Chapter M: CAMPBELL then rose and spoke as follows (49)

My object is to leave at home the senior and minor classes as much as possible; nothing but imperious necessity and imminent danger should call them to the field, and that within their own State, or in the neighboring State. I wish not to derange the state of society, which must be the case if the whole body of the militia are called out at once. During the last war, we saw not only fields and neighborhoods, but whole States, laid waste from being deprived of their cultivators. I wish to avoid this evil; I wish to leave men enough at home to cultivate the earth and take care of the crop. It is well known to gentlemen of the Revolution, that while we lay at Valley Forge, in Pennsylvania, at Middlebrook, in New Jersey, and at other places, we were almost in a state of starvation, because all hands, meaning the whole body of the militia, had been called out, and cultivation and manufactures neglected. I have seen (and an awful sight it was) not less than five thousand men on parade at a time, in the midst of winter, almost naked, without shirts or shoes; of times have I seen them march on the frozen ground barefoot, marking their footsteps with blood as they marched. At the times here spoken of, the Army was reduced to the awful necessity of going into the adjacent country and threshing out the grain from the straw, and, while thus engaged, the poor and almost naked women, with their helpless babes crying round them, would ask, with tears running down their withered cheeks, for God’s sake not to take all, telling the soldiers that that was their all, and when that was gone they must starve; that they had no money, nor wherewith to get money. Now, my object is to avoid such another scene--not only on this account, but in some of the Southern States, we have an internal enemy, an enemy within our own families. There should always be a sufficient force left at home to awe and keep that enemy down. By taking out the junior class only, we shall always have a sufficient number left to quell and keep down insurrection at home. We shall presently show that we have a sufficient number of young men under the age of twenty-six and over twenty-one, to meet the enemy whenever they are called on. We have three great points of assault, New York, Charleston, and New Orleans, and I shall I trust be able to show that we have a sufficient number of young men of the junior class to keep up a continual force, if necessary, to meet all attacks. It behooves me now to show what disposition I intend to make of the minor class--young men under twenty-one years of age. It is not my intention that they shall be called into service, except in case of the utmost necessity, and then only within their own State. We find, from report, that to be the rock on which the Emperor of France has split. He takes his men when in their infancy, from the age of eighteen. They ought to be left until they are twenty-one, to lay in a sufficient stock of information to carry them into life. Let them learn trades or attend to their studies; for we consider the trade or profession which a man learns in his youth, whether mechanical or mental, as a fortune; and therefore we do not wish to interrupt them until they have completed their studies or trades, except imperious necessity should require it. It is necessary that every man should have somewhat from which he may receive subsistence during his passage through life. During his minority he lays up by learning a trade or profession, a principal, the interest of which supports him after he attains the age of twenty-one. We also well know that young men under twenty-one cannot stand hardship; they may do some service; they may march about a little, but their system is not matured; they cannot undergo fatigue. We also know that it will almost take two men of eighteen years of age, each, to cope with one of twenty-five in bodily strength.

We shall now proceed to show the numbers of each class, as nearly as they can be ascertained from the census of 1800. We have taken the authority of the best statistical writers for the progressive numbers.

The census of 1800 gave of males from twenty-six to forty-five, 432,193. I am not very particular as to fractions, they being of little consequence. The annual increase from 1790 to 1800 was about three and one-half per cent., which we will assume for the increase since the last census, being seven years. This will give us an increase since 1800 of 105,882, which added to the number by the last census, makes 538,075. From these deduct, unfit for service, as nearly as we can ascertain, 35,000 or 40,000. We have taken, for the sake of equal numbers, 38,075; which leaves 500,000 men, who may be relied on if the danger should be so great as to call for all men over twenty-six and under forty-five.

By the census of 1800, those over twenty-one and under twenty-six, were between 190,000 and 200,000 men. To this add, for the increase since, by the rule just laid down, 49,400; which will make 249,000, under twenty-six and over twenty-one. Deduct from this number 8,000 or 9,000, for those unfit for service. For the sake of round numbers deduct 9,000; which will leave 240,000 able men. We will suppose wanting at any one time, 30,000 or 40,000 at each of the three great points I have mentioned, which would still leave enough at home to supply the succession and deficiencies. Out of this class of men, then, between twenty-one and twenty-six, could be called out sufficient for service, at any one time, from 90,000 to 100,000, and leave double that number still in requisition. If, however, it should be thought that 240,000 would not be a sufficient number, we have only to take all under twenty-seven instead of twenty-six. Those between twenty-six and twenty-seven, added to the others, would form a body of 280,000 men, without taking any under twenty-one or over twenty-seven. It is about this time of life, twenty-six or twenty-seven, when a man begins to know mankind; they have then sown their wild oats, as we generally say; they then wish to settle and see a family rising up before them; they feel vigorous, and wish to show their activity and strength, in running, tumbling, and wrestling; they think themselves great men; they wish to travel and see the world; they have a roving disposition. This is the moment to lay hold of them and make them good soldiers. I know well that it will be said by some that it is an invidious distinction to stop at twenty-six or twenty-seven. Why may not the same be said of stopping at forty-five or beginning at eighteen? It is said that this classification will tear up the old militia system. I do not care how soon it is plucked by the roots; we have had enough of it. Why persist in a system which we cannot get along with? What is the consequence? To show what that is, it is only necessary to read the report of the Secretary of War. Under an exertion of all the energies of the commanding officers, after the insult of the 22d of June last, on the Chesapeake; after the Executive officers had exerted themselves to procure the best information upon the subject of the militia held in requisition, what is the result? The report just mentioned will show that you cannot rely with confidence on the militia in its present state; nor can you on volunteers. The last will do for a moment at the commencement of a war. In case of invasion they will do very well for the moment. They do not go out with a view of brushing their own coats, washing their shirts, and to cook their victuals; they expect to call for the best of every thing at every house. Some gentlemen volunteers went down lately to Norfolk from Petersburg and Richmond. They conceived themselves on a level with the officers; it would not do; they came home disgusted, and you will not get them to go again. What was the case during the last war? When a large troop of volunteers was raised (I know the fact, I had a brother among them, and can therefore speak of it) they came prancing to General WASHINGTON. The old General asked them what they could do? “Fight for our country,” said they. “Will you go into camp with the Army and do regular duty?” They answered “No.” “You have my thanks, then, gentlemen,” said the veteran, “go home again.” This was only to make a show, they intended nothing else; they may do for a moment; but there must be method and regularity in our Army. It will not do to have a large body of men collected for any purpose without it. And therefore it is, that as the great mass of our militia now stand, no reliance can be placed upon them. It will not answer to rely on regular troops. It is easy enough to raise a standing army, but it is difficult to disband them. We had at the close of the last war an awful testimony of the truth of this. Nothing but the vast weight of character of General WASHINGTON, who, descending from his high office of Commander-in-chief, mixed with them as a brother soldier, could have prevented them from revolting. See what a clamor is now raised, and rumors afloat through the country, about your standing army of 3,000 men. Get a man sufficiently popular for Commander-in-chief of a large standing army, and what sort of government should we soon have? We may shudder even to think of what might be the result. Look at the contrary side, as now proposed to regulate the militia. You take them from the bosom of their families for one year. At the end of that term they will be anxious to return home. Mutiny will not arrest them. With avidity they will return; a tear of joy will bid them welcome.

Gentlemen say the bill does not give us detail sufficient. We can fix all this when we have once passed upon the principle. This I repeat; nearly one year has elapsed since the outrage committed on the Chesapeake, and yet no return of volunteers or militia. This goes to show that volunteers are not to be relied on, and also that the militia laws are defective.

I hope we have shown that we have strong reasons to suspect that the present militia system is not the best that can be devised. We have shown this from the best testimony in our power from the adoption of the constitution to this day. From the communications of the President of the United States to Congress, and from State Governors to the State Legislatures, it may be seen that the subject has almost always been introduced and recommended to the consideration of the Legislatures. If this is not the best system that can be adopted, I am willing that any gentleman should propose a better. Let us see any other system, we will examine it thoroughly and act with our best judgment on it. This is a time when the whole United States are in danger, and some modification of our present system must be made.

Towards the close of the last war the militia began to fight very well. In Kentucky the fighting men were numerous. After the attempt of the army at the close of the war, to turn their arms against their country, Government placed their soldiers when out of service on the frontier, with the natives on their borders, with whom we were then at war. Virginia gave lands to her soldiers which were in the background. Why? Because it would not do to fix these men of seven or eight years, standing among the body of the people. We will give them this land, said the officers of Government, and let them go and fight the Indians. The reason was, that they had served seven or eight years in the regular army. This fungus, a standing army, was applied on our frontiers as a breastwork and safeguard, to keep off the savages; we wanted to keep them out of the way. We could have burnt up the Indian towns and put an end to the whole race immediately; but we did not wish to do it; we wished to keep our old soldiers fighting till they cooled off from the habit of inactivity acquired by service in the war.

We have endeavored to show that volunteers will do but for a moment, and that when there is nothing to do, and they can have both male and female waiting upon them. They cannot be relied on in war. They are not the kind of troops for service when invaded by a powerful enemy. Volunteers may do for sailors or marines, if they choose to go to sea. We have endeavored to show that classification is the only mode by which they can be relied on for the real service of their country; that old men are not the best for service; that young men under twenty-one ought to be kept at home till they get enough of experience to serve them through life; and that young men, over twenty-one and under twenty-six, have a propensity to be in action, to serve their country and to acquire fame.

Some gentlemen make objections to the mode of officering. I have no doubts upon that subject; the thing will work well--this the constitution has reserved to the States themselves. When officers are wanting, young men can always be found peculiarly qualified to conduct their companions to the fight--young men of high standing and weight of character. The soldiers, having themselves choice of their commander, will choose one out of many candidates, as there always will be, in whom they can confide. I presume, young men of first talents and enterprise will have preference. Let them have a man to command them of their own age. They will say one to the other, I know this man; I have known him from my youth, and can confide in him.

As a reward for the services of these young men, after a campaign is ended, let them keep as their own property the arms with which they fought, which will be handed down from father to son: “This is the piece I fought with.” Let it be engraven on the barrel, this belongs to such a one, he earned it by serving his country at such a time. After men have served one year, sufficient numbers will be found to replace them, who will be anxious to see the country, and travel over the Union, emulous of fame: and when they have served a tour will long to return to their kindred, loaded with an honorable pledge of the service done their country.

It is certainly a desirable thing that the physical strength of the country should be applied in the most advantageous manner to the protection of the country. We admit that some men marry early. In this case let them hire men as substitutes from their own class. This substitute may serve out his time and return. By that time another young man may have married, and his substitute, being accustomed to service, may go out a second term. By the adoption of this principle of classification you get the best blood of the country, that which you can rely upon. You will not see your hospitals filled with old men disabled by the rheumatism and gout; nor will you see children in the ranks, trembling at every leaf that falls around them, not sufficiently hardened to lie out upon the ground covered with ice and snow. If we go on in the same bungling manner as heretofore, we shall never have an efficient militia; you will annually receive the President’s Message recommending the subject to your consideration.

I hope gentlemen will think with me, and not impute impure motives--the fact is, I have two sons that will soon be twenty-one, and I love them as much as any man can, and perhaps can say what few can. The first property I gave each of them was a gun; and have enjoined it on them in my will, that it I was given them to defend that country which their father had assisted in delivering from bondage. My son’s gun will impress on his mind that he must fight when his country calls for his services; it is his fortune.

I hope gentlemen will take a serious view of the subject--that every man will lay his shoulder to the wheel, and rise up to the East and West, South and North, to prepare for the protection of his domicil. Gentlemen have said that this was a new project, that it will create confusion now, when the service of our militia is most wanting. It is because of the crisis that I have at this moment brought the matter forward. The present system is acknowledged to be defective; we wish to make it as efficient as possible--that our countrymen may know who must march at a moment’s warning.

In Virginia, during the last war, young men, merchants, lawyers, and doctors, went out to battle, stayed two or three weeks, took sick, and went home. As long as every door was open, the hand of every man giving them friendship, and caressed by every woman, they stood their ground; but when dependence was placed on them for service, they were off. I recollect a circumstance of some new militia just come into camp on the eve of a battle. The time of battle soon came; these men were placed in front; but no sooner did the redcoats, as they called the English, come within one hundred yards, than they threw down their arms and ran as though their lives depended altogether on their heels for preservation. When they were asked, where are you going, boys? Did you ever see the like, said they, we cannot stand them. When the redcoats come now it will be just the same. Substitutes towards the close of a war become good soldiers. I know that substitutes are objected to by some gentlemen, they wish every man to stand in his own place, all to stand on the same footing. In my humble opinion this would be bad policy, because all men have not the same gifts. Some cannot fight, from religious principles--others cannot fight for the want of nerve. The bill has made provision for such, if they cannot fight let them furnish a substitute. We know all men are not gifted alike: the strength of some lies in one way, and in others another; Samson’s lay in his hair. Now on this floor, some gentlemen of strong minds, who think a great deal, never talk; while some who talk incessantly, appear never to think at all. It certainly would be a great economizing of public time and money, for some to think more and talk less. I am not in the habit of public speaking, not being mechanically bred to it; I nevertheless offer my mite in support of the proposed system. It is a great project; and although not fluent of speech, yet I am willing to be tested by my votes and actions, from the year 1776, the time I commenced my political career, to the present day; and I defy any man to say that I ever gave other than a republican vote, or did any other than a republican act, while acting as a public man. I know the word republican is with some a hackneyed word; but I mean the true electric principles of Republican Government. I went young into the army myself, I was never out of it, after I entered it, until the conclusion of the war. I have been thirty-two years in public life. I mention this to show that I am entitled to claim a knowledge of mankind.

You may exercise your militia from the age of eighteen, till they arrive at forty-five, and after the whole twenty-seven years mustering they will not know the manual. My object is not to call out any man until he is wanted; and when they are wanted, to call them out, and in one fortnight they will be ready for service, and in a month may take the field, already soldiers--comparatively speaking. There will attend this system no expense in time of peace. I have seen a number of projects for taking legions into camp for six months at a time. The project will not do. When you take your men to the field, let them think of nothing else but fighting--not even of women. These half-way soldiers, half regulars and half militia, would be of no account. They would be a heterogeneous mass, fit for neither the one thing nor the other.[56]

WEDNESDAY, January 20.

_General Wilkinson._

THE PRESIDENT’S ANSWER TO THE HOUSE RESOLUTIONS.

The Message from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES was then read, as follows:

_To the House of Representatives of the United States:_

Some days previous to your resolutions of the thirteenth
instant, a Court of Inquiry had been instituted at the request
of General Wilkinson, charged to make the inquiry into his
conduct which the first resolution desires, and had commenced
their proceedings. To the Judge Advocate of that court, the
papers and information on that subject, transmitted to me by
the House of Representatives, have been delivered, to be used
according to the rules and powers of that court.

The request of a communication of any information which may
have been received at any time since the establishment of the
present Government, touching combinations with foreign agents
for dismembering the Union, or the corrupt receipt of money by
any officer of the United States from the agents of foreign
governments, can be complied with but in a partial degree.

It is well understood that, in the first or second year of
the Presidency of General Washington, information was given
to him relating to certain combinations with the agents of a
foreign Government for the dismemberment of the Union; which
combinations had taken place before the establishment of the
present Federal Government. This information, however, is
believed never to have been deposited in any public office,
or left in that of the President’s Secretary; these having
been duly examined; but to have been considered as personally
confidential, and therefore retained among his private papers.
A communication from the Governor of Virginia to President
Washington, is found in the office of the President’s
Secretary, which, although not strictly within the terms of
the request of the House of Representatives, is communicated,
inasmuch as it may throw some light on the subjects of the
correspondence of that time, between certain foreign agents and
citizens of the United States.

In the first or second year of the Administration of President
Adams, Andrew Ellicott, then employed in designating, in
conjunction with the Spanish authorities, the boundaries
between the Territories of the United States and Spain, under
the treaty with that nation, communicated to the Executive
of the United States papers and information respecting the
subjects of the present inquiry, which were deposited in the
Office of State. Copies of these are now transmitted to the
House of Representatives, except of a single letter and a
reference from the said Andrew Ellicott, which, being expressly
desired to be kept secret, is therefore not communicated; but
its contents can be obtained from himself in a more legal form;
and directions have been given to summon him to appear as a
witness before the Court of Inquiry.

A paper “on the commerce of Louisiana,” bearing date
the eighteenth of April, one thousand seven hundred and
ninety-eight, is found in the office of State, supposed to have
been communicated by Mr. Daniel Clark, of New Orleans, then a
subject of Spain, and now of the House of Representatives of
the United States, stating certain commercial transactions of
General Wilkinson, in New Orleans; an extract from this is now
communicated, because it contains facts which may have some
bearing on the questions relating to him.

The destruction of the War Office by fire, in the close of one
thousand eight hundred, involved all information it contained
at that date.

The papers already described, therefore, constitute the whole
of the information on these subjects, deposited in the public
offices, during the preceding Administration, as far as has
yet been found; but it cannot be affirmed that there may be
no other, because the papers of the office being filed, for
the most part, alphabetically, unless aided by the suggestion
of any particular name which may have given such information,
nothing short of a careful examination of the papers in the
offices generally, could authorize such an affirmation.

About a twelvemonth after I came to the administration of
the Government, Mr. Clark gave some verbal information to
myself, as well as to the Secretary of State, relating to
the same combinations for the dismemberment of the Union. He
was listened to freely; and he then delivered the letter of
Governor Gayoso, addressed to himself, of which a copy is now
communicated. After his return to New Orleans, he forwarded to
the Secretary of State other papers, with a request that, after
perusal, they should be burnt. This however was not done; and
he was so informed by the Secretary of State, and that they
would be held subject to his orders. These papers have not yet
been found in the office. A letter therefore has been addressed
to the former Chief Clerk, who may, perhaps, give information
respecting them. As far as our memories enable us to say, they
related only to the combinations before spoken of, and not
at all to the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the
United States; consequently they respected what was considered
as a dead matter, known to the preceding Administrations, and
offering nothing new to call for investigations, which those
nearest the dates of the transactions had not thought proper to
institute.

In the course of the communications made to me on the subject
of the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, I sometimes received
letters, some of them anonymous, some under names true or
false, expressing suspicions and insinuations against General
Wilkinson. But only one of them, and that anonymous, specified
any particular fact, and that fact was one of those which had
been already communicated to a former Administration.

No other information within the purview of the request of the
House, is known to have been received by any Department of
the Government, from the establishment of the present Federal
Government. That which has been recently communicated to the
House of Representatives, and by them to me, is the first
direct testimony ever made known to me, charging General
Wilkinson with the corrupt receipt of money; and the House
of Representatives may be assured that the duties which this
information devolves on me, shall be exercised with rigorous
impartiality. Should any want of power in the court to compel
the rendering of testimony obstruct that full and impartial
inquiry, which alone can establish guilt or innocence and
satisfy justice, the legislative authority only will be
competent to the remedy.

TH. JEFFERSON.

JANUARY 20, 1808.

The said Message, together with sundry documents accompanying the same, were read, and referred to Mr. JOHN MONTGOMERY, Mr. NICHOLAS, Mr. UPHAM, Mr. SMILIE, Mr. TAYLOR, Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL, and Mr. JEDEDIAH K. SMITH, with instructions to report thereon by bill, or otherwise.

[The following are the documents communicated with his Message
by the President:]

WAR DEPARTMENT, Jan. 2, 1808.

In compliance with a request from Brigadier-General James
Wilkinson, the President of the United States has directed
a court of inquiry to be instituted, for the purpose of
hearing such testimony as may be produced in relation to the
said General James Wilkinson’s having been, or now being, a
pensioner to the Spanish Government, while holding a commission
under the Government of the United States.

Colonel Henry Burbeck, as President, Colonel Thomas H. Cushing
and Lieutenant-Colonel Jonathan Williams, as members, are
hereby directed to meet at the city of Washington, on Monday,
the 11th day of the present month of January, as a court of
inquiry, for the purpose above stated; and, after a full
investigation of such evidence and circumstances as may come
to their knowledge, the court will report to this Department a
correct statement of its proceedings, together with its opinion
on the amount of testimony exhibited.

Walter Jones, Esquire, District Attorney for the District
of Columbia, will be requested to act as Judge Advocate or
Recorder to the court.

H. DEARBORN, _Secretary of War_.

Col. HENRY BURBECK, _President Court of Inquiry_.

* * * * *

RICHMOND, May 31, 1790.

SIR: The enclosed copy of a letter from the Spanish Governor of
New Orleans to a respectable gentleman in Kentucky, was handed
to me by Mr. Banks of this city. As the subject of this paper
appears interesting to the United States, I have taken the
liberty to forward it to you.

I am, with the highest respect,

Your most obedient servant,

BEVERLY RANDOLPH.

* * * * *

NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 16, 1789.

SIR: General Wilkinson having represented to me, that you had
it in contemplation to settle in this province, and that your
example would have considerable influence on many good families
of your country, I think it my duty, in order to forward the
intentions of my royal master, to inform you that I shall
receive you and your followers with great pleasure, and that
you have liberty to settle in any part of Louisiana, or any
where on the east side of the Mississippi below the Yazoo
river. In order to populate the province, His Majesty has been
graciously pleased to authorize me to grant to the emigrants,
free of all expense, tracts of from two hundred and forty to
eight hundred acres, in proportion to their property; and in
particular cases of men of influence, who may aid these views,
I shall extend the grant as far as three thousand acres. To
all persons who actually become settlers, liberty is granted
to bring down their property in the produce of your country,
duty free; but the King does not agree to take your tobacco,
and, of consequence, you must depend upon the common market
of this city, as the province makes more than the quantity
which the King allows me to take. I mention this particular to
prevent disappointment. You will be exempt from taxation, and
will be allowed the private exercise of your religion without
molestation from any person whatever, and will enjoy all the
rights, privileges, and immunities of His Majesty’s other
subjects.

In order to cultivate an amicable connection with the settlers
of the Ohio, His Majesty has been graciously pleased, at the
same time, to give liberty to the inhabitants of that country
to bring down their produce to this city for sale, subject to
a duty of fifteen per cent, on the value here; but to prevent
imposition, and to distinguish between the real settler and
the trader, the former, on entering their produce at the
custom-house, will be obliged to subscribe to the conditions
mentioned in the proclamation, of which General Wilkinson
carries a copy for your information.

Though unknown to you, General Wilkinson has taught me to
respect your character.

It is, therefore, I subscribe myself, with great esteem, your
most obedient and humble servant,

ESTEVAN MIRO.

BENJAMIN SEBASTIAN, Esq., Kentucky.

Attest: S. COLEMAN, _A. C. C._

* * * * *

NATCHEZ, June 17, 1796.

MY DEAR FRIEND: I received your favor of the 12th instant, in
which you give me a proof of your sincere friendship by opening
your heart, without reserve, on the interesting subject of the
treaty. Following the same sentiments that have dictated to you
the confidence that you have in me, I shall unreservedly, and
in the most confidential manner, give you my opinion on the
same subject.

I have powerful reasons to believe that the part of the
treaty concerning limits will never be accomplished; and for
that reason so little has been said on what otherwise should
be detailed concerning the subjects and citizens of both
countries. The State of Georgia is as much displeased as you
express yourself, and several petitions have already been
presented to Congress against the treaty.

In the time that the treaty was signed, the political affairs
of Europe determined our Court to do any thing to keep the
United States in a perfect neutrality, and thereby destroy a
new plan that was forming to renew and continue a destructive
war. The treaty with England had a different object. It was to
attract the Americans to their interest in such a manner as
to have still in her power to keep them dependent; the plan
has fallen through, and the British will no longer deliver
the posts. Our treaty that was made to counterbalance that,
will suffer equal difficulties; for the circumstances being
altered, so will be the conditions on every side. Spain made
a treaty with the Union; but if this Union is dissolved, one
of the contracting parties exists no longer, and the other is
absolved from her engagements. It is more than probable that a
separation of several States will take place, which will alter
the political existence of a power that could influence on the
balance of that of others; therefore Spain, being deprived of
that assistance which could arise from her connection with the
Union, will alter her views. This is the political situation of
things with regard to the treaty; besides that, there are other
insurmountable difficulties with respect to the _Indians_,
which render impracticable the execution of the part concerning
limits; therefore, even when no change should happen in the
United States, the treaty will be reduced to the navigation of
this river.

Laying aside every obstacle, and only guided by the same
principles that have affected you, I have already represented
in the strongest and most energetic manner on the subject of
real property; without a solution from Court, it will be out
of our power to fulfil the contents of the treaty. When I told
you that your property should not suffer in this Government,
it was founded on all these principles, and several others
that are not vanished. I have constantly been a friend to the
country, and in this critical moment will not neglect its
interests. Be sure, and assure all your neighbors, that I will
do the needful, and that my exertions at all times shall be in
proportion to the exigency.

With regard to the debts of this Government, they will continue
to be paid in the manner prescribed; however, I shall act
in such a manner as to have them cleared much sooner than
what is expected. Every individual of this Government is
just now attending their crops of cotton, that promise very
advantageously; therefore in this critical moment they must not
be disturbed, or they will suffer essentially. I am waiting
anxiously for Mr. Dunbar to regulate several things in which
he has had, and is to have an interference. I really believe
that the Baron has him employed. I do not know for certain when
the Baron is to go to the Havana, nor do I believe that he
knows it. The first packet may perhaps throw some light on the
subject. The return of our Court to Madrid will be productive
of some very great change in the administration of our affairs;
therefore I wait that moment with impatience.

Nothing can affect the mortgage you have on Fuly’s property; he
has not yet appeared, but Mr. Ree acts for him.

I remain, with the most sincere friendship, my dear friend,
your most obedient,