Chapter I: A. Coles (61)

Motion to postpone indefinitely the resolution approving the conduct
of the Executive relative to the British Minister, considered,
197;
the resolution unnecessary and pernicious, 197;
it descends to a style of expression unworthy of the country and the
dignity of its Government, 198;
it looks toward war, 198;
a resolution of approbation against all example for the last eight
years, 198;
some doubts whether the majority were the same party as in former
years, 199;
the right of approbation implies the right of disapprobation, 199;
it is proposed that this solemn assembly, representing the American
people, shall descend from its dignity to utter against an
individual the language of indignation and reproach, 199;
this is to be done under pretence of asserting their rights and
vindicating their wrongs, 200;
it is no slight responsibility which this House is about to assume,
200;
all the other questions agitated in this debate dwindle into
insignificance, 200;
no speaker yet has taken the precise terms of the resolution as the
basis of his argument, 200;
the resolution analyzed, 200;
it asserts that a certain idea is conveyed which is indecorous and
insolent, 200;
what is this idea? 201;
what are the expressions in which it is conveyed? 201;
parts of the letter examined in which the idea is conveyed, 201;
a corroborative view of the subject, 202;
recapitulation, 203;
the resolution merely respects the conduct of the British Envoy,
204;
it is not an answer to a message from the President of the United
States, 205;
it is not a declaration of war, 205;
the correspondence between the British Minister and the American
Secretary examined, 205;
the whole civilized world a spectator of this discussion, 205;
resolution ordered to be read a third time, 206;
authorities to show the competency of Mr. Erskine's powers, 206;
Erskine never entertained a doubt of the competency of his powers,
206;
extracts from his letters, 207;
the British Government could not disavow the acts of its Minister
without incurring the charge of bad faith, 207;
past transactions reconsidered, 207;
this measure will fix a stain on the American character and hazard
the peace and prosperity of the country, 208;
fate of every country to cherish demagogues, 208;
the letters of Jackson do not contain the insult imputed to them,
209;
the insult examined, 209;
what were the circumstances upon which the King justified his
disavowal? 209;
the want of authority in Mr. Erskine assigned as the sole ground,
210;
letters further examined, 210;
the insult explained away, 210;
resolution passed, 211.

BROWN, JAMES, Senator from Louisiana, 573.

BROWN, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 124, 188.

BROWN, OBADIAH, elected Chaplain of the House, 37.

BROWN, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315,
424, 577.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

BURWELL, WILLIAM A., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 197, 315,
424, 594;
on an extra session, 103;
on permitting Swedish and Portuguese vessels to load, 127;
on the petition for a division of the Mississippi Territory, 141;
on the Batture at New Orleans, 148;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 155;
on trade to the Baltic, 205;
opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the
apportionment of representation, 224;
on the Bank of the United States, 335;
on privateer pensions, 704.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

BUTLER, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, 187;
makes a report on the conduct of General Wilkinson, 248.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

C

CALHOUN, JOHN C., Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577;
on foreign relations, 447;
on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, 529;
on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532;
makes a report on foreign relations, 554;
presents a bill declaring war against Great Britain, 554;
on an additional military force, 693.

CALHOUN, JOSEPH, Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187,
315.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, ALEXANDER, Senator from Ohio, 176, 250, 400, 566.

CAMPBELL, GEORGE W., Representative from Tennessee, 36;
on submission to the late dictate England and France, 48;
against amendments of the Senate requiring an immediate arming, &c.,
of public vessels, 97;
on an extra session, 103;
Senator from Tennessee, 400, 566;
on a recess of Congress, 412.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 37, 124, 191, 320.
_See Index_, vols. 2 and 3.

CARR, FRANCIS, Representative from Massachusetts, 577.

_Caraccas, Relief of._--In the House, resolution to authorize the
President to procure and send flour for the inhabitants of
Caraccas, 532;
better to suspend the restrictive system as to them, 532;
why should party feelings enter into this proposition? 532;
the amendment proposed would virtually repeal the embargo, 532;
no necessity to suspend the embargo, 532;
other amendments offered, 532;
resolution passed, 532;
$50,000 voted, 532.

_Census of the Union._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN C., Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187,
316.

CHAMBERLIN, WILLIAM, Representative from Vermont, 124, 187, 316.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CHAMPION, EPAPHRODITUS, Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187,
315, 424, 577.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CHAMPLIN, CHRISTOPHER, Senator from Rhode Island, 176, 252.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

CHAUNCEY, ISAAC, letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 572, 573.

CHEVES, LANGDON, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577;
in favor of a naval establishment, 477;
on an additional military force, 697;
on encouragement to privateer captures, 704;
reports a bill to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, 706;
on war taxes, 715.

CHITTENDEN, MARTIN, Representative from Vermont, 36, 124, 187, 316,
424, 577.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CLARKSON'S History of Slavery presented to Congress, 112.

CLAY HENRY, Senator from Kentucky, 177, 252;
on the bill relative to non-intercourse with France and Great
Britain, 177;
presents petition of Elisha Winters for reward, for causing the
death of the Mississippi River Pirate, 184;
gives notice of asking leave to bring in a bill supplementary to the
act relative to the punishment of certain crimes, 185;
on the occupation of Florida, 261;
on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 279;
reports against extending the charter of the old bank, 311;
reports a bill to enable the President to take possession of the
country east of the Perdido, 313;
Representative from Kentucky, 425, 577;
elected Speaker, first session, 12th Congress, 425;
address, 425;
on the Statutes of Limitation, 475;
on a naval establishment, 496;
offers an amendment to the bill to enable the people of Mississippi
to form a State Government, 520;
on the limits of Louisiana, 523;
in favor of the bill laying an embargo, 545;
on an additional military force, 613;
against encouragement to privateer captures, 703;
acknowledges vote of thanks of the House, 719.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CLAY, MATTHEW, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315, 424,
577;
on an additional military force, 617.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

CLINTON, DEWITT, voted for as President, in 1812, 574.

CLINTON, GEORGE, Vice President, presides in the Senate, 3, 116;
elected Vice President in 1808, 27;
number of votes for, as President, 27;
as Vice President, 27;
as Vice President gives casting vote in Senate against U. States'
Bank, 311;
takes seat in Senate as Vice President, 400;
decease of, 411.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

CLOPTON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 187, 319, 427;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 112.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

COBB, HOWELL, Representative from Georgia, 125, 187, 315, 425.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

COCHRAN, JAMES, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 315,
435, 580.

COLES, ISAAC A., letter to the Speaker of the House, 183.
_See Index_, vol. 1, 2.

_Cod-Fisheries._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Commerce of the United States._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Committees, Select_, resolution relative to formation of, 426;
members of, in House, 426.

_Compensation of President and Vice President._--_See Index_, vols. 1,
2.

CONDICT, JOHN, Senator from New Jersey, 3, 118, 168, 252, 400.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

CONDIT, LEWIS, Representative from New Jersey, 424, 577.

_Congress_, second Session of Tenth, 3;
meeting of the two Houses to count Electoral votes, 27;
adjournment of second Session of Tenth, 114;
first Session of Eleventh, 116;
third Session of Eleventh Congress, 250;
third Session of Eleventh Congress adjourned, 312;
adjournment of third Session of Eleventh Congress, 399;
commencement of first Session of Twelfth Congress, 400;
second Session of Twelfth meets, 566.

_Extra Session._--_In House_, motion to alter the time of the next
meeting of Congress, 101;
moved to strike out May, for the purpose of inserting September,
102;
this is a momentous crisis, 102;
country in a situation of extreme danger, 102;
Congress should be constantly in session till a more favorable
state of affairs exists, 102;
nothing likely to occur to do away with the necessity of an extra
session, 102;
why should Congress come here at the time proposed? 102;
a new President comes in, who will desire communication with our
ministers before the meeting of Congress, 102;
occurrences are presenting themselves every day, requiring some
other ground to be taken, 102;
a total abandonment of the ocean will be submission, 102;
are we to renew negotiation, when every circumstance manifests that
it would be useless? 102;
the present suspension of commerce and discontents at home, are
sufficient reasons for calling Congress earlier than December,
103;
new Administration should meet Congress as early as possible, 103;
war the only means to secure the interest and honor of the nation,
103;
reasons that Congress should meet in May, 103;
is the nation to be saved by long speeches? 103;
forty-eight hours sufficient to pass all laws for the present
crisis, 103;
an early session will contribute to tranquillize the minds of the
people, 103;
if peace is attainable, we must have it; if not, then war, 103;
necessary to change our situation previous to next meeting of
Congress, 103;
reason of the fear in Great Britain that Parliament would not meet
often enough, 104;
Congress do more good by staying away, 104;
leave an extra session to the Executive, 104;
motion to strike out lost, 104;
bill passed, 104.

_In the Senate_, resolution offered for a recess from the 29th of
April, 412;
ordered to be engrossed, 412;
moved to fill the blank with "4th Monday in June," 412;
sufficiently early to take measures in consequence of the expiration
of the embargo, 412;
a long time would accommodate better than a short time, 412;
effect on the public mind the same, 412;
the question should not be decided on the mere ground of personal
convenience, 412;
an adjournment for any length of time, like deserting our posts,
412;
not deserting our posts, 413;
by staying here, Congress cannot expedite the measures ordered, 413;
eighth of June adopted, 413;
resolution passed, 413.

_Connecticut_, vote for President, in 1808, 27;
in 1812, 573, 711.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Constitution and Guerriere_, letter from the Secretary of the Navy,
on the action between, 593;
bill to compensate the officers and crew of Constitution frigate,
709;
considered, 709, 710;
bill to compensate officers and crew of, considered, 717, 719.

_Contested Elections._--_See Index_, vols. 1, 3.

_Convoy System._--In the House, bill reported to employ public armed
vessels to convoy the lawful commerce of the United States, 225;
moved to discharge the Committee of the Whole, 226;
embraces two important principles not to be discussed in committee,
226;
motion lost, 226.

COOK, ORCHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 141, 352;
in favor of an immediate arming of the public vessels, 97, 98;
on additional duties on English and French goods, 109.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

COOKE, THOMAS B., Representative from New York, 424, 580.

COX, JAMES, Representative from New Jersey, 124, 187.

CRAIG, Sir J. H., his instructions to John Henry, 507.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315,
424, 577.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM H., Senator from Georgia, 3, 121, 168, 250, 400,
566;
on the repeal of the embargo act, 11;
on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 266, 305;
on an increase of the navy, 407;
elected President _pro tem._ of the Senate, 409;
presides in the Senate as President _pro tem._, 566.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CRIST, HENRY, Representative from Kentucky, 125, 188.

CANNING, Mr., extract from speech of, in Parliament, 120.

_Cuba_, emigrants from.--In Senate, resolution relative to, offered,
121;
referred, 122;
further resolution, 122.

_In the House._--Bill relative to the remission of certain penalties
considered, 163;
the bill, 163;
opinion of Court of South Carolina, 163;
the former act on the importation of slaves, 163;
present case directly violates that law, 163;
what reason for enacting this law, if the principles of the law of
1807 were correct? 164;
this is a case of a peculiar nature, attended with singular
circumstances, 164;
the laws of South Carolina forbid bringing those persons into the
State, 164;
the persons bringing them, must give security to have them carried
out, which could not be done under the non-intercourse law, 164;
slaves brought to New Orleans, 164;
the objects of this bill do not appear on the face of it, 164;
bill passed, 165.

CULPEPER, JOHN, Representative from North Carolina, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Cumberland Road_, report on, 530.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

CUSHING, T. H., Adjutant-General, letter of, 712.

CUTTS, CHARLES, Senator from New Hampshire, 250, 400, 566.

CUTTS, RICHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315,
577;
moves to strike out "seventy-fours," and insert "frigates," 606.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

D

DANA, SAMUEL W., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187;
on necessity of additional revenue cutters, 47;
on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98;
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128;
on prosecutions for libel, 134;
on amendment to, 137;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 152, 161;
on an investigation of the Navigation Laws, 188;
on the call on the President for papers, 192;
on the torpedo experiment, 218, 220;
on the loan bill, 227;
on reform in the expense of the Navy, 230;
on reduction of the Navy, 243;
Senator from Connecticut, 250, 400, 570.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DAVENPORT, JOHN, jr., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187,
315, 424, 577;
on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, 105.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DAVIESS, JOSEPH HAMILTON, _note_, 435.

DAVIS, ROGER, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 578.

DAWSON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424,
577;
moves to refer the letter of Robert Fulton, 214;
reports on, 214;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
on the ratio of representation, 432;
on foreign relations, 452;
on the burning of Richmond Theatre, 474;
on the petition of Ursuline Nuns at New Orleans, 476;
on the limits of Louisiana, 523;
offers a resolution of honor to officers and seamen of the
Constitution, for the capture of the Guerriere, 578;
on compensation to the officers and crew of the frigate
Constitution, 709.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DEANE, JOSIAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Debates, reporting of._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

DECATUR, STEPHEN, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy 598.

_Defensive Measures against Great Britain, under John Adams._--_See
Index_, vol. 2.

_Delaware_, vote for President, in 1808, 27;
in 1812, 573, 711.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Delegates from Territories._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

DESHA, JOSEPH, Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425,
577;
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 69;
on Foreign Relations, 450;
on an additional military force, 696.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

DINSMOOR, SAMUEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

_Diplomatic Intercourse._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Divorces_ in the District of Columbia, report on, 505.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

DUNN, THOMAS, elected doorkeeper of the House, 126;
elected sergeant-at-arms to the House, 425.

DURELL, DANIEL M., Representative from New Hampshire, 36;
in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 100;
on an extra session, 103.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Duties on Imports._--In Senate, bill for imposing additional duties
read the third time, 31;
motion to postpone to a distant day, 31;
the subject is a commercial one exceedingly important, 31;
the bill can be advocated only upon the ground that a war is about
to ensue, and to prepare the public treasury to sustain its
prosecution, 32;
but neither the one nor the other is expected or necessary, 32;
Gallatin's reports, 32;
the measure will also be both unequal and unjust, 32;
the new duty will operate as a bounty to forestalled and
speculators, 32;
bill passed, 32.

_In the House._--The bill to impose additional duties considered,
107;
motion to confine increased duties to goods of England and France,
109;
motion lost, bill ordered to be engrossed, 109.

_Manufactures, Domestic._--In the House, resolution to lay an
additional duty on coarse hemp and flax considered, 428;
cotton added, 428;
the proposition should include all the domestic manufactures of the
country, 428;
the present a favorable time to adopt some measures to encourage and
support domestic manufactures, 428;
merely a proposition to instruct a committee, 428;
laid on the table, 428;
taken up, 431;
amendment laying a duty on salt moved, 431;
irregular manner of proceeding, 431;
further debate on the practice of the House, 431;
ill-timed to tax an article when it may be very difficult to procure
it, 431;
why this great cry about domestic manufactures? 432;
what will be the effect of taxing salt, 432.

_In the House._--Engrossed bill laying additional duties, 538;
the creation of a public debt ought to be accompanied with the means
of its extinguishment, 538;
this is the true secret of rendering public credit immortal, 538;
it is surprising to learn that doubling the duties is the only means
to be provided for this purpose, 539;
this will be a most unpopular tax, 539;
it is an unjust measure, 539;
what will be the consequence of passing the bill? 539;
great changes have taken place since the adoption of the present
tariff, 540;
three purposes intended to be furthered by duties on imported
merchandise, 540;
the objections to the bill are palpable and obvious, 540;
its tendency to promote smuggling, 541;
the unfortunate policy adopted in 1806 has destroyed the purity and
elevation of commercial morals, 541;
a reliance on the impost as the means of supporting the war in
connection with an abandonment of the internal taxes, teaches
that our Government is unfit for the purpose of foreign and
offensive war, 541;
the protection and regulation of commerce has become a prime object
of legislation, 541;
it is the cause of war, 542;
this increase of impost is a tax which will operate unjustly and
unequally, 542;
burden on the people of the Eastern States, 542;
desirable to recommit the bill in order to learn the sentiments of
the House on the repeal or the partial suspension of the present
non-importation act, 542;
if this act was suspended and we had a trading and not a fighting
war, we should have sufficient revenue under the present rates
of duties, 543;
letter of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of revenue
examined, 544;
a very left-handed way of encouraging the manufactures of this
country, 543;
motion to strike out the words "one hundred" before per centum lost,
543.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Duties on Tonnage._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

E

EARLE, ELIAS, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577.

_Electoral Votes for President_, examination and counting of, 27.

_Opening and Counting._--In House, resolution offered to notify the
Senate, 105;
it is now proposed that the Senate come to the House, and that the
Speaker leave the chair to make room for the President of
another body, 105;
such a proceeding would derogate from the dignity if not the rights
of this body, 105;
a respect we owe ourselves and the people never to suffer the
privileges of this House to be diminished, 105;
in counting the votes the House of Representatives is not assembled
as a distinct body, 105;
propriety in this course because by the constitution the Vice
President is to open the votes, 105;
moved that when the Senate was introduced the Speaker relinquish the
chair to him, 105;
propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint
meeting, 105;
as regards the privileges of the House against the claims of the
other, the ninth part of a hair was important, 105;
the English Commons obtained their privileges inch by inch, 105;
if he comes to this House, the President of the Senate comes by
courtesy, and can assume the chair only as a matter of favor,
106;
the constitution prescribes the powers of each body, and no fear of
encroachment, 106;
motion carried, 106;
votes counted, 106;
counting of, 573, 711.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Electors of President._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

ELLIOT, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

ELLIOT, JESSE D., letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 571, 572.

ELY, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315,
424, 577;
on arming and classing of the militia, 708.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Embargo._--In Senate resolution to repeal the act laying an embargo
offered, 5;
light in which it has been viewed by France, 5;
not a measure of hostility or coercion as applied to her, 5;
little effect on England, 5;
could America expect to starve her? 6;
it was a farce, 6;
ample time had been given for her to make other arrangements, 6;
what accounts have we from there? 6;
they can actually purchase provisions cheaper now from other places
than they formerly had done from us, 6;
turn to another article of trade, cotton, 6;
it has been said a want of this article would distress the British
manufacturers and produce clamor among them, and hence
accelerate the repeal of the Orders in Council, 6;
are not all the evil consequences anticipated from the embargo
likely to be realized? 6;
Great Britain become the carriers of the world, these carriers will
supply themselves, 6;
get supplies of cotton elsewhere, 6;
this embargo instead of operating on those nations which had been
violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to
the people of the United States, 7;
it should be abandoned as a measure wholly inefficient for the
objects designed, 7;
some thought its efficiency would be secured by adding a
non-intercourse law, 7;
this idea futile, 7;
the United States are consumers of British products, 7;
what had patriotism really done? 7;
non-intercourse law cannot be executed, 7;
party spirit should now have been laid aside, and all consulted for
the common good, 7;
if the spirit of commercial speculation has overcome all patriotism,
it is time foreign intercourse should cease, 7;
the proposition for repeal hardly merits respect or serious
consideration, 8;
a most important subject, deeply implicating, and perhaps
determining the fate of the commerce and navigation of this
country, 8;
our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embarrassment,
vexation, and plunder from the belligerents of Europe, 8;
both France and England have violated the laws of nations, 8;
the one professes to relent at the inconvenience she occasions you,
and the other in addition to depredation and conflagration,
treats you with the greatest disdain, 8;
their conduct gave rise to the embargo, 8;
if it has been proved by experience to be inoperative so far as
regards them, and destructive as respects ourselves, it should
be repealed, 8;
the propriety of this is now the question, 8;
three points naturally to be considered, 8;
the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it
offered our seamen, its effects on France and Great Britain in
coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable policy towards
us, the effects it has and may produce on ourselves, 8;
it has already answered all that can be expected in regard to
security to navigation and seamen, 8;
its longer continuance will counteract these objects, 8;
its operation is nugatory on France, 9;
its operation on Great Britain, 9;
the subject should be taken up with coolness, 10;
it is charged that there is a disposition to break down commerce,
for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins, 10;
the charge a mere electioneering trick, 10;
the ground is taken that the embargo has prevented all our commerce,
10;
this is not shown, 10;
operation of the Decrees of France, 10;
operation of the Orders in Council, 10;
a tribute required for license to trade, 10;
has the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to
result from it, 11;
it has not had a fair trial in consequence of misrepresentations,
11;
has the embargo operated more upon the United States than on the
European powers, 11;
one object of the resolution doubtless to obtain information of the
operation of the embargo throughout the Union, 11;
the sentiments of the people of Georgia on the subject, 12;
effects of the measure on ourselves, 12;
the produce of the lands of Georgia lies on hand, 12;
it is said that Great Britain will find some source whence to obtain
the supplies she has heretofore got from us, 12;
the cotton interest is willing to run the risk of the continuance of
the embargo, 12;
it is said this measure cannot be executed, 12;
it has been so far executed as to produce a good effect, 12;
the charge of an intention to destroy commerce examined, 13;
a disposition to make this measure permanent, 13;
this measure intended and calculated to promote the interests of
France, 13;
no danger from war, it is said, except through a repeal of the
embargo, 13;
statements in relation to the present views of England favorable to
the embargo are not entitled to credit, 13;
cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language, 14;
the Essex resolutions, 14;
how are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we
keep without their reach, 14;
attempts to ridicule the measure exposed, 14;
it is said that if the embargo is repealed we can carry on a safe
and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths the amount
of our domestic productions, 14;
this statement examined, 15;
if the embargo had not been laid, would the British aggressions have
stopped with the Orders in Council, 15;
if the embargo is repealed, and our vessels suffered to go out, it
will expose us to new insults and aggressions, 15;
it is said that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the interests
and feelings of the people may lead to opposition and
insurrection, 15;
this is an argument _in terrorem_, 15;
more information needed on this subject, 16;
better if the proposition had expressed indignation at the injuries
our Government had received, 16;
situation of the European world when Congress deemed it necessary to
pass the embargo, 16;
prudence and policy dictated this measure, 17;
the mission of Mr. Rose, 17;
effects of the measure on the country, 18;
feelings of gentlemen who once possessed the power of the nation,
but have now lost it, 18;
the outrages of the belligerents should have awakened such
indignation as to suppress these feelings, until some measures
could be devised to meet the crisis, 18;
the greatest inconvenience perhaps attending popular governments
stated, 19;
two objects contemplated by the embargo, 19;
the first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves, 19;
the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents,
19;
the first considered and explained, 19;
effects of the embargo, 20;
our fate is in our own hands, with union we have nothing to fear,
20;
danger of exposing one's self to the charge of being under British
influence, 21;
the patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better,
21;
the wrongs of Great Britain to us intended to be removed by the
treaty, 21.

_Enforcement of the Embargo_, bill making further provision for,
reported, 21;
sections of the bill, 21;
an embargo over a country like ours a phenomenon in the civilized
world, 21;
opinions relative to the embargo, 21;
course proposed to be pursued, 22;
this bill bears marks of distrust of the people, entertained by the
Government; it places the coasting trade under further vexatious
restraints, 22;
particulars in which it is placed under the regulation of the
President, 22;
other sections intrench on the ordinary concerns of the great body
of the people, 22;
the military may be employed by agents under this bill, 23;
authority of the marshal competent to execute the laws, 23;
further objections to the bill, 23;
the bill presents temptations for addressing the popular sensibility
too strong to be resisted by gentlemen in the opposition, 23;
they have presented its provisions in an alarming aspect, 23;
the bill contains no new principle, every provision is justified by
precedents in pre-existing laws, 24;
it is said the embargo is a permanent measure, and its effects
ruinous at home and ineffectual abroad, 24;
it is said the public councils are pressing on to measures pregnant
with most alarming results, 24;
the great principle of objection, it is said, consists in the
transfer of legislative powers to the Executive Department, 24;
objections to the provisions of the bill relative to the coasting
trade, examined, 25;
power granted to the President over the military force in previous
acts of the Legislature, 26;
passage of the bill, 26.

_In the House._--Many resolutions have been submitted on the subject
of foreign relations and the embargo, 40;
surprising to see so many resolutions and none contemplating its
continuance, 40;
where is that spirit which separated us from Great Britain? 40;
just as our measure of last year is beginning to operate we are
called upon to repeal, 40;
what is the purport of the proclamation issued by one of the
belligerents? 41;
resolutions offered to exclude vessels of belligerents having force
decrees or orders violating the lawful commerce of the United
States; also imports from such powers, and also to inquire into
the expediency of amending the embargo act, 41;
it is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper
measure, to come forward and declare it, 41;
neither of the powers of Europe have shown any disposition to relax,
neither should we, 41;
only three alternatives are open to us--war, embargo, or submission,
41;
the last out of the question, 41;
shall it be war or embargo? 41;
let that be adopted which will best maintain our rights and
independence, 41;
the embargo does not cause the pressure on the people, 41;
public opinion in the Northern part of the Union requires the
embargo to be raised, 41;
let the debate go on, 41;
first and second resolutions agreed to, 42.

_Embargo, Temporary._--Bill for, passed in the Senate, 410;
In the House, message received from the President relative to laying
an embargo for sixty days, 544;
bill reported, read twice, and referred to the Committee of the
Whole, 544;
moved to strike out sixty, and insert one hundred and twenty days,
544;
the time will be much too short for the whole amount of American
property abroad to return, 544;
motion lost, 544;
is this to be considered as a peace or war measure? 544;
it is understood to be a war measure, and it is intended it shall
lead directly to it, 544;
objections to parts of the bill, 544;
drafted according to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury,
544;
if it is a precursor to war what is the situation of our fortresses
and of the country generally? 545;
none can question the propriety of the proposition, 545;
are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by
retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? 545;
the conduct of France may be a subject of future consideration, 545;
no difficulty or terror in the war except what arises from novelty,
545;
a source of pride that the Executive has recommended this measure,
545;
this is not a measure of the Executive, but is engendered by an
intense excitement upon the Executive, 545;
the people of the country will consider it a subterfuge for war,
545;
at the end of sixty days we shall not have war, because the
Executive dare not plunge us in war, 545;
are we prepared to assail the enemy or repel her attacks? 545;
motion to strike out first section lost, 545;
the President does not mean war, 545;
unless Great Britain relents we must make war, says the President,
546;
we should not go to war unprepared, 546;
what occurred in the Committee of Foreign Relations, 546;
if you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have
you spent five months in idle debate? 546;
not possible to commence war with safety within four months, 546;
warning of the danger and ruin which threaten our defenceless cities
and towns, 547;
the intelligent part of the community are against war, 547;
bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 547;
moved to read third time to-morrow, 547;
policy on the part of the majority should dictate this indulgence,
547;
the minority has acted with more propriety than was ever known, 547;
other reason for delay, 547;
motion lost, 547;
bill passed, 547.

Bill returned to the House with amendments by the Senate, 548;
moved to postpone indefinitely, 548;
it is a pure, unsophisticated, reinstated embargo, 548;
the same power which originates can continue this oppressive
measure, 548;
it is not an embargo preparatory to war, but an embargo as a
substitute for war, 548;
this point examined, 548;
Heaven help our merchants from an embargo protection, 549;
an express was sent off on the day preceding the Message, 549;
is this measure expedient, and can it be executed? 549;
this House should desist from the dangerous course they are
pursuing, 550;
views of Great Britain, 550;
motion to postpone, 550;
main question ordered, 550.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

EMOTT, JAMES, Representative from N. Y., 124, 187, 315, 424, 577;
on Miranda's expedition, 143;
on commercial intercourse, 353;
presents petition of merchants of New York, 432;
on an additional military force, 668.

EPPES, JOHN W., Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315;
on the resolution calling on the President for papers, 192;
on the convoy system, 225;
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 360.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

EVANS, OLIVER, claim for different applications of steam-power, 404.

_Executive Departments._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Expatriation._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Expenditure of Public Money._--In the House, a resolution to appoint
a committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money,
429;
the result of a former inquiry, 429;
how do pursers in the Navy receive their money? 429;
extract from a letter, 429;
the abuses should cease, 429;
resolution agreed to, 430.

_Extra Session._--Bill to alter the time of the meeting of Congress
considered, 717.
_See Congress._

F

_Federal Judges_, amendment of the constitution to secure the removal
of, 530.
_See Index_, vol. 3, _Amendments of the Constitution_.

FINDLAY, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315,
424, 577;
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128;
on foreign relations, 454.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

FISK, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36, 315, 424, 577;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 153;
on the Torpedo experiment, 220, 221;
offers a resolution relative to the apportionment of representation,
223;
opposes postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment
of representation, 224;
on the ratio of representation, 318;
on the Bank of the United States, 338;
against a naval establishment, 504;
on the pay of the army, 587;
on amendments to the naturalization law, 594.

FISK, JONATHAN, Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

FITCH, ASA, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

_Flag of the United States._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Florida, West, occupation of._--In the Senate, bill to extend the
laws of the Territory of Orleans over West Florida, reported,
252;
debate on its passage, 253;
the first important question is whether the United States have a
good title to the territory, 253;
what were the limits of Louisiana before the treaty and cession of
1762-3 between France, Spain, and Great Britain? 253;
the treaty of cession between the United States and France examined,
253;
the expediency of taking possession of this territory cannot be
doubted, 254;
other grounds upon which this bill might be supported, entirely
independent of the cession, 255;
state of the Spanish colonies in relation to the Spanish Government,
255;
this bill may be justified independent of title by the law of
self-preservation, 255;
this bill contains two important provisions, it incorporates with
the territory of Orleans the province of West Florida, and it
extends to that province the laws now in force in the Territory,
255;
two questions naturally involved, 1st, has the United States a good
title? 2d, is it expedient? 256;
authority of the President to direct a forcible occupation of the
Territory a preliminary question, 256;
has not this proclamation transcended the limits of the President's
power? 256;
what is the nature and import of this proclamation? 256;
it is not only war, but an act of legislation too, 256;
new power conferred by acts of Congress, 257;
not a shadow of authority exists, 257;
title examined, 257;
as founded on the doctrines of estoppel and occupancy, 257;
title of France, 258.

An instrument thus obtained not obligatory, 258;
title derived under the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, 258;
cause of the war of 1756, 258;
its results, 258;
remarks on the evidences and facts relative to title, 260;
our title indisputable against both France and Spain, 261;
the treachery by which the King of Spain is alleged to have lost his
crown, 261;
our title to West Florida examined, and the propriety of the recent
measures for the occupation of it, 261;
our title depends on the limits of the province of Louisiana, and a
just exposition of treaties, 261;
to determine this, it is only necessary to fix the eastern boundary,
261;
the province of Louisiana comprised West Florida previous to 1762,
262;
what was then done? 262;
what, then, is the true construction of the treaties of St.
Ildefonso and of April, 1803? 262;
is the proclamation an authorized measure of war and legislation?
examined, 263;
had the President failed to embrace the opportunity he would have
been criminally inattentive to the dearest interests of his
country, 264.

_Floridas, occupation of_, an act to authorize, 422;
postponed, 423;
resolution relative to, 561.

_Florida, purchase of._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Foreign Ministers, abuse of Privileges._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Foreign Relations._--In House, resolution that the United States
cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and
independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and
France, considered, 48;
the resolution too clear to need demonstration, 48;
the committee believed there could be no difference of opinion on
the subject of the resolution, although there might be on the
mode of resistance, therefore it was presented, 48;
not necessary to show that the decrees of France and orders of Great
Britain were an assumption of power to give laws to this country
in direct violation of our neutral rights, 48;
the real question is, shall we govern ourselves or be controlled by
the will of others? 49;
upon our offer to remove the embargo if either party would rescind,
no heed has been given, 49;
the proposition now offered unexceptionable, 49;
the course advocated in the report of the committee is loathsome,
49;
the resolution offers a solemn pledge to the nation that the present
system of public measures shall be totally abandoned, 49;
adopt it and there is an end of the policy of deserting our rights
under the pretence of maintaining them, 49;
the terms of the resolution contain an assertion and a pledge, 49;
none need have difficulty in screwing their courage up to the
assertion, 50;
the pledge is a glorious one, 50;
what is submission and what does the pledge not to submit imply, 50;
objects of the edicts and orders, 50;
tenor of publications from the East which are sent here, 50;
objects of the two powers with regard to us, 51;
efforts of our Minister, 51;
the chapter of negotiation, 52;
the conduct of officers of the British navy and the connivance of
the British government, 52;
further aggressions, 53;
the present an extraordinary crisis, 54;
examination of the situation of this country in relation to France
and Great Britain, and also the injuries and aggressions they
have committed upon our neutral rights, 54;
injuries of Great Britain, 54;
principal injuries committed by France, 55;
consequences which result from this series of injuries, 55;
the rude treatment of the report of the committee, 56;
how did the report originate, 57;
not one of all the principal positions contained it which is true in
the sense and to the extent assumed by the committee, 57;
the alternatives of submission, war, or embargo considered, 57;
what is disgraceful submission? 58;
we can trade not only with one, but with both these belligerents
notwithstanding these restrictive decrees, 58;
the other alternative of war with both is absurd, 59;
further examination of the report, 59, 60;
objections considered, 61.

A silent vote on the proposition would have produced a better effect
than this discussion, 63;
the report seems to consider the system recommended as including a
continuance of the embargo, 63;
the embargo is severely felt by the country at large, 63;
in some places it requires all the exertions of patriotism to
support it, 63;
members have contended as to which section suffered most, 64;
it is said that this is a delusion, 64;
it is thought the country cannot feel much as it feeds well, 64;
in point of revenue how does it work? 65;
as a measure of finance it has laid the axe to the root, 66;
would the constitutional convention have given to Congress power to
lay an embargo for one or two years, if it had been agitated?
66;
the character of this measure examined, 66;
it is said the embargo is evaded, and thus has not been so tightly
drawn with regard to Great Britain, 67;
the continuance of our measures may divert trade from us to other
channels, 67;
it is said, the honor of the country is at stake, a removal of the
embargo would be submission to Great Britain, 68;
what is the nature of the rights in question, 68.

The continuance of the embargo as an assertion of our rights is not
an efficient mode of resistance, 69;
if gentlemen were really Americans, they would not tamely give up
the honor of their country by submitting to French decrees and
British orders, 70;
do they mean that independence should be wrested from us without a
struggle? 70;
what are the reasons why the embargo has not come fully up to the
expectations of its supporters? 70;
yet it has been particularly serviceable in many instances? 70;
a retrograde step at this time would mark the Government with
pusillanimity, 70;
effect of the French decrees, 71;
results of the British orders, 71;
the House of Representatives only of Maryland have passed
resolutions against the embargo, 72;
the militia system caused the change in Maryland and not the
embargo, 72;
it is said, the embargo has destroyed the commerce of the country,
72;
the embargo is a disagreeable thing, but by swallowing it, we shall
bring health, 73;
some States have passed laws for suspending executions, 73;
the only question is, shall we defend ourselves or shall we submit?
74;
upon this question, in every point of view too clear to admit of a
doubt, a debate has arisen embracing all our foreign relations,
75;
the offer to suspend the embargo laws for a suspension of the Orders
in Council, has been contemptuously rejected, those orders
justified, and an extension of their operation threatened, 75;
in this crisis every man should do his part, 75;
the original imposition of the embargo was wise in a precautionary
point of view, 75;
after the operation of the Orders in Council was known insurance
could not have been effected at Baltimore to London for 90
guineas per cent., 75;
mercantile distresses have been exaggerated, 76;
the embargo has preserved us from bloodshed, 76;
if the embargo has failed it is no cause of triumph, 76;
it is asked if we are prepared to violate the public faith, 76;
will submission pay the public debt? 76;
it is said the embargo itself is submission, 77;
it is the opponents of the measure who call it submission, 77;
who, in the United States, are most anxious to have the embargo
repealed? 77;
ultra-federalists, 77;
the embargo is the most deadly weapon we can use against Great
Britain, 77;
what is the nature of her wants, and what her capacity and means of
supply? 77;
there are not contained within the British empire at this time
supplies for the home and colonial consumption, 78;
to remove the embargo will betray a timid, wavering, indecisive
policy, 78;
supplies should be withheld from Spain and Portugal, as Great
Britain is coerced through them, 78;
the embargo preserves this nation in peace, while it presses those
who injure us, 78;
it should not be repealed in part, 79;
give merchants a spot as large as the square of this House to go to,
and they would carry away the whole of our surplus produce, 79;
the Orders in Council originated in deadly hostility to us, 79;
South Carolina is interested, by the suspension of our trade, in the
article of cotton alone, to an amount greater than the whole
revenue of the United States, 80;
objections examined and considered, 81;
it is said the embargo should be removed because it has operated as
a bounty to the British trade, 81;
constitutionality of the embargo settled, 82;
it is said if Great Britain, during the Revolution, maintained a war
against the world, will she truckle now? 82;
deposition of sundry English merchants before the House of Lords,
82;
it is said the destruction of St. Domingo has caused such a demand
for sugar, that the cultivation of cotton in the British West
Indies has ceased, 83;
it is disgracefully said that, nations like individuals, should
pocket their honor for money, 83;
why are we called upon to make the declaration of this resolution?
84;
it is not expedient to adopt the second resolution, 84;
what will be the effect of the embargo, if continued, as respects
ourselves? 85;
its pressure is on the whole country, and it carries misery
throughout the land, 85;
a better line of conduct for the United States to pursue pointed
out, 85;
will most of our property be taken by the belligerents if the
embargo is removed? 86;
merchants do not consider the risk very great, 86;
we are not reduced to the dilemma of making choice out of any of the
alternatives recommended by the committee, 86;
the resolution is unnecessary because no clear, definite, practical
results can flow from it, 87;
it is said we are bound to vote, whether the assertion is true or
false, 87;
it is said the resolution is harmless at the worst, 88;
it should be rejected on account of the "company it keeps," 88;
we have gone on so long in error that it is not easy to say what
should be done, 88;
a retrospective view of our affairs, 88, 89, 90;
it may be said, what has happened could not be prevented, 91;
it is said, if we suffer our commerce to go on the ocean, it will be
crippled by France or Great Britain, 92;
nothing so well calculated to call out the resistance and obstinacy
of Great Britain, as this measure of the embargo, 92;
the King of England dare not yield to our embargo, 93;
the object of our present legislation should be to relieve our
country from the distresses under which it groans, 93;
resolution divided by omitting the words "and France," 94;
first part passed in committee, 94;
second part passed, 94;
resolution passed in the Senate, 94;
other resolutions passed, 94.