Shields, while governor of Tampico, placed an officer of the regulars at the head of this department. The police were firmly supported by the governor, if they proved reliable; if not, a change occurred. The Americans held that peaceable citizens lost none of their political rights during our occupation, and on election days our troops were kept in their quarters or marched out of town.[31.44] So, too, Mexican tribunals were entirely free in dealing with Mexican affairs, though no one connected with our army could be tried by them; and their decisions were enforced by our commanders.[31.45] When Mexicans were placed before an American military commission they were permitted to bring counsel, but occasionally somewhat unusual methods had to be employed, because men ready to make any sort of an oath in defence of a fellow-countryman could always be found. Our protection extended, of course, to the subjects of foreign powers.[31.46]

Social relations between the Mexicans and our armies were hindered by the old impression that Americans were haughty, taciturn and insolent, by the fear of receiving actual insults and injuries from our soldiery, and, when this fear wore off, by a dread that any association with Americans would later be punished by fellow-citizens--as proved to be the result at Victoria, for example. The relations of Scott and his officers with churchmen were generally good, but as a rule the educated and wealthy moved away on our approach or shut themselves up. In the case of Tampico,[31.47] however, officers were able to secure the presence of Mexican ladies at a steamboat excursion and a ball.[31.50]

As a rule, Parras was hospitable throughout the war. At Jalapa the two nationalities mixed somewhat freely. Governor Hughes became intimate with the leading clergymen, and he stated that on account of the general cordiality shown by the Franciscans the head of that order was banished from the capital. A handsome ball was given there to Childs when he left the city. It was at Mexico, however, that social relations were best established.[31.48] Society decided rather promptly to appear in public as usual. Even common soldiers were often able to make friends of respectable persons, and officers became intimate in many families. What was more surprising, a figure in public affairs like Alamán opened his door.[31.50]

The women, usually so ardent in their patriotism, were noticeably cordial. The Mexican men were as a rule essentially feminine, and the downright virility of the northern breed made itself deeply and quickly felt. Less than three weeks after the capture of Monterey Private Kingsbury naïvely wrote, "The women are very kind.... I enjoy myself much in company with the fair Señoras." Conversation was probably somewhat limited; but a great many soldiers made a dash at Spanish, and while some concluded the people did not understand their own language, others achieved results that were at least interesting.[31.49] Our officers, it hardly need be said, never lagged behind their men.[31.50]

A fandango on hard ground beside a winding river with mandolins and guitars softly singing and moonlight sifting down through gently waving palms, was not despised, and to go from leaky canvas to a gilded ball-room for a whirl with a black-eyed beauty who could waltz with a full glass of water on her head, was a strong argument for treating Mexicans kindly. The dark señoritas of Jalapa in particular, and still more their celestial cousins of the golden hair and blue eyes, loved to dance, chat and intrigue, and now their wit and their fans had the opportunity of a lifetime; at Puebla, the full name of which meant The City of Angels, "bewitching glances" often made our officers feel "aguish," said one of them; and the capital stood first in this as in all other respects. Romance never had a more brilliant or a deadlier course. Many a brave heart was thrilled by a mysterious invitation that meant perhaps a kiss and perhaps a stab, and many a fearless gallant made a wild ride into the night. That woman's subtle power, added to the influence of our gentlemanly and highly educated officers in social intercourse, had important effects on public sentiment cannot be doubted. Still, fear of their own countrymen prevented people from associating openly with Americans to any great extent.[31.50]

In short, as this phase of the subject is reviewed, one finds, much that was deplorable and in the case of a foreign war should always be guarded against. But that is not strange. War is ugly business; and since all of us begin conscious existence as savages, and many rise little above that stage, we should not be surprised if some of our soldiers, deprived to such an extent of uplifting influences, reverted more or less toward it. Besides, a grain or two of lawlessness is after all a normal and useful ingredient in human nature.[31.52]

[AMERICAN RULE BENEFICENT]

On the whole there was a vast deal to admire and praise. Scott, a man well versed in the history of campaigns, asserted that his troops displayed "the highest moral deportment and discipline ever known in an invading army." Doyle, after making careful inquiries all the way from Vera Cruz to the capital and viewing the case as a practical man, reported with reference to our troops that "Even from the account of the Mexicans themselves they seem to have behaved very well." Gutiérrez de Estrada, a Mexican of high standing, said to his people that the Americans occupying their country ensured them security of person and possessions and all proper satisfactions better than their own governments had ever done.[31.52]

And when one considers also the relative fewness of serious outrages and the comparatively small number of individuals affected, the great sums of money paid for supplies and labor,[31.51] the reduced prices of almost all manufactured articles, the prevention of brigandage, insurrections, and civil as well as military extortions, tyranny and excesses in the territory that we held, the promotion of commerce and trade, the good ideas of municipal administration frequently exhibited by the governors of towns, and the fine examples of subordination to authority, both military and civil, exhibited by all grades of our troops from the private up to General Scott himself--when these things are considered, one may well feel that our occupation was a blessing to the people. Yet--they would rather have had Mexican abuse than American benefits.[31.52]

XXXII

PEACE

October, 1847-July, 1848

In the end peace came, for sooner or later it had to come; but nobody could have imagined the extraordinary course of events that was to bring it about, and for a long while it seemed impossible.

All the men of sense in Mexico recognized that she had neither physical nor moral strength enough to continue the struggle, but the majority of the nation were not sensible. The old influences operated still. Some could not forgive the outrages perpetrated by our volunteers; some wished so lucrative a war to continue; some dreaded the demoralizing effect of the millions coming from the United States, of which every politician and every military chief were sure to want as much as possible. Incorrigible vanity still ignored failures and offered iridescent hopes. Pride revolted against making terms while the invader's foot pressed the sacred earth of the fatherland, and against the inevitable surrender of territory. At least, said not a few, we must wait until we make ourselves look formidable, so as to command respect; and this meant indefinite postponement.[32.1]

Our army still appeared insignificant; many of our troops were deserting, and some of the generals hated one another. Most of the people saw an American soldier or heard a word of English seldom, if at all. Almost everything went on as before. The people confessed their sins to the same priests, answered for their misdemeanors in the same courts, bribed the same officials, paid taxes to the same embezzlers, and were bullied by the same policemen in the same uniform. Evidently the Americans dared not use their advantage. On the other hand they were eager for peace. Doubtless they knew the war had few apologists in the United States, thought many, and realized that soon a change of administration would end it.[32.1]

A large section of the Puro party--a section which may be called for the present purpose Eventualists--felt, even though Santa Anna's fall had removed one great objection to peace, that it was highly desirable to have the war continue until the old army should be virtually exterminated, or desired that at least we should hold the country until the military, clerical, political and social reforms desired by the Puros could be effected and public tranquillity be ensured. A larger number than ever craved annexation to the United States as the only guaranty of order and prosperity; and still others dared not advocate peace, lest they should be charged with lacking patriotism or touching "foreign gold." Besides, had not the government, since the fall of the capital, announced that all damages resulting from hostilities would have to be made good by the United States? That did not seem like throwing up the sponge.[32.1]

In addition to these embarrassments many facts appeared to show that sensible, concerted action, even if generally desired, would be impossible. Political organization seemed to be dissolving. News of riots and insurrections came on every wind. Even the governor of México state was made a prisoner by malcontents. Many believed with reason that, like the Texas war, the present conflict had been used as a pretext for official extortion, and refused to pay taxes. The central government was regarded not infrequently as a common enemy. Unruly, vicious, greedy men--especially the unpaid army officers--plotted incessantly. Signs pointed to Indian uprisings, which the presence of the Americans encouraged. State decrees against an ignominious peace, and state governments that had not experienced the ills of invasion, barred the way of negotiation.[32.2]

Secessions looked highly probable. The Coalition of Lagos agitated constantly. The legally obliterated state of Aguas Calientes threatened to take up arms. Zacatecas made trouble about internal affairs. The Eventualists, or a large part of them, felt ready to smash the federal union into bits. The monarchists labored, not without success, to prove that a European king and European troops could save the nation. The Santannistas hoped to make the Prince of Spoilers dictator. Many of the Puros felt ready to join them in order to regain a share of the power, and a dull, subterranean rumbling satisfied not a few that Santa Anna would soon be supreme. Almonte, the implacable foe of peace, though now regarded by nearly every one as a cunning, selfish adventurer, seemed to many a useful tool; and his Presidential hopes found strong support.[32.2]

Among the Americans officers pessimism reigned. In point of time, wrote the commanding general, we may not be half through the war. Bankhead could observe no sign of peace. "Mexico is an ugly enemy. She will not fight--and will not treat," said Webster. The venerable Albert Gallatin, scanning the horizon from his watchtower, discovered "hardly any hope" that peace would be concluded by Polk's administration. With the capture of Mexico City the real difficulties of the Americans begin, thought _Le Correspondant_ of Paris; and the London _Times_ declared that we should have to drop the war or annex a country that would cost us more than its value.

[PEACE NEGOTIATIONS REOPENED]

The conditions threatened a long, expensive, demoralizing occupation of Mexico, leading almost inevitably to either our absorbing millions of undesirable aliens or our becoming involved in a general state of irritation and hostility liable to end in a national outburst of hatred and fury against us. To avoid these deplorable alternatives Polk thought of practically setting up a government with which to make peace. But such an organization--even if really feasible, which Polk himself doubted--would have required protection for a length of time that no one could forecast, would very likely have ended in the same dilemma as undisguised occupation, and, if at all successful, might have given the world a pretext for saddling Mexico's future upon us. How to escape from the predicament Polk and his advisers discussed anxiously but without success.[32.3]

President Peña y Peña, however, supported by his Cabinet, by a group of true, honest patriots and by the Moderado party in general, determined to end the war; and Trist, who understood their sentiments, reopened the subject on the twentieth of October. Within a fortnight he was informed that Mexico desired peace, and would appoint commissioners in a few days. November 2 Congress met. Letters in favor of concluding the hostilities poured in upon the members and had their effect. The Puro-Santannista league attacked the government promptly on the ground of remissness in conducting the war, but a resolution calling upon the ministry to state what military steps it had taken failed by more than two to one. Senator Otero offered a motion, forbidding the authorities to consider the cession of any territory held without question by Mexico before the war; but this was rejected, to the surprise of all, by a vote of 46 to 29. Señor del Rio then summoned the administration to state whether negotiations with Trist had been resumed, and he also went down.[32.4]

On the eleventh came the election of an interim President, and again the peace party triumphed. The opposition--which had found Almonte too unpopular, especially among the Santannistas--gave their votes to Cumplido, on the basis of an understanding that Santa Anna should neither be reinstated nor be put on trial, but Anaya was chosen by 42 against 31. About a week later the representatives of seven states met at Querétaro by invitation of the government, and after a desultory but illuminating discussion of nearly ten days agreed, with the exception of San Luis Potosí, to support a movement for peace. Even the war party felt the strength of the current.[32.5]

Some action in that sense looked almost sure; and, as a new Congress was expected to assemble at the beginning of the year, the present members, partly in consequence of intrigues and partly from a fear of responsibility, slipped away in such numbers as to conclude the session, leaving the government a free field. The opposition then came to a head in an insurrection at Querétaro. But Anaya brought out artillery and some reliable troops, particularly 200 American deserters, and announced that he would not only fight in deadly earnest but make examples of the chief rebels. To the insurgents these ideas were novel and shocking, and they declined to play the game out. The road to peace then seemed to be open.[32.5]

[TRIST RECALLED]

But the marplot had been at work. Finding he could not control Scott's policy with reference to the armistice and probably wishing to undermine the general-in-chief, Pillow had written to the President. Exactly what he said cannot be stated, but probably he described the armistice as a gross blunder, and accused our peace commissioner of acting as a tool of Scott for the injury of Polk's friends--especially Pillow; and on October 4 Polk ordered the recall of Trist. In his despatch Buchanan intimated that our envoy's presence might encourage the Mexicans to insist upon insulting terms, like those tendered by them on September 6, and--probably with a view to hardening our conditions--announced that Mexico must sue for peace at Washington. By the twenty-first came news that Scott had entered the capital, and that Trist had fallen short of obedience by intimating that possibly we might not insist upon the Rio Grande line. Polk's feelings grew hot as he reflected, and on the twenty-fifth a special messenger set out with a reprimand and a repetition of the order to leave Mexico. Both despatches reached their destination on the same day, November 16.[32.6]

On receiving them Trist decided to inform the Mexican authorities of his recall and go home at the first opportunity. Indeed it seemed to him the best policy to return and lay before his government some of the information it lacked. But a special escort could not be spared, and, as no train was to go down until December 4, he could be deliberate. By Thornton, therefore, who was temporarily in charge of the British legation and set out for Querétaro the next day, he sent merely an informal notice of what had occurred, with a request that some proposal be sent on to Polk. By the day Thornton arrived (November 21) Mexican peace commissioners had been appointed; and Peña, minister of relations under the interim government, listened to his news with signs of emotion painful to witness. No Mexican felt ready to sue for peace at Washington, and Polk's demand signified the failure and political ruin of the peace men.[32.7]

Peña took the ground that Trist's proposal to reopen the negotiations bound his government, and implored the chargé to urge upon him the sincerity and the difficulties of the Mexican authorities. He also begged Thornton for an intimation, to be used against the war party, that England could not be counted upon for assistance; and the chargé complied promptly with both requests. Fortified also by the action of Congress and the sentiment of the governors, and believing that in view of Mexico's present attitude the United States would shortly cancel its orders of recall, Peña then officially notified Trist that negotiators had been appointed.[32.7]

Our commissioner now found himself in a most extraordinary position. Buchanan's letters of recall proved that peace was desired and the situation misunderstood by our Executive, but these facts could not obliterate certain others. Trist was not merely a private citizen but a discharged official under the frown of his government. Dealings with Peña could be described as traitorous. A warning against confidence in Mexican pretences and a notice that harder terms would now be exacted by the United States had been served upon him; and what those terms would be he could only imagine. Yet he fully believed in the sincerity of Peña and his associates. Thornton confirmed this opinion, and adjured him to improve the opportunity. No one on the ground could see any other way to peace. General Scott favored negotiating and probably expressed the opinion to Trist, as to Mexicans, that, should he make a treaty, it would be accepted by the United States. But on him, Nicholas P. Trist alone, it depended to say whether two nations were to be miserable or happy, to keep on cutting at each other's throats or enjoy the blessings of peace; and on him it rested to assume, should he take humanity and patriotism for guides, a most arduous task at the gravest personal risk and with no substantial profit in view. At noon on December 4 he decided aright, and it was a truly noble act.[32.8]

Trist now had it intimated to the Mexican commissioners, that if they were disposed to accept a boundary line traced up the Rio Grande to thirty-two degrees of latitude and thence west, he would meet them privately to make further arrangements. The outcome was a strong recommendation from the Mexican commissioners, presented and urged by Thornton, that Peña consent. Peña did so; but he pointed out that it would be necessary to defer action until the new Senate should confirm the nomination of the commissioners. Encouraged, however, by advices from Thornton, Trist revoked his official notice that Polk had recalled him, and waited, with feelings that can be imagined, for the waters to move.[32.9]

[THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS]

The negotiations stood in fact at a graver crisis than he thought. News that leading Whigs talked of settling with Mexico on terms far easier than Trist proposed caused hesitation at Querétaro, and fresh hopes of English assistance had a still greater effect. But fortunately Doyle arrived at this juncture to take charge of the British legation, and promptly directed Thornton to state that nothing more than good offices could be expected of his government. The support of these British diplomats, one at the capital and the other at Querétaro, proved most helpful; but then came Polk's Message, which encouraged the Eventualists by saying that, should Mexico continue the war, our protection might be given to any party able and willing to set up a republican government and make peace. Trist grew more and more anxious, and on the day after Christmas expressed his desire to proceed. In consequence of Doyle's attitude all Mexican scruples about the confirmation of the commissioners vanished. On January 1 their full "powers" reached the capital; and, beginning on the second, Couto, Cuevas and Atristain met there secretly with Trist almost every day. Rincón, the other member of the board, did not serve.[32.9]

Trist was prepared to stimulate his colleagues with news that a sentiment in favor of pushing the war through without delay had now become pronounced in the United States. At the same time his letter of September 7 provided them with a most convenient position, for it maintained that all the districts now held by American troops were ours by right of conquest, and that by accepting our terms Mexico, instead of selling lands and population, would recover a large amount of both. He gave them, too, an agreeable surprise by proposing substantially the same terms as during the armistice.[32.10]

They for their part knew California and all of Texas were lost; but their instructions were exacting, and they struggled for all conceivable advantages. Foreign arbitration and a European guaranty of the boundary were promptly demanded, and were as promptly refused. It was proposed that on the signing of the treaty all American forces in the country should retire to within fifty leagues of the coast; but this and other unreasonable conditions met the same fate. Anticipating sharp and captious criticism from opposing lawyers in Congress, the Mexicans devoted the most wearisome care to phraseology. Cordiality prevailed, however. Trist's good-will, self-sacrifice and courtesy received full recognition, and he seems to have been rather intimate with Couto, the ablest of his colleagues. Doyle and Thornton, though always respecting the line of strict neutrality, assisted materially in removing difficulties.[32.10]

Trist felt intensely anxious to save time, and for good reasons. Orders might arrive any day--and eventually did arrive--making it absolutely impossible for him to act as an American representative. Scott was placed by his orders under a military obligation to drive the government from Querétaro, and though he granted a _de facto_ truce, thinly disguised by occupying a few places and intimating a desire for new instructions, a positive despatch might at any hour end that state of things.[32.11]

Yet day after day passed. The Mexican government and commissioners felt obliged to stick at everything and to confer often by letter. January 8 Anaya's term expired by limitation; and, as Congress had not assembled, his predecessor became once more the provisional executive. Four days later an abortive insurrection at San Luis Potosí frightened the timid Peña nearly out of his wits, for it seemed like the prologue of a revolution, and he demanded that before signing a treaty he should have sufficient American funds to provide adequate support against malcontents; but at length his commissioners, insisting that such a proposal would be indecorous, eliminated this difficulty. Finally the government stopped short at the financial consideration. It asked for thirty millions, and our commissioner, in view of the expenses already caused by the protraction of the war, would give but fifteen. On the twenty-ninth of January, therefore, Trist, in very considerate but very positive language, officially declared the negotiation ended.[32.11]

[A TREATY SIGNED]

By arrangement, however, Doyle informed the Mexican commissioners that enough time to communicate once more with Querétaro would be given. Through the same channel they received a hint from Scott, that he would protect the authorities against the dreaded revolution, should a treaty be signed, but would otherwise have to dislodge the government, and thenceforth hunt it like a deer on the mountain. Doyle talked with British directness and good sense. The commissioners brought all this pressure to bear on their government. It yielded; and, on the second of February, at the suburb of Guadalupe Hidalgo, seat of the most venerated shrine in Mexico, in the profound secrecy that had shrouded all these negotiations, the treaty was at last signed.[32.12]

By its terms Mexico appeared to sacrifice, independently of Texas, an immense area; but she really suffered little, for she had no grip--and deserved to have none--upon California and New Mexico. Indeed she had found those distant regions merely embarrassing. Nor did she really cede any territory. As Trist contended and our Supreme Court has in effect decided, the only cession was that made by the United States in surrendering districts then in our hands. Our real title was conquest--conquest from those who had taken the country by conquest from its conquerors. What Mexico granted us was peace and an acknowledgement of our title. In return we gave her not only peace, which meant vastly more to Mexico than to us, but extensive lands, the renunciation of all American claims antedating the treaty, and fifteen million dollars in money--a wealth of gold that her treasury had never seen before. On both sides the treaty conferred benefits; on our part it was magnanimous; and to settle the matter in this way gave the United States a feeling of satisfaction worth all it cost.[32.13]

The wish of the Mexican government had been to open the peace negotiations by making an armistice. To the Americans this could offer little advantage, for the only enemies they now had to fear were guerillas, and these recognized no laws. To Peña, on the other hand, it meant security from hostile expeditions, larger revenues, diminished expenses, Congressional elections in the territory under American control, and hence the political support of those who felt the burdens of war. But Scott, while ready to grant a virtual immunity from attack during the negotiations, was neither authorized nor willing to sign an armistice at that stage; and to have done so, indicating that peace was contemplated, would have endangered the plans of the Mexican government itself. In order, however, to bring about the execution of the treaty our commissioner had to demand of Scott a pledge that he would send out no more expeditions until new instructions, issued after the arrival of the treaty at Washington, should reach him. In short, he requested the General to disregard the orders of a government eager to put him in the wrong; and Scott, placing the public weal above all personal considerations, promptly consented.[32.14]

The second article of the treaty provided expressly for a suspension of hostilities, and in view of its previous anxiety to obtain that concession, the Mexican government was expected to act in the matter at once; but it procrastinated so much as to excite suspicions of bad faith at the American headquarters. This conduct, however, was merely owing to its constitutional apathy; and on the twenty-second of February, 1848, Generals Mora and Quijano opened negotiations with Worth and Smith at the capital. True to the Mexican practice, followed on almost every occasion since the first of our dealings with Mexico, they began with what Doyle fairly characterized as "exorbitant" demands. For example, they asked for the evacuation of the capital, Puebla, Jalapa and Vera Cruz, and for concessions incompatible with the treaty of peace itself.[32.14]

But Worth and Smith, assuming promptly a just and firm attitude, as our civil officials ought to have done from the beginning, refused to consider such demands, and the Mexicans then withdrew them. Everything within reason, however, was granted. Doyle called the armistice, indeed, "very favourable" to the weaker side, and the ratification of it on March 4 and 5 by the Mexican and American commanders-in-chief supplemented happily the treaty of peace. Not only that, but it stopped for the time being every attempt at revolt, for under one of the articles insurgents were to be opposed by the armies of both nations. Paredes and Almonte found it wise to be quiet, and--as we have observed--Santa Anna sailed away.[32.14]

[AMERICAN IDEAS ABOUT MEXICO]

The treaty, conveyed with extraordinary speed, reached the White House on February the nineteenth, but whether it did well to arrive so soon--or even to arrive at all--appeared extremely doubtful. As we have learned, a strong appetite for territory had existed in the United States before the war, and Mexico had looked inviting. In January, 1846, Baker of Illinois suggested in Congress the absorption of that country. By the following July a somewhat organized annexation party existed at New York, and later Senator Dickinson became its champion. The wish to acquire soon became strong. Perhaps Moses Y. Beach visited Mexico in this cause. Certainly Mrs. Storms, who accompanied him, worked actively for it, and his paper ardently recommended annexation as not only advantageous for the United States but sure to benefit Mexico.[32.15]

Other papers warmly took up this idea, arguing that Providence called upon us to regenerate her decadent population. "The Spanish have ceased to rule in Mexico," announced the _Democratic Review_ as its watchword in February, 1847. Secessionists like Simms of South Carolina thought the proposed confederacy would need that country to give it bulk; and by a different route Senator Hannegan of Indiana, representing the strong expansionist sentiment of the West, arrived at the same point of view in regard to annexing Mexico.[32.15]

The recall of Trist, which seemed to give the United States a free hand, and also the plan to extend our occupation of her territory, which logically pointed that way, strongly promoted the idea, for besides the obvious tendency of these measures they were supposed to mean that Polk had that end in view. The attitude of men high in the administration circle produced a similar effect. Bancroft held that we should "rescue a large part of Mexico from anarchy." Cass used language that suggested rescuing the whole, and followers of his talked that way explicitly. Apparently he thought he could win the next Presidential election on this issue; and the war party at his back offered Mexico as a reward for supporting its views. Buchanan, at first opposed to the acquisition of any territory, trimmed his sails to the rising breeze, and wrote that if Mexico did not conclude the war, it would be necessary for us to "fulfill the destiny" assigned to us by Providence. Walker, who knew more about the far southwest than any other man at Washington, favored annexation strongly, and even tried to drag the subject into his annual report. Indeed, the financial editor of the New York _Herald_ saw in him the regenerator of Mexico; and very likely he himself, as head of the treasury, dreamed of winning immense economic triumphs in that field.[32.16]