Chapter M: CAMPBELL then rose and spoke as follows (48)

Mr. R. said, exclusive of other and direct evidence, tending to show the dependence which these conspirators put on the army of the United States, and that it was eventually their sole hope and support, and that the moment they found they were to be deprived of it they changed their purpose--exclusive of this, and that the conspirators were received at Massac and the other forts below, and of their there getting arms and stores, there was something in this suppression of words in the letter that spoke to his mind more forcibly than volumes of evidence, the implication of a man who, had he been innocent, would have given all the evidence in any letter he professed to interpret. This suppression did certainly convey to the mind of Mr. R. an impression, which he had never attempted to conceal, of the guilt not only of the principal but of many of the inferior officers of the Army. But guilt is always short-sighted and infatuated. Not content with that dubious sort of faith which it might sometimes acquire when not brought to the trial, it had attempted not only to occupy the middle ground of doubt and suspicion, but to clothe itself with the reputation of the fairest character in the country, and in so doing, had torn the last shred of concealment from its own deformity. It stood now exposed to the whole people of the United States; and he left the House to say whether they would shut their eyes and ears, as they had been almost invited to do, against conviction.

Mr. SMILIE wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia whether there was not a motion before the grand jury to find a bill against General Wilkinson?

Mr. RANDOLPH said he had introduced this subject in order to suggest to the gentleman from Kentucky the propriety of modifying or amending his resolution. He would now give the information required by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and hoped he should not be considered as intruding on the time of the House in so doing.

There was before the grand jury a motion to present General Wilkinson, for misprision of treason. This motion was overruled upon this ground: that the treasonable (overt) act having been alleged to be committed in the State of Ohio, and General Wilkinson’s letter to the President of the United States having been dated, although but a short time, prior to that act, this person had the benefit of what lawyers would call a legal exception, or a fraud. But, said Mr. R., I will inform the gentleman, that I did not hear a single member of the grand jury express any other opinion than that which I myself expressed of the moral (not of the legal) guilt of the party.

Mr. SMILIE said he would not detain the House on this subject; he had the other day taken an opportunity to state his sentiments on the subject, that in his opinion there was no power in the House to proceed in the business. The same sentiments he yet entertained; and when gentlemen told him that it was necessary for the public safety that this House should exercise such powers, and at the same time they could not point out a single expression in the constitution vesting the House with this power, he could not consent to vote with them: nor had a single gentleman who had spoken, attempted to show that they did possess these powers. The gentleman from Virginia had spoken of their power to disband the army; if the gentleman chose to bring forward a resolution for that purpose, Mr. S. said he would meet him. He had also told them that they had a power to refuse supplies: Mr. S. said he agreed with the gentleman in this: but when they stepped out of the road, and assumed a power not vested in them, he could not go along with the gentleman. Was it not the duty of the President alone to inquire, who possessed full power to act on the information which might be the result of an inquiry? Certainly it was. The officer interested in this discussion was undoubtedly subject to trial by a court martial, and no doubt also by a court of justice; for if he was guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, they were of a high nature, and would subject him to the cognizance of the civil law.

But he would ask gentlemen, if they succeeded in passing the resolution upon the table, what was next to be done? Did the House believe that they could remove or punish a military officer for misconduct? If they could not do this, and he presumed no gentleman would contend for this, Mr. S. could see no reason for an inquiry. Were they to become mere juries for a court of justice--mere collectors of evidence--for it was admitted that they could not act upon it after it was collected? He believed the courts of justice were possessed of sufficient authority without this House volunteering their assistance.

Mr. S. remarked what would be the effect of this motion, which was substantially the same as that proposed by the gentleman from New York, and rejected by a large majority. It would answer the purpose of holding up this man to suspicion for years to come, for aught he knew, without producing any other effect. He was willing to inquire; he had seen from the beginning of the business that an inquiry must take place. There had been a number of papers laid upon the table relative to this; he was willing to transmit them to the proper department, there to be made use of, and he hoped the House would go no further. For in regard to the proceedings which had taken place, they had exercised a right which did not appertain to them in proceeding in the business at all; they had no right to beset the character of the man; and he rested his objections on this point, that no man could show him an authority for it. He was very sorry, because he thought it would produce effects of a serious nature, to hear a gentleman this day denounce the army as corrupted throughout. He must tell that gentleman that he could not credit the assertion. They had tried (without meaning to express any opinion as to the officer now involved) their officers and found them trusty. And to hold them up as unworthy of trust at this time, in a crisis like the present, was impolitic and unjust. If gentlemen knew of any particular officers who were corrupt, why could and did they not lodge information against them, not by clamor here, but by proof before the proper authority?

Mr. S. in conclusion declared that he should not vote for this resolution; for, in any way, a procedure by this House on the subject would be incorrect.

Mr. RHEA, of Tennessee, called for the reading of the letter of ---- Duncan, contained in the evidence laid before the House this session relative to the late trial at Richmond; it might be satisfactory in explaining the differences between the version of the ciphered letter by the grand jury and the translation made by General Wilkinson.

Mr. LOVE said, that although the form of the question had been varied, by the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. ROWAN,) yet the principles of decision remained nearly the same as on the original resolution; the same objections applied, as to the subject embraced by the present form, and, so long as it thus remained, those objections would continue to influence his determination.

These grounds of difficulty had been attempted to be removed by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. RANDOLPH,) by arguing, that the investigation of the subject might lead to measures which no one would doubt it was competent to the House to act on. By pursuing the inquiry, it was said, it might be found that it would be expedient to disband the army, or withhold its necessary supplies: this, said Mr. L., is begging the question. The terms of the resolution, in their present shape, cannot possibly conduct a committee to any such inquiry: it is confined to a single object; it is, whether the present commander of the army has been guilty of corruptly receiving money from Spain. The charge alluded to is understood to be of an ancient date; it is not suggested by any one that the army is tainted with this crime, specially set forth in the resolution: the charge, if proven, could not then be a cause for disbanding the army, or withholding the necessary supplies. If an object of this kind is contemplated let it be so stated, and an inquiry into the grounds of such proposition, however strange in idea, would only be the exercise of a constitutional right.

The resolution, Mr. L. repeated, called the attention of the House to a single fact, it exhibited a charge already made penal, both by the military and civil code; it respects a character over whom we have no constitutional control, by impeachment or otherwise. If an improper character is commissioned to the command of our armies, and continues so, let the responsibility fall where the constitution has placed it, on the Executive; the attention of the Legislature must be called to other things than judging of the merits or crimes of the soldiery. But it is objected that the military tribunal appointed to make an inquiry on the demand of the person accused, and which the House understood was now engaged in the performance of that duty, has no power to compel the attendance of witnesses, or the production of papers. He would not for a moment so far impeach the patriotism of those gentlemen, who have declared themselves possessed of knowledge on the subject of the charge, as to suppose they would not attend the respectful summons of a tribunal erected by our own laws, for the investigation of crimes which they admit are of importance to their country. Those gentlemen surely too well understand the rights of others to object to a cross-examination; but if a military court is not possessed of a power sufficient to compel, if it should be necessary, the attendance of witnesses, the common judicial tribunals are so; the civil, as well as the martial code, has cognizance of such offences as are suggested; the same effect, as it respects a military officer, would follow the establishment of guilt before either tribunal. If gentlemen object to a military court, which the law has instituted, let them resort to a civil one; it is there they may without apprehension or difficulty make those disclosures which the good of their country requires; it is not here that a power is found, either to prosecute or punish the offences of military men. He hoped the time of this Legislature would be better employed than in the usurpation of the powers of the Judiciary or Executive, in the investigation of criminal charges against military men, whom they could neither hear the defence of, nor punish their crime, if proved.

Mr. L. said, that as to the truth and weight of the charges made against the military character in question, he felt no disposition to decide; to determine a man guilty of crimes of great enormity, without a hearing, without examination or testimony, and without a possibility of defence, was so hostile to every principle of justice, and common humanity even, that he had not permitted his mind to enter into any investigation of fact, or his feelings to enlist in the prosecution; much detail of circumstance had been used, which ought to put the House extremely on its guard against the influence of feeling in deciding the present question. A gentleman had the other day said, that he felt no delicacy towards a man, whom he had on his oath been obliged to say was guilty of misprision of treason; it was thus intimated that the grand jury of Virginia district, who investigated the subject of Burr’s conspiracy, had agitated the question of General Wilkinson’s criminality; (setting aside the observation which might well be made that Burr’s conspiracy was no part of the present inquiry) it appeared to Mr. L., that the question having been agitated, and no presentment being made of the officer now charged, a considerable portion of the grand jury must have said in like manner, on their oaths, that that officer was not guilty of misprision of treason; but to-day the same gentleman has informed us, that the reason why no presentment was preferred against Wilkinson was, that he escaped by a legal exception in his favor; that although the immorality of his act was complete, (as well as he could understand the gentleman at the distance he was from him,) the offence could not be located, or some other legal defect. Mr. L. said he confessed he was not well informed of the proceedings of the grand jury, he had heard some noise which he had scarcely listened to about them: he had never before heard, that the principal officers of the army were leagued in Burr’s conspiracy: he would say, however, that the grand jury assembled on that occasion, was as able and respectable a one as ever sat on any former occasion of the kind, and he confessed he was surprised to hear they had omitted to exercise a general power, which, when it appeared to them the officers of our army were actually conspirators against the Government, as we are now informed, it became imperiously their duty to exercise, by making a presentment of the dangers of the country: any general evil a grand jury may present, if they believe it to exist only in intention. The acts of a legislative body, and some he believed of Congress itself, had been presented by grand juries as of evil tendency; and one instance at least has occurred of a grand jury having presented the very court which presided over it. Certainly such an evil as a general conspiracy of the officers of our army required some public exhibition of the offence; even if it was such in them as well as the commander, as not to be brought, in the opinion of the jury, within the form of an efficient prosecution. Mr. L. said, he was sorry that he too had been led into the notice of facts by the surprising things he had heard. He hoped unnecessary delay would be avoided. The time occupied in the discussion of this dispute had already, he would presume, prevented some of the committees from reporting on subjects of the first consideration. The present eventful and threatening aspect of foreign affairs demanded attention; he particularly apprehended it might have prevented the report of the bill for arming the militia, as well as other subjects of national interest, from being taken up. Let us then, said Mr. L., meet this question, decide upon it, and send to the proper departments the information which will enable them to act in the manner we are told they have attempted, under the laws in existence. The question which they solely ought now to consider was their right to act. He believed there was no man in that House who did not, after what had been said, wish a thorough investigation, but certainly the mode to be pursued was obvious and easy. He conceived it would be entirely sufficient if the papers and information were transmitted to the proper department, and should, if the resolution was negatived, beg leave, if he could get the floor, to offer a resolution, with a preamble, detailing the reasons which governed him in his vote, by which it might appear, that although he felt as much anxiety as any man that the proper tribunals should act on the subject, yet his objection to the present mode proposed, arose from a source above mere matters of expediency or temporary feeling.

Mr. L. then said, as it was not in order in the then stage of the debate, to propose his resolution, he would read it, in order that the House might be apprised of his views. He then concluded by reading the following resolution:

_Resolved, therefore_, That the papers and information laid
on the Clerk’s table of this House, relative to General James
Wilkinson, be referred to the Secretary of the War Department
of the United States.

Mr. LYON said, notwithstanding the impression made upon his mind by the statement read this day, he should vote in the same way as he should have done before he heard it, if the power of the House to make an inquiry were not called in question. He would as soon cut off his right hand as to say that this House had not the power to call in question the conduct of the Commander-in-chief. Was this House prepared to say that they had not the power to inquire whether or not the Commander-in-chief has sufficiently the confidence of the people and of the Army? He would not commit himself in this way; and, after what had been urged as reasons for voting against the resolution, he could not promise how he should vote. The question was altogether varied by the motion now under consideration; the former and original question was, whether they would request the President to perform certain duties; it was now moved that they should perform these duties themselves; and he should certainly vote in favor of it, if it were contended that this House had not the power to pass it.

As to the creed of the gentleman behind him, (Mr. LOVE,) he could not subscribe to it; it was too long for his comprehension; but if it were intelligible, he would tell the gentleman behind him that he could not agree with him.

He should be satisfied to see what the court of inquiry would do in this business; and if they did not do what would satisfy the nation, he should be perfectly willing to proceed in the inquiry. He thought that then, feeling as his colleague (Mr. ROWAN) must feel, it would come properly before the House. Mr. L. had long had a suspicion of this man, and his mind was much at variance on the subject. None of his feelings would induce him to surrender the right of the House to inquire, and if this were made a general ground of opposition to the motion, he should assuredly vote for it.

Mr. TAYLOR confessed that the importance of the subject was sufficient to claim his ardent attention, and from the consideration he had given it, he was opposed to the resolution, and felt it a duty not to give a silent vote on a measure, which by the terms of the resolution offered was not to inquire on a general subject, (which even on this subject unconnected with any individual, but as he might be incidentally concerned, might be excusable,) but to inquire about the conduct of a single individual; or in short and plain terms to denounce the man; a man, too, holding an office out of the immediate control of this House, amenable to other tribunals, and liable, if guilty of all that has been asserted against him, to the sentence of death, both by our civil and military courts.

This measure of denouncing an individual whom this House cannot impeach, said Mr. T., is then a new case, and one which, if adopted, will establish a precedent dangerous to this Government, dangerous to the life and liberty, the honor and reputation of the citizen, and calculated in its effects to put at hazard every institution and sacred provision in the constitution under which we profess to act.

We shall in the first place interfere with the Executive Department--with which department the constitution has expressly intrusted the care, the responsibility of watching over the army; and in respect to the inquiry proposed to be made by a committee of this House, when we have made it, we can pass no sentence, we can ground no impeachment against the denounced; we should then have to come back and acknowledge our imbecility, by asking, or requesting the President to do that which we found ourselves unable to perform.

We assume to ourselves the responsibility which properly attaches to that department. I rejoice that here the maxim is monstrous and exploded, that the Executive can do no wrong; that here the ministers are not liable for the acts of the superior, but the superior accountable for the acts of his ministers and agents. If General Wilkinson is the monster in iniquity his enemies state him to be, if the President has continued him in employment after he had evidence positive of his guilt, or if, as has been charged, he has turned a deaf ear to the proof about to be offered by an ardent, a disinterested friend to his country, why has not this blazing patriotism burst out in a direct and not an indirect impeachment of the Executive? But the sense of the nation is too well known to venture at this thing. No, say the advocates of the resolution, this has nothing to do with confidence in the Executive--and yet if the Executive has a spark of that patriotism which he ought to possess, if he is not the protector and upholder of a knowing traitor, would he dare to disregard the information, if legally substantiated, which the gentleman from Virginia and the delegate from Orleans had laid on your table? If confidence has nothing to do with this, why did not these gentlemen hand in to that department of the Government which had the constitutional cognizance and final control of this business, all the information they had on this subject? Why make this House the great gun from which to thunder their denunciations and fulminations against an individual, when there was a shorter and more easy way of getting at their object? A corrupt Executive would desire the very measure proposed. Interfere with his functions, assume his responsibility--what would be the result? You denounce the agent, the tool of such an Executive, (the Colonel Vernon of Cromwell, for example.) You order, or you request, that his conduct should be inquired into. Well, in obedience to your order, this corrupt Executive appoints a corrupt board of officers. The conduct is inquired into, and the accused comes out glossed over with an honorable acquittal from this court, and ready and more fitly prepared to execute the ambitious designs of his protector. Ask of the Executive why is this so? He answers, I have obeyed your orders, the responsibility is yours and not mine. This will be the effect of our travelling out of our defined orbit and taking upon ourselves what never was intrusted to us by the constitution under which we act--already, when gentlemen say that we are not to know that a court of inquiry is ordered in this case, but which every one does know, is now sitting--I say, already do they anticipate the result, and in a fore-handed way make it a theme of abuse against that Executive, with which they tell us confidence or diffidence has nothing to do in this question.

But to be done with these words, so offensive to the chaste ears of the supporters of this measure. Mr. T. said he would ask these gentlemen if they would allow their own judgment, views, and conduct to be judged of by those who by duty were compelled to decide upon the measures they proposed? They surely did not claim that infallibility which they denied to others. Well, then, said he, place them in one scale, with all their acts or with any particular act, and place the Executive in the other, with all or with any of his acts. Nay, sir, take the present subject only as a criterion. Let the nation hold the balance. I have no hesitation in saying that their scale would kick the beam. This I am compelled to say; I have more confidence in the present Administration than I have in those who brought forward and now support the presentation. I seek for nothing but truth--I would not kiss my hand for any thing that the Executive could do for me or mine. I am not one of those politicians who expect pay for doing nothing.

I come now, said Mr. T., to my second grand objection to this measure--that it will interfere also with the Judiciary Department of our Government. Treason and perjury have been alleged against this individual; by what tribunal are these crimes cognizable? Certainly by the courts of law. The constitution has guarantied to every citizen the right of a fair and impartial trial by his peers, a jury unbiased of his countrymen--will this right be preserved to General Wilkinson after the denunciatory speeches which have been uttered on this floor are published? Will this right be preserved to him, when the whole continent has been searched not only for all that Burr could collect, but for a new enlistment, a host of witnesses against this man? Your committee of denunciation collects the testimony, the committee makes report of the whole to this House, and it is published. I say, will not this be prejudging the man, and condemning him, before he has been brought before your judicial tribunal, to which he is amenable if guilty of all that has been urged against him on this floor? After such a procedure would there be a possibility of this man’s obtaining a fair trial, of his enjoying that right which is secured to him by the sacred provisions of the constitution, and which even in a country far less jealous of the liberties of the citizens than ours ought to be, he would have secured to him?

I come now, said Mr. T., to my third objection to this measure--and which is nearly allied to the last--and that is, that in our military courts too you deprive this man of a fair trial. Every observation I have made in respect to the right of a fair trial by jury, I contend applies equally strong to the trials in our military courts. But this man is a soldier, he is Commander-in-chief of your standing Army, therefore he is fair game--therefore we must hunt him down. Let us see what power the constitution gives us in this respect--we have the power of disbanding the Army at any time by denying the vote of supplies--we are forbid to part with that power for a longer term than for two years, we can then disband the Army, in its climax of misconduct and disaffection, in spite of the Executive. Mr. T. asked was this the object at present? If it was, why did the gentlemen make the terms of their resolution wide enough to embrace the whole Army? But he gave them the credit due to their candor--they drove openly and above board at the man.

There was another power given to the Legislature of the United States by our constitution--to pass laws for the regulation and government of the Army. Had this power been exercised? It had. Had the Legislature been restricted in the severity of the laws enacted for this body of men? They would see by looking over them. Mr. T. said he had looked over them. One hundred and one articles were contained in the statute book, every one of which (except about half a dozen) were distinct definitions of crimes. Of the statute book he wished to speak respectfully; the severity of this code might be necessary; but duty compelled him to speak of it as he found it. It would seem as if the Legislature in penning this law had borrowed the pen of Draco, dipped in blood. Every step they took, from article to article, was marked with blood, with scourges, and with death. No less than sixteen definitions were there contained of crimes capital and punishable with loss of life. After having armed the courts, which, said Mr. T., are appointed to sit in judgment on these soldiers, (and remember that not only the standing Army, but the militia also are at times subject to these rules,) with the power of life and death placed in their hands, the scourge, the halter, and the musket, for lacerating and destroying the infractors of these articles, the Legislature, with all this severity, tempered the whole with one divine, one beneficial principle. This box of Pandora contains hope--the hope of a fair, impartial, and unbiased trial, by their comrades, by their peers. But this hope, by your present resolution, is proposed to be destroyed: as if the gloom around the arrested soldier was not sufficiently dark, you now are about to establish a precedent, which whenever used will shut out every gleam of light. Would it be surprising that men thus proscribed, marked out as the fit objects on which to pour out your vials of wrath, should in time become disaffected, should turn their arms against their country? Yes, by the course proposed you prejudge a citizen--you mark your victim. What despotism can be worse than this? The pious Parliament of England who brought Cromwell into power did this very thing. They were not content with the uncertainty of the proceedings of the criminal courts of that day--they appointed a committee, (as is proposed now, sir,) a court of high commissions, to take care that the courts of law and the military courts should let none go whom they had marked for destruction. How did this business end? The very pious and country-loving Parliament, who were so intent upon the public good as to break down and trample on every opposing impediment either of law, religion, or morality, and all for the public safety, (the very motive we hear now urged,) were kicked out by Cromwell and that very army they had supported at one time and proscribed at another; and were sent, according to the language of that day, to seek the Lord elsewhere. And their degradation produced gratulations from every part of the Commonwealth to the Protector, and confirmed him in as absolute power as the Emperor of the French by similar means has at this day acquired.

Why should I go back, said he, to the days of Cromwell. The effects of the mistake in this respect of a gallant and infatuated nation now exist. History need not record it for our instruction; the fatal error happened in our time. It would be too painful to travel from step to step, and detail the whole of the misfortunes of this gallant people. I will take, I think, the most interesting incident in the French Revolution--the point of time which decided that France was not to be a Republic. The Girondists, who were the most enlightened, the most virtuous, perhaps the only real Republicans in France, denounced Marat. Marat and his friends made head against their opponents and in turn denounced them. Marat was destroyed by an enthusiast, but his party prevailed. Yes, from the rostrum in the conventional hall proceeded the poison, from the National Convention was administered the dose which annihilated all true Republicanism in that country--the system of prejudging the criminal before his trial. How was this denouncing system improved upon? At first, indeed, there was kept up the show of a trial in the courts below, but the victim was nevertheless as certainly marked, or certainly doomed to destruction. But the orators in the Convention, having a long session, and finding nothing better to employ themselves in, multiplied the victims so fast, that to be possessed of a handsome house or estate, a beautiful wife, sister, or daughter, was crime sufficient to incur denunciation--the courts became so crowded with victims, that to expedite the business, instead of formal trials, the courts condemned _en masse_: ten, twenty, or fifty, were delivered over to the public executioner, with only the ceremony of passing in review before the judge; a motion of his hand, or the waving of his _bonnet rouge_, was a sufficient signal for the executioners to lead the denounced to the guillotine.

We have a constitution, (said he,) we have laws enacted for the prevention and punishment of crimes. The rights of our citizens are, I hope, sacredly guarded by the provisions contained in them. Shall we then adopt this revolutionary measure?

All history shows--the experience of all ages ought to have impressed this important truth on our minds--that in religion anathemas, in politics denunciations, in popular assemblies, have led to the same slaughter-house--fell intolerance and bloody persecution. Shall we now throw aside our chart and compass, and venture in this wide, boisterous, and dangerous sea of expediency?

Look at the constitution--search for this denunciatory power vested in this House. What is it? We have a right to impeach a civil officer for misconduct. What punishment can we demand for him when convicted? Dismissal from office, and disqualification from holding any future office of trust and profit. In nothing does the wisdom, the inspiration of the framers of this instrument more appear than in this restriction. They well knew the danger of introducing personal feelings and resentments, of party rage and fury in this body; of gathering here armed with the power of destroying one another.

I have said, on a former occasion, that this House had no power itself; its committee cannot have the power of sending for persons, papers, and records; it is nowhere directly given; it cannot be derived incidentally, in a case, the cognizance of which is not given to us by the constitution. I then stated the cases where this incidental power is, _ex necessitate rei_, derived, viz: 1st. For collecting testimony whereon to form articles of impeachment. 2d. Testimony may be thus collected in deciding on the expulsion of a member, 3d. Where an election is contested.

The gentlemen who support the resolution have been desired to show the power of the House for this purpose in this constitution or in any law. They have not done so. They are obliged to resort to expediency, and that expediency, I have contended, will not hold them out. But, say they, the courts of inquiry and courts martial have no power of collecting testimony, and we must do it for them. Will the depositions taken before this House, or before your committee, be evidence in your courts? They will not. To sum up the whole, although I must acknowledge that the motives which actuated the mover and myself are, and must be the same; I declare I think he means as well as I, the good of his country; yet I would defy him to instance a more oppressive, a more unfair mode of procedure in the Spanish inquisition than the preliminary trial, for it is a trial of General Wilkinson, now carrying on, on this floor, and about to be prolonged by hanging it upon tenter hooks before a committee. Gracious God! what innocence can withstand this mode? He is charged with being a Spanish pensioner in 1796--again, on the river Sabine--a conspirator with Burr--a perjured man--a conspirator against the liberties of the citizens whom he arrested as traitors and coadjutors with Burr. These, denunciations are enforced with eloquence, mixed and commixed, compounded and animadverted upon by as great talents as any in the nation. No notice is given to him to attend and make defence. Thus, with accumulated denunciations, but with but one document before us which can look like evidence, and that _ex parte_, this House is to be pressed into a vote which is to fix the stamp upon the character of the man, is to mark him as the victim of the courts below. If he were a demon I would not use him thus unfairly.

TUESDAY, January 12.

_General Wilkinson._

The House resumed the consideration of a resolution moved by Mr. ROWAN, for the appointment of a special committee to inquire into the conduct of Brigadier-General Wilkinson, with power to send for persons and papers, and to compel their attendance and production, which was depending yesterday at the time of adjournment: Whereupon, Mr. ROWAN moved to amend the resolution, to read as follows:

_Resolved_, That a special committee be appointed to inquire
into the conduct of Brigadier-General Wilkinson, in relation
to his having, at any time, while in the service of the United
States, corruptly received money from the Government of Spain,
or its agents; or in relation to his having, during the time
aforesaid, been an accomplice, or in any way concerned with
the agents of any Foreign Power, or with Aaron Burr, in a
project to dismember these United States; and that the said
committee have power to send for persons and papers, and to
compel their attendance and production; and that they report
the result of their inquiry to this House.

A motion being made to amend this resolution, which gave rise to much discussion, Mr. ROWAN withdrew it, and Mr. RANDOLPH immediately renewed his original motion, in these words:

_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be
requested to cause an inquiry to be instituted into the conduct
of Brigadier-General Wilkinson, Commander-in-chief of the
Armies of the United States, in relation to his having, at any
time, while in the service of the United States, corruptly
received money from the Government of Spain, or its agents.

He said he had withdrawn it only to give the gentleman from Kentucky an opportunity of taking the sense of the House on his proposition; to do which, in his opinion, every gentleman had a right. He perceived that the gentleman from Kentucky was about to be deprived of taking the sense of the House by an evasion of the question, and now renewed his own motion, which he had only withdrawn with an intention to renew it if that of the gentleman from Kentucky should not be adopted. He would here say, that though he did not agree with all the doctrines of the gentleman, that he thought all his arguments which bore upon this case were unanswerable.

The House agreed to consider Mr. RANDOLPH’s resolution--51 to 36.

A further extended and heated discussion took place, interrupted by calls for the question.

The question, on Mr. RANDOLPH’s resolution, was then taken by yeas and nays--yeas 72, nays 49, as follows:

YEAS.--Evan Alexander, Lemuel J. Alston, Burwell Bassett,
William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, John Boyle,
William A. Burwell, William Butler, John Campbell, Epaphroditus
Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, Howell Cobb, John
Davenport, jr., Joseph Desha, James Elliot, William Ely, John
W. Eppes, Barent Gardenier, Francis Gardner, James M. Garnett,
Charles Goldsborough, Edwin Gray, John Harris, William Helms,
William Hoge, David Holmes, Benjamin Howard, Reuben Humphreys,
Richard M. Johnson, Walter Jones, James Kelly, Thomas Kenan,
Joseph Lewis, jun., Edward St. Loe Livermore, Edward Lloyd,
Nathaniel Macon, Robert Marion, Josiah Masters, Daniel
Montgomery, jun., Thomas Moore, Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurdon S.
Mumford, Thomas Newton, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Josiah Quincy,
John Randolph, John Rea of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards,
Samuel Riker, John Rowan, John Russell, Dennis Smelt, Samuel
Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford, William Stedman, Lewis
B. Sturges, Peter Swart, Samuel Taggart, Abram Trigg, George
M. Troup, Jabez Upham, James I. Van Allen, Nicholas Van Dyke,
Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, Jesse Wharton,
Marmaduke Williams, Alexander Wilson, and Richard Wynn.

NAYS.--Willis Alston, jr., Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Joseph
Barker, Robert Brown, Joseph Calhoun, George W. Campbell,
Peter Carlton, John Chandler, Richard Cutts, Josiah Deane,
Daniel M. Durell, William Findlay, James Fisk, Meshack
Franklin, Isaiah L. Green, John Heister, James Holland, Daniel
Ilsley, Robert Jenkins, William Kirkpatrick, Nehemiah Knight,
John Lambert, John Love, Matthew Lyon, William McCreery,
William Milnor, Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John
Morrow, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Wilson C. Nicholas, John
Porter, John Pugh, John Rhea of Tennessee, Mathias Richards,
Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, John Smilie, Jedediah K. Smith,
Henry Southard, Clement Storer, John Taylor, John Thompson,
Archibald Van Horn, Robert Whitehill, Isaac Wilbour, and James
Witherell.

Mr. EPPES said he had stated on a former day, in his place, that no information had at any time been received by the present Administration which went to charge Brigadier-General Wilkinson with being a Spanish pensioner. This statement was made in reply to a gentleman from Kentucky, who thought it unnecessary to forward to the Executive the evidence exhibited against General Wilkinson, on the ground that this evidence was already in possession of the Executive Department. A fact so important to the public ought not to rest on the assertion of any individual. If corruption has at any period of our political existence fixed its fangs on this Government, if men known to be Spanish pensioners have at any period been honored with confidence by any administration, it is proper the people should understand at what period this confidence commenced, and by whom it was reposed. So far back as the year 1789 or 1790, information was forwarded to the Executive Department of this Government, that a combination between citizens of the United States and the Spanish Government had been formed, for the purpose of dismembering the United States. The information (together with the names of most of the persons concerned in the combination) was forwarded to the first Administration formed under this Government, at the head of which General WASHINGTON was placed. It was known to the second Administration under Mr. ADAMS, and additional information forwarded to him by Mr. Ellicott. If General Wilkinson was originally concerned in this combination, he must have been appointed to office by the first administration under this Government, and continued by the second, with a full and complete knowledge of this fact. The present Republican party found General Wilkinson in office, and abundant proof can be produced that he possessed the confidence of the two preceding Administrations. If he was originally a member of the old Spanish combination, or has, at any period prior to the year 1801, been guilty of any act calculated to destroy the public confidence, let the responsibility rest on those who appointed and continued him in office. We have seen in one State of the Union a member of this combination removed from the important office of judge, on the ground of being a Spanish pensioner. A charge of the same kind is now made on oath by a member of this House, against an officer of the United States. It is time that all the information possessed by the Government of the United States on the subject of this combination, should be brought fairly before the public. With a view to obtain this information, he offered the following resolution:

_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be
requested to lay before the House of Representatives all the
information which may at any time from the establishment of
the present Federal Government to the present time, have been
forwarded to any department of the Government, touching a
combination between the agents of any foreign Government and
citizens of the United States, for dismembering the Union, or
going to show that any officer of the United States has at any
time corruptly received money from any foreign Government or
its agents; distinguishing as far as possible the period at
which such information has been forwarded, and by whom.

Mr. RANDOLPH seconded this motion.

After a few objections to this resolution from Mr. QUINCY, on account of its being too comprehensive, not giving the President power to withhold confidential correspondence, the question was, on motion of Mr. RHEA, taken by yeas and nays, and carried unanimously, every member present, to the number of one hundred and twenty, voting in the affirmative.

Mr. ROWAN said that although a decision on his resolution had been eluded, out of respect for the opinions of gentlemen who objected to particular parts of it, he had modified it, and offered it as follows:

_Resolved_, That a special committee be appointed to inquire
into the conduct of Brigadier-General Wilkinson, in relation
to his having at any time whilst in the service of the United
States, either as a civil or military officer, been a pensioner
of the Government of Spain, or corruptly received money from
that Government, or its agents; and that the said committee
have power to send for such persons and papers as may be
necessary to assist their inquiries; and that they report
the result to this House, to enable this House the better to
legislate on subjects of the common weal, and our foreign
relations, and particularly our relation with Spain, as well as
on the subject of the increase of the Army of the United States
and its regulations.

A motion to consider this resolution was negatived--60 to 46.

Mr. HOLLAND moved that a committee be appointed to wait upon the President with the resolutions this day adopted.

Mr. LOVE moved that the evidence or information laid before the House relative to the conduct of General Wilkinson be transmitted to the Executive.

On motion of Mr. ROWAN, seconded by Mr. RANDOLPH, the words “copies of” papers, &c., were inserted; and the resolution for transmitting copies of the papers was agreed to without a division.

The motion for appointing a committee to wait on the President with these resolutions and copies, was agreed to without a division. Messrs. RANDOLPH and EPPES were appointed the committee.

FRIDAY, January 15.

_Government Contracts._

On motion of Mr. BASSETT, the House went into Committee of the Whole on the resolutions submitted by him some days ago relative to the contractors.

The first resolution being under consideration, as follows:

_Resolved_, That provision ought to be made by law to prohibit
the officers of Government from making any contract, on behalf
of the United States, with any person being a member of either
House of Congress, or with any other person for his or their
use:

Mr. BASSETT said he presumed that this proposition possessed sufficient intrinsic merit not to require the aid of extensive talents or laborious exertions of any gentleman to advocate it. He assumed it as an axiom, that fundamental principles must rest for their security on the purity of the Representative body. He should, however, trust the support of this measure to its own importance.

The resolution was carried--59 to 15.

TUESDAY, January 19.

_Naturalization Laws._

Mr. BURWELL begged leave to offer a resolution to the consideration of the House, on the subject of which it was not his intention now to make any observations; it was upon the subject of the naturalization laws of the United States. Upon examination of the constitution, it would be found that Congress had now, since the 1st of January, 1808, full power to act on the subject, and dispose of it in such manner as the public good might require. It was now in their power to exclude foreigners from the country altogether, or admit them under such restrictions as might be deemed consistent with the public interest. He therefore hoped the resolution would be agreed to, and give him an opportunity of introducing such a bill as he contemplated, and on which the House might then decide. The resolution is as follows:

_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the
expediency of amending the act of Congress, passed the 14th of
April, 1802, entitled “An act to establish a uniform rule of
naturalization, and to repeal the acts heretofore passed on
that subject.”

The resolution was agreed to, and Messrs. BURWELL, QUINCY, MACON, G. W. CAMPBELL, SMILIE, FISK, and J. MONTGOMERY, were appointed the committee, with leave to report by bill, or otherwise.

_The Militia._

On motion of Mr. M. CLAY, the House went into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill more effectually to provide for the national defence by the militia of the United States.

The first section being read, as follows:

“That all the militia of the United States, liable to do
duty, over twenty-one and under ---- years of age, shall be
deemed and held in requisition, and called the junior class of
militia. And the President of the United States shall be, and
he hereby is, authorized, on the appearance of national danger,
to order out the same, or any part thereof, to any part of the
United States or their Territories, for not more than one whole
year at any one time. And whensoever a part of the said junior
class shall, by the President of the United States, be called
into actual service, such call shall commence with those that
are lowest in number, as to age first, and so in rotation: the
same shall not be compelled to do duty a second time until the
whole of the said junior class shall have served one tour; and
when called into the actual service of the United States, they
shall be armed and equipped by the United States. For this
purpose two hundred thousand stand of arms complete, shall be
deposited in such places as the President of the United States
shall direct, and whensoever the whole, or any part of the said
junior class of militia, shall be called into actual service by
the United States, and shall be armed and equipped by the same,
it shall be lawful, and they, and each of them, are hereby
permitted to retain the said arms and accoutrements, as their
own property, any law to the contrary notwithstanding.”

Mr. M. CLAY said it was necessary to fill the blank in the first section, before they proceeded any further, and it was incumbent on those who were friends to this project, to show that there were defects in the militia law as it now stood; and, if they could prove to the House that the system offered was better than the old one, he presumed there could be no objection to the bill under consideration. At all events he wished gentlemen to take a serious view of the subject; it was a great national question, on which the salvation of the country depended. He would endeavor to bring forward the best testimony that could be had to prove that the present system was defective, and he hoped he should be able to do it. I will commence with the adoption of the constitution under which we are now acting. We find that President WASHINGTON always kept this subject in the view of the National Legislature. This shows that there was something in his opinion to do; it was not his business to tell us what it was, but ours to find out. If gentlemen will take up the Presidential communications from the commencement of the Government, they will find that the subject has been uniformly recommended by each successive President of the United States to the present time. I state this as a strong evidence that, in their opinion, a change was wanting somewhere. Next to this I will call your attention to the communications made from the State Executives to their Legislatures. We find also, that the State Legislatures, almost every year, and in every session, have had the subject under their consideration, and turned it over in one way or the other. This proves that there is in their opinion some defect. We must now remedy that defect if we can; it behooves us to do so; and if I shall be fortunate enough to point out the propriety and mode of making this alteration, I shall have done my duty. We will go further back than the adoption of the constitution; we do not recollect the whole body of the militia ever to have been brought into action to such effect as our strength of numbers would have warranted, if the militia had been properly organized; there was a defect somewhere, which should be remedied without going either to one extreme or another. If gentlemen will turn their eyes to the bill on the table, they will find that our project is to steer between the two, not to harass the militia, but to render them fit for efficient service, by taking only those that can be best spared from home, and, when in actual service, can be most relied on. History itself furnishes no instance, let the mode of warfare be what it might, where the whole body of the militia were ever called into actual service, and kept there for any length of time to advantage. If there was much marching and fighting, the old men with families would soon find the way home; they could not be relied on for a length of time. I remember often to have heard this complaint made before the Revolutionary war; when we were at war with the Indians. Nay, further, if we go among the savages, we find that they do not all turn out to battle, and leave their women and children only behind; they take neither old nor young men, I mean their lads, to battle, but such only as may be useful in the field.

When we recur to the times of the Revolution, which every old gentleman recollects, and every young one has heard of, every one then in service will attest the fact, that wherever the body of the militia were called on to march, old and young together, the old men soon found their way into the hospital; they would complain of old rheumatisms, &c.; they would often fatigue and break down the young men by imposing on them the additional burden of their knapsacks.