Chapter LXXVII: Book XXII: ; Delaborde, III, 176 ff.). In Appendix XX will be found a (3)

[1724] Paris remonstrated against this (_ibid._, 828 and note 1).

[1725] _Ibid._, 817; L’Estoile, I, 46.

[1726] Claude Haton, II, 806-8.

[1727] _C. S. P. For._, No. 535.

[1728] Dr. Dale writes on February 28: “The Guises are nothing privy to the queen mother’s doings and she likes as evil of them.”—_C. S. P. For._, No. 634, February 28, 1576.

[1729] _C. S. P. For._, No. 592, January 1576: “The King of Spain makes the King very great offers to break the peace.”

[1730] Dr. Dale to Sir Thomas Smith and Walsingham. All the fair promises of the delivery of Bourges and La Charité are like to come to nothing, as may appear by the enclosed letter of Monsieur to the Court of Parliament. There is a secret League between Guise, Nemours, Nevers, Maine, and others of that house, together with the Chancellor, against all that would have any peace, and if it should be made, to begin a sharp war afresh (_C. S. P. For._, No. 583, _anno_ 1576). From the first Languet was skeptical. He anticipated reaction (_Epist. secr._, I, Part II, 181, 205).

[1731] M. Frémy has published a work in which he makes the bizarre claim that the origin of the Académie française is to be at least remotely ascribed to Henry III (_Les origines de l’Académie française._ _L’Académie des derniers Valois, 1570-1585_, d’après des documents nouveaux et inédits, 1888. There is a review of it in the _English Hist. Review_, III, 576). Some one has said that “all the Valois kings were either bad or mad.” The aphorism would seem to apply to the character of Henry III, in both capacities. He was a mountebank, a roisterer, a dabbler in philosophy, a religious maniac, and a moral pervert. L’Estoile and Lippomano especially abound in allusions or accounts of him (e. g., _Rel. vén._, II, 237-39). Compare this account with the earlier observations of Suriano, _ibid._, I, 409, and Davila, VII, 442. On the “mignons,” Henry III’s favorites, see L’Estoile, I, 142, 143. Henry III’s very handwriting manifests his character: “Son écriture semble tout d’abord régulière, mais elle n’est pas formée, les lettres s’alignent sans s’unir, sans se rejoindre, certainement c’est une des écritures les plus difficiles à déchiffrer.... C’est l’homme qui s’y révèle l’indolent, l’efféminé monarque qui de son lit écrivait ces lignes à Villeroy: ‘J’ay eu le plaisir d’avoir veu vostre mémoire très bien faict comme tout ce qui sort de vostre boutique, mais il fault bien penser, car nous avons besoin de regarder de près à nos affaires. Je seray sitost là que ce seroit peine perdue d’y répondre. Aussi bien suis-je au lit _non malade, non pour poltronner, mais pour me retrouver frais comme la rose_.’”—La Ferrière, _Rapport de St. Pétersbourg_, 27.

[1732] See the remonstrance in _C. S. P. For._, No. 505, December 19, 1575.

[1733] _Ibid._, No. 584, January 9, 1576.

[1734] For particulars see Dale’s letter to Smith and Walsingham, _ibid._, No. 605, February 6, 1576; Claude Haton, II, 829.

[1735] _C. S. P. For._, Nos. 614, 625, 662, February 14-22, March 8, 1576. Mayenne, whose marquisate was erected into a duchy on January 1, 1576, had succeeded his brother, the duke of Guise, as chief commander of the royal forces, and advanced toward Lorraine in order to prevent the reiters from joining the enemy. Henry III had sent Biron (he had been made a marshal in the June preceding—_ibid._, No. 178, June 13, 1575) to them to persuade them not to enter France, representing that a truce had been concluded between the King and the duke of Alençon. But the prince of Condé replied that if the duke had made his peace with the King, he, the prince, had not. Biron failed and La Noue was sent, who likewise was unsuccessful (Claude Haton, II, 824, 825).

[1736] _C. S. P. For._, No. 662, Dale to Smith and Walsingham, March 8, 1576; Claude Haton, II, 832.

[1737] _C. S. P. For._, No. 740, April 17, 1576.

[1738] Dr. Dale wrote truly to Lord Burghley saying that the Protestants had “gotten more without any stroke stricken than ever could be had before this time by all the wars, as appears by the note of the provinces that are to be under the government of them and their friends.”—_C. S. P. For._, No. 777, May 11, 1576.

[1739] La Popelinière, III, 361.

[1740] This claim ran back to the reign of Charles VII; the original amount was 25,000 livres. Louis XI altered it to 6,000 livres, plus the county of Gaure and the town of Fleurance, and this revised form was approved by Charles VIII in 1496 (cf. _C. S. P. For._, No. 672, §5; May 16, 1576).

[1741] Henry of Navarre’s memoir is given _in extenso_ in _ibid._, No. 671, May 15, 1576.

[1742] La Popelinière, III, 365.

[1743] Maffert, _Les apanages en France du XVI^[e] au XIX^[e] siècle_ (1900).

[1744] Articles du maréchal de Dampville, gouverneur de Languedoc et des Etats du pays, présentés au Roi pour la décharge de la province, May 2, 1576.—Coll. Godefroy, XCIV, No. 21.

[1745] Nusse, “La donation du duché de Château-Thierry par le duc d’Alençon à Jean Casimir, comte palatin du Rhin,” _Annales de la Société hist. et archéol. de Château-Thierry_, Vol. XI (1875), p. 61.

[1746] The text of the Paix de Monsieur is in Isambert, XIV, 280. The sources for the history are many. The correspondence of Dale, the English ambassador in France, and the other English agents, Wilkes and Randolph, in _C. S. P. For._, 1876, for March, April, and May, is full and detailed (cf. D’Aubigné, Book VIII, chap. xxvii; De Thou, Book LXXII). La Popelinière, III, 360 ff., gives the text of the treaty and the letters-patent of the King. The act was registered in Parlement on May 14, 1576, though signed by the King on May 2.

[1747] Two days before this scene took place, the newly elected king of Poland Stephen Bathori, prince of Transylvania, had written informing the deposed Valois that he had assumed the Polish crown and desiring to know what Henry would have done with the household stuff he had left behind in Poland (_C. S. P. For._, No. 789, May 29, 1576). The Emperor had had numerous partisans, but refused to accept the condition that he fix his residence in Poland (_Epist. secr._, I, Part II, 143).

[1748] See the vivid details in Claude Haton, II, 834-40, 847, 851, 858.

[1749] _Ibid._, 855-60.

[1750] The words in brackets are faded and are supplied from No. 460.

[1751] Ellipses indicate places where the MS is faded or creased so as to be illegible.

[1752] The words in brackets are faded and are supplied from No. 455.

[1753] The date is in Burghley’s hand.

[1754] The MS is torn here.

[1755] The reference to the original cipher is “State Papers, Scotland, Elizabeth, Vol. III, No. 82.” (This is not signed addressed or endorsed. Pencil note by editor: “See April 29.”)

[1756] The Editor’s pencil note to the cipher (Scotland ii. 82) is “March 12,” but the letter is calendared under [March 20].

[1757] Cayas, secretary to Philip II.

[1758] On the margin, in the writing of Philip II: “Es menester tener prevenido lo que se les ha de dar para este tiempo.”

[1759] This heading is in another hand.

[1760] This copy is on the other side of the same sheet of paper.

[1761] For _est_.

[1762] The original probably has _amener_.

[1763] _Il_ is missing.

[1764] M. d’Auzances (or Ausances) was lieutenant of the king in the district of Messin.

[1765] Places in Lorraine.

[1766] Laon.

[1767] Soissons.

[1768] Boulogne.

[1769] This letter is printed V. and is altered in ink to B.

[1770] From Communay, _Les huguenots dans le Béarn et la Navarre_, p. 175. The italicized portions are further details which I have added.—J. W. T.

[1771] Cf. Courteault, p. 553 n. 2.

[1772] Cf. _Les huguenots en Béarn_, p. 64.

[1773] _Ibid._, pp. 65, 68.

[1774] _Ibid._, p. 68.

[1775] The above document was sent by Biron to M. de Fourquevaux, French ambassador in Spain. There is an extract from the letter of Biron to Forquevaux translated into Spanish, same carton (K. 1,515), pièce No. 69. Biron’s letter is dated March 17, 1570, from Narbonne.

[1776] A space is left blank to the MS.

[1777] This letter of Sir Henry Norris is a draft originally intended to be sent to the Queen, with the terms of address altered throughout—_your highness_ altered to _your honour_, etc.

[1778] The MS is torn here.

[1779] The postscript is in the same hand as the king’s signature.

[1780] A space is left blank in the MS.

[1781] See the subscription and the notice of receipt at the end of the despatch.

[1782] Although the Catalogue has the date February 18 it is a mistake; the document has very clearly 17th.

[1783] The postscript is found thus, between the date and the signature.

[1784] Altered in Burghley’s hand from _Iº Julii._