Chapter LVIII: Appendix: XXXVII (3)

[5] The origin of the Scotch Guard goes back to the Hundred Years’ War. In 1420, five years after the battle of Agincourt, when Henry V was in possession of all of northern France, the dauphin, Charles VII, sent the count of Vendôme to Scotland to ask for assistance in virtue of the ancient league between the two nations. In 1421 a body of 1,000 Scots arrived in France under the earl of Buchan. They fought at Baugé in Anjou in that year, but were almost all destroyed in 1424 in the furious battle of Verneuil. The remnant, in honor of their services, became the king’s own guard. See Skene, _The Book of Pluscarden_, II, xix-xxi, xxvi-xxix; Houston, _L’Escosse françois_ (Discours des alliances commencées depuis l’an sept cents septante, et continuées jusques à present, entre les couronnes de France et d’Escosse), Paris, 1608; Forbes Leith, _The Scots Men-at-Arms and Life Guards in France, from Their Formation until Their Final Dissolution_, 2 vols., 1882. The Guard consisted of the principal captain, the lieutenant, and the ensign, the maréchal-de-loges, three commis, eighty archers of the guard, twenty-four archers of the corps; the pay of whom amounted annually to 51,800 francs, or 6,475 pounds sterling.—_C. S. P. For._, No. 544, December, 1559.

[6] Claude Haton, whose Catholic prejudice was strong, believed this reluctance to be feigned (_Mémoires_, I, 107).

[7] D’Aubigné, Book II, chap, xiv, says the blow raised the King’s visor, and that the end of the lance, which was bound with a _morne_, or ring, to dull the point, crashed through the helmet like a bludgeon. Tavannes, chap, xiv, says that the King had failed to take the precaution to fasten his visor down.

[8] Throckmorton to the Lords in Council, _C. S. P. For._, June 30, 1559.

[9] D’Aubigné, _loc. cit._ La Place, 20, says that the King spoke to the cardinal of Lorraine. De Thou, Book II, 674, on the authority of Brantôme, doubts it.

[10] The Palais des Tournelles stood in the present Place Royale. It was torn down in 1575.

[11] Throckmorton, _loc. cit._

[12] The constable Montmorency to Queen Elizabeth, _C. S. P. For._, No. 898, June 30, 1559. Throckmorton, _ibid._, No. 928, July 4, “doubted the King would lose his eye.”

[13] _C. S. P. For._, No. 950, July 8, 1559. De Ruble, _Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret_, I, 432, has published Vesalius’ official report. Henry II had a body-physician who also enjoyed a European reputation. This was Fernal. He was the author of a Latin work upon pathology which was translated into French in 1660 under the title: _La pathologie de Jean Fernal, premier medicin de Henry II, roy de France, ouvrage très-utile à tous ceux qui s’appliquent à la connoissance du corps humain_.

[14] There is an account of the funeral in _Arch. cur._, III, 309-48. The MS account of the funeral expenses is in the Phillipps Collection, 2,995. Compare Galembert, _Funerailles du roy Henri II, Roole des parties et somme de deniers pour le faict des dits obsèques et pompes funèbres_. Publié avec une introduction. Paris, Fontaine, 1869.

[15] See the description of Throckmorton, written to Queen Elizabeth, _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,190, August 15, 1559.

[16] _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,242, August 25, 1559.

[17] _Rel. vén._, I, 195. “De fort petit sens,” says La Planche, 202.

[18] Throckmorton to Cecil, June 30, 1559, _C. S. P. For._, 899.

[19] And yet the evil nature of Henry II’s reign may be exaggerated. An extended and critical history of his reign is still to be written. Claude Haton, no mean observer of economic conditions says: “En ce temps et par tout le règne du dit feu roy, faisoit bon vivre en France, et estoient toutes denrées et marchandises à bon marché, excepté le grain et le vin, qui enchérissoient certaines années plus que d’aultres, selon la stérilité, et toutesfois esdittes treize années de son règne n’ont esté que trois ans de cherté de grain et de vin, et n’a valu le blé froment, en la plus chère des dittes trois années, que 14 et 15. s. t. le bichet (à la mesure de Provins), et les aultres grains au prix le prix, et ne duroit telle cherté que trois moys pour le plus.” A valuable table of prices of food stuffs follows.—Claude Haton, I, 112, 113.

[20] See De Ruble, “Le traité de Cateau-Cambrésis,” _Revue d’hist. diplomatique_ (1887), 385, and the more extensive work (1889) with the same title by this author.

[21] On the general situation between the wounding and the death of Henry II see _Nég. Tosc._, III, 400.

[22] Castelnau, Book I, chap. i. He was sixteen on January 19, 1560. Cf. Castan, “La naissance des enfans du roi Henri de Valois,” _Revue des savants_, 6^[me] sér., III.

[23] Throckmorton to the queen, July 18, 1559, _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,009. This information was given to the council and a deputation of the Parlement, but no official proclamation was made.—D’Aubigné, I, 243, n. 1.

[24] Claude Haton, I, 106; Tavannes, 245. The deposed beauty surrendered the keys of the royal cabinets and some bags of precious jewels to the new queen, La Planche, 204; Baschet, 494, dispatch of the Venetian ambassador, July 12, 1559. Cf. Guiffrey, _Lettres inédites de Diane de Poitiers_, 1866; Imbart de St. Amand, _Revue des deux mondes_, August 15, 1866, p. 984. For light upon her extravagance see Chevalier, _Archives royales de Chenonceau: Comptes des recettes et despences faites en la Chastellenie de Chenonceau, par Diane de Poitiers, duchesse de Valentinois, dame de Chenonceau et autres lieux_ (Techener, 1864). Hay, _Diane de Poitiers, la grande sénéschale de Normandie, duchesse de Valentinois_, is a sumptuously illustrated history.

[25] _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,024, July 19, 1559.

[26] Castelnau, Book I, chap, ii; _C. S. P. For._, No. 972, July 11, 1559; No. 1,080, July 27, 1559.

[27] La Planche, 208; Claude Haton, I, 108; Paulin Paris, _Négociations_, 108, note.

[28] Tavannes, 245; Paris, _Négociations relatives au règne de François II_, 61, 76, 80, 83, 86; La Planche, 207; _C. S. P. For._, No. 1,121, August 4, 1559; _ibid._, August 1, 1559, No. 1,101, Throckmorton to the Queen: “The French ... are in fear because of the king of Spain, who has not as yet restored S. Quentin’s, Ham nor Chastelet, the Spanish garrisons of which daily make courses into the country as far as Noyon, about which the governor of Compegny has written to the King, adding that it were as good to have war as such a peace.” _C. S. P. For._, July 13, 1559, No. 985, Throckmorton to the Queen: “It is thought that the treaty already made is void by the French King’s death; ... that the king of Spain, seeing his advantage and knowing the state of France better than he did when he made that peace, will either make new demands, or constrain France to do as he will have them, who would be loath to break with him again.”

[29] Tavannes, _op. cit._

[30] Jacques d’Alban de St. André, born in the Lyonnais, marshal 1547, favorite of Henry II. He was taken prisoner at the battle of St. Quentin. After the death of Henry II, fearing prosecution for his enormous stealings in office, he became the tool of the Guises. See La Planche, 205, 206; _Livre des marchands_, 438, 439; and especially Boyvin du Villars, 904 ff., on his administration in Provence.

[31] Brissac was governor of Piedmont under Henry II, where he sustained the interests of France so energetically that Philip hated him. The Guises made great efforts to attach him to their party, with the hope of playing him against the Bourbons and Montmorencys (Paris, _Négociations_, 73, note). After the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis, the fortresses of the duke of Savoy were dismantled, to the intense anger of the latter. Cf. Fillon Collection, 2,654: Letter of July 16, 1560, to the duchess of Mantua, complaining that the people of Caluz have revolted against the authority of the marshal Brissac. This hard feeling probably explains Brissac’s transfer to the government of Picardy, in January, 1560, to the chagrin of the prince of Condé, who asked for the place (Varillas, _Hist. de François II_, II, 35; De Thou,