Chapter I: A. Coles (62)

_In the House._--The report of the Committee on Foreign Relations
considered, 432;
explanation of the views of the committee, 432;
the report is only in part, with the intention to follow up the
resolutions if adopted, with ulterior ones, 432;
committee satisfied that all hope of accommodating our differences
with Great Britain by negotiation, must be abandoned, 433;
are the maritime rights which Great Britain is violating, such as we
ought to support at the hazard and expense of a war? 433;
no prospect of a speedy repeal of the Orders in Council, 433;
we are a young nation, and cherish some pride and spirit, as well as
justice and moderation, 433;
we ought to go to war, in opposition to the Orders in Council, 433;
the United States can make a serious impression upon Great Britain,
at sea, even without a navy, 433;
question taken on the first resolution for filling the ranks of the
present army, and carried, 434;
question on the agreement to the second resolution, authorizing the
raising an additional regular force, 434;
are seven millions of Americans to be protected in their lives and
liberties by ten thousand vagabonds, who were fit food for
gunpowder? 434;
it would be necessary to know the ulterior views of the committee,
434;
for what purpose are these troops wanted? 434;
the gentleman was a member of the committee, and attended its
sittings, 434;
it is due to the committee to explain their conduct in the outset,
434;
Republicans should remember that a few years ago, a set of men who
held different politics, held the reins of Government, 435;
if your minds are resolved on war, you are still Republicans, 435;
what are we called upon to decide? it is whether we will resist by
force the attempt made by that Government to subject our
maritime rights to the capricious rule of her will, 435;
war is already begun, 435;
it is a question of peace or war, 436;
how can gentlemen calling themselves Republicans, advocate such a
war? 436;
those who opposed the army are denounced as partisans of France,
436;
in 1805, the committee recommended raising troops owing to the
defenceless condition of the frontiers; yet, this report was
considered too strong by the House, 437;
it is insinuated that the massacre on the Wabash was instigated by
the British Government, 437;
_note_ 437;
this war of conquest, for the acquisition of territory and subjects,
is to be a new commentary on the doctrine that republics are
destitute of ambition, 438;
the war spirit in gentlemen from the South, not surprising, 438;
gentlemen avowed they would not go to war for the carrying trade,
yet they stickle for our commercial rights, and will go to war
for them, 438;
gratifying to find the demoralizing and destructive consequences of
the non-importation law acknowledged, 439;
the committee has out-stripped the Executive, 439;
our people will not submit to be taxed for this war of conquest and
dominion, 439;
the defenceless state of our seaports, 440;
danger arising from the black population, 440;
the unjust and illiberal imputation of British attachments against
certain characters in this country, 440;
further debate 441;
the expulsion of the British from their North American possessions,
and granting letters of marque and reprisal against Great
Britain, are contemplated, 442;
for the first time there seems to be but one opinion with the great
majority of this body, that war with Great Britain is
inevitable, 442;
we must now oppose her further encroachments by war, or formally
annul the Declaration of Independence, 442;
the Canadian French, 443;
why are they to be despised? 443;
it has been denied that British influence had any agency in the
massacre on the Wabash, 443;
our identity with the people and institutions of Great Britain, 444;
the ties of religion, language, blood, as it regards Great Britain,
are dangerous ties to this country, with her present hostile
disposition, 444;
the military regular forces have been called mercenaries, 445;
it is a question of war or submission, 445;
it is contended that it is a dispute about the carrying trade, 445;
the carrying trade is as much the right of the American people as
the carrying the products of their own soil, and is secured by
the British treaty, 446;
the massacre on the Wabash, 446;
the principles that ought to govern civilized nations, have at all
times been disregarded by the officers and agents of the British
Government, 446;
mercenary objects should not be ascribed to gentlemen, as motives
for the war, 446;
the report means nothing but war or empty menace, 447;
the gentleman from Virginia is in error, through inadvertency, or
mistake, 447;
a menacing system has nothing to commend it, 447;
menaces should be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness
as war itself, and should, if not successful, be invariably
followed by it, 448;
an additional force is a measure evidently improper, but as a
preparation for war; but undoubtedly necessary in that event,
448;
this country should never resort to war but for causes the most
urgent and necessary, 448;
if the war ensues it can be proved justifiable and necessary by
facts undoubted, and universally admitted, 448;
the question, in the opinion of opponents, is reduced to this single
point--which shall we do, abandon or defend our own commercial
rights? 448;
gentlemen will not say, we have not a good cause for war, but insist
that it is our duty to define it, 448;
what do they mean by this? 448;
the objections urged, consist of an enumeration of the evils
incident to war, however just and necessary; if they have any
force, it is calculated to produce unqualified submission to
every species of insult, 448;
it is said the country is in an unprepared state, 449;
whose is the fault? 449;
it is said the nation will not pay taxes, for the defence will cost
more than the profit, 449;
the dangers of war are next held up, 449;
no disposition manifested on the part of Great Britain to relax her
oppression or to make restitution for damages, but, on the
contrary, a disposition to persist in her lawless aggressions,
450;
remonstrances against atrocities have been made, in vain, 451;
we have been plundered, oppressed, and insulted, but the day of
retribution is at hand, 451;
if the British Government would cease to violate our neutral and
national rights, our difficulties would be at an end, 451;
we must prepare to maintain the right to carry our produce to what
market we please, or to be content without a market, 452;
no objection to declare the points for which we go to war, 452;
the previous question should not be used, to put an end to this
debate, 452;
further debate, 453;
the resolutions considered as a measure of hostility, according to
the views of their advocates and as a measure of defensive
preparations, agreeable to the spirit of the Executive
recommendation, 453;
the invasion of Canada to be deprecated as an act of foreign
conquest, 454;
war to be feared from a manly dread of its consequences, 454;
retrospect of our relations with Britain since nearly the
commencement of the present Government of the United States,
455;
this view shows the expediency of increasing our regular force, 455;
by the adoption of this report, we are entering on a system of
operations of the utmost national moment, 455;
some regret that vigorous measures had not been adopted long since,
456;
why should the wise policy of the past be condemned? 457;
reasons for opposing the measure, 457;
this is to be a foreign offensive war, as regards Canada, 458;
all the belligerents had deserved war at our hands, 458;
but the policy of the Republicans had been to cherish peace, and to
avoid war, even to this time, 458;
in 1778-'9, the best interests of the country forbade war, and so
the people determined, 458;
professions of peace brought in the Republican party to power, 458;
if there were any differences between the causes of the war then,
and now, it was in favor of the former period, 458;
what were the facts? 458;
it is said to be a principle of honor to resist a first insult, 458;
impossible to perceive how the present, of all others, had become
the necessary and accepted time for war, 458;
if the country ever determines on war, any force should be voted,
459;
reasons for voting for the measure, 459;
the right of carrying our own produce, in our own ships, to any
quarter, should never be yielded, 460;
it is said, the war will be one of aggrandizement, of conquest, 460;
if we force England to a treaty, how long will she keep it? 461;
new men and new doctrines have succeeded to the old Republican
party, 462;
the nation has been brought to its present alarming and
unprecedented situation, by means in nowise unaccountable, 462;
by steps as direct and successive as the pictures of the "Rake's
Progress," 462;
America ought to be proud of her Anglo-Saxon origin, 462;
it has been asked, why was the country unprepared for defence? 463;
this is not to be a party war, it is said, 463;
"Goose Creek," 464;
_note_, 464;
second resolution carried, 464;
third resolution carried, 465;
fourth and fifth resolutions carried, 465;
sixth resolution laid on the table, 465;
taken up, 466;
what reasons are there to induce us to authorize our merchant
vessels to arm against unlawful molestation on the high seas,
467;
what is the object of this measure? 467;
resolution concurred in, 468;
report on, 554.

FOSTER, AUGUSTUS J., as British minister disclaims any knowledge of
John Henry, 522.

_France, relations with_, during John Adams' administration, _see
Index_, vol. 2.

_Franking Privilege._--_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, _Post Office_.

FRANKLIN, JESSE, Senator from North Carolina, 3, 116, 176, 252, 400,
566.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

FRANKLIN, MESHACK, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 188, 316,
425, 577.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Freedom of Conscience._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_French Refugees._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_French Spoliations_, statement and representation of Capt. Samuel
Chew, 526;
laid on the table, 527.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Frontiers, Protection of._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Fugitives from Justice._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

FULTON, ROBERT, letter relative to torpedoes, 213;
referred, 214.

G

GAILLARD, JOHN, Senator from South Carolina, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400,
566;
appointed President _pro tem._ of Senate, 179;
elected, 184.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GALLATIN, ALBERT, reports relative to barred claims, 185;
letter as Secretary of the Treasury, 188;
Secretary of the Treasury, letter of, relative to suspension of
non-importation, 714.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2.

GANNETT, BARZILLAI, Representative from Massachusetts, 124, 187, 319.

GARDENIER, BARENT, Representative from New York, 48, 124, 191, 350;
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 87;
on remunerating those who resisted the law for a direct tax, 137;
on prosecutions for libel, 139;
on the call on the President for papers, 192;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GARDNER, FRANCIS, Representative from New Hampshire, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GARDNER, GIDEON, Representative from Massachusetts, 124, 188, 316.

GARLAND, DAVID S., Representative from Virginia, 212, 315.

GARNETT, JAMES M., Representative from Virginia, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_General Officers, additional_, bill relative to, considered, 712.

_Georgia_, vote for President in 1808, 27;
in 1812, 573, 711.

_Georgia Land Claim._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

GERMAN, OBADIAH, Senator from New York, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566;
on the declaration of war, 416.

_German Language_, laws in, _see Index_, vol. 2.

GERRY, ELBRIDGE, elected Vice President, 574.
_See Index_ vols. 1, 2.

GHOLSON, THOMAS, Jr., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315,
426, 577;
on foreign relations, 53;
on the Batture at New Orleans, 151;
on the conduct of the British minister, 193;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
reports on the petition of Amy Dardin, 216;
on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 324;
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352;
on the statutes of limitations, 475;
on the British intrigues, 516.

GILES, WILLIAM B., Senator from Virginia, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400;
on the repeal of the Embargo Act, 18;
reports a bill for the enforcement of the embargo laws, 21;
on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, 23;
offers an amendment to extend non-intercourse to all foreign
nations, 118;
reports a bill to prevent abuse of privileges by foreign ministers,
169;
on the conduct of the British minister, 169;
on incorporating a bank of the United States, 275;
on an additional military force, 405.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GILMAN, NICHOLAS, Senator from New Hampshire, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400,
566;
reports the bill engrossed in favor of an additional military force,
403.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GOLD, THOMAS R., Representative from New York, 124, 187, 315, 424,
577;
on the Batture at New Orleans, 151;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
favors postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment
of representation, 224;
on the ratio of representation, 317;
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 388;
on rules and orders of the House, 468;
on making provision for a corps of engineers, 531;
on pay of the army, 584;
in favor of a naval establishment, 601;
on an additional military force, 615.

GOLDSBOROUGH, CHARLES, Representative from Maryland, 36, 124, 187,
315, 577;
on the ratio of representation, 319.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GOODRICH, CHAUNCEY, Senator from Connecticut, 3, 116, 166, 250, 400,
566;
on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, 21.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GOODWYN, PETERSON, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315,
424, 577.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Goose Creek_, _note_, 464.

GRAY, EDWIN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 188, 316, 432,
594.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GREEN, ISAIAH L., Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 424, 577.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

GREGG, ANDREW, Senator from Pennsylvania, 5, 116, 166, 264, 400, 510;
elected President _pro tem._, _see Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

GRISWOLD, STANLEY, Senator from Ohio, 121, 166.

GROSVENOR, THOMAS P., Representative from New York, 706.

GRUNDY, FELIX, Representative from Tennessee, 425, 577;
on domestic manufactures, 428;
on Indian affairs, 428;
on foreign relations, 434;
on the British intrigues, 519;
on the recall of absentees, 533;
on the bill laying an embargo, 544;
presents a bill to raise an additional military force, 547;
on the objects of the war, 641;
on war taxes, 715;
on an extra session, 717.

_Gunboats._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

H

_Habeas Corpus_, suspension of, &c., _see Index_, vol. 3.

HALE, WILLIAM, Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 319.

HALL, BOLLING, Representative from Georgia, 425, 577.

HALL, OBED, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

_Hall of the House of Representatives_, how it may be used, 214.

HAMILTON, PAUL, Secretary of the Navy, letter to Lieut. Elliot, 573.

_Hamilton, Mrs., claim of_, in the House, report on the petition of
Elizabeth Hamilton, 212;
report favors the claims of the petitioner on grounds of equity, but
declares they are barred by the statute of limitations and ought
not to be granted, 215;
the late Gen. Hamilton had no claim on the Government under the
resolution of the old Congress, 215;
no claim, notwithstanding the statute, 215;
hundreds of cases equally hard, 215;
the impoverished old soldiers should be relieved before claims of
this kind are granted, 215;
if the statute was unjust it should be repealed; if not, exceptions
should not be made but with extreme care, 215;
Gen. Hamilton in service until the close of the war, 215;
did not resign his commission by accepting a seat in Congress, 215;
Congress had relieved the daughters of Count de Grasse, 215;
the statute of limitations was never intended to bar just claims,
215;
bill ordered to be reported, 217;
bill reported and amendments proposed, 218;
passage of the bill, 218.

HARPER, JOHN A., Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

HARRIS, JOHN, Representative from New York, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

HAVEN, NATHANIEL A., Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 320.

HAWES, AYLETT, Representative from Virginia, 424, 577.

_Hazen, Charlotte_, petition of, 266.

HEISTER, DANIEL, Representative from Pennsylvania, 126, 187, 315.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

HEISTER, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36.

HELMS, WILLIAM, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 316;
against petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

HEMPSTEAD, EDWARD, Delegate from Missouri Territory, 620;
on Mississippi land claims, 702.

HENRY, JOHN, letters of, 506, 508, 509, 510, 511, 512, 513, 514;
memorial to Lord Liverpool, 514.

HICKMAN, HARRIS H., letter to Lieutenant Elliot, 573.

HILLHOUSE, JAMES, Senator from Connecticut, 3, 116, 166;
offers resolution to repeal the embargo act, 5;
on the repeal of the embargo act, 5;
resigns his seat in the Senate, 250.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

HOGE, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

HOLLAND, JAMES, Representative from North Carolina, 37, 125, 203, 315;
on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 157;
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

HOLMES, DAVID, Representative from Virginia, 36.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

_Home Manufactures in the House._--_See Index_, vol 3.

HORSEY, OUTERBRIDGE, Senator from Delaware, 250, 400, 566;
on the occupation of Florida, 255.

_House._--Meeting of 2d session of 10th Congress, 36;
assembles on 1st session, 11th Congress, 124;
adjournment of 1st session of 11th Congress, 165;
adjourns at close of 2d session of 11th Congress, 249;
meeting at 3d session of 11th Congress, 315;
meets at 1st session of 12th Congress, 424;
adjourns at close of 1st session of 12th Congress, 544;
meets at 2d session of 12th Congress, 577;
adjourns 3d session of 12th Congress, 720.

HOWARD, BENJAMIN, Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187;
presents the petition of naturalized British subjects, 46;
his proclamation as Governor of the Missouri Territory, 707.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

HOWELL, JEREMIAH B., Senator from Rhode Island, 400, 566.

HOWLAND, BENJAMIN, Senator from Rhode Island, 3.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

HUBBARD, JONATHAN H., Representative from Vermont, 124, 187, 316.

HUFTY, JACOB, Representative from New Jersey, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577.

HUMPHREYS, REUBEN, Representative from New York, 36.

HUNGERFORD, JOHN P., Representative from Virginia, 424;
declared not entitled to a seat, 432.

HUNTINGTON, EBENEZER, Representative from Connecticut, 315.

HUNTER, WILLIAM, Senator from Rhode Island, 400, 570.

HYNEMAN, JOHN M., Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 577.

I

ILSLEY DANIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.

_Impeachment._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Importation of Slaves._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Imports._--_See Duties on Imports._

_Imprisonment for Debt._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Inaugural Address_ of James Madison, on commencing his second term as
President, 575.

_Indemnity for Spoliations._ _See Index_, vol. 1., _Great Britain_.

_Indiana Territory._--Committee appointed to consider the expediency
of dividing, 87;
report of committee relative to a division of, 96.

_Indian Affairs._--In the House, a resolution offered to extend the
laws of the United States over all white persons residing on
Indian lands within the United States in which the title is not
extinguished, 428;
Indian countries have become an asylum for persons guilty of every
enormity, 428;
do not the laws of the United States at present extend to cases of
this kind, 428;
a recent case in Georgia, 428;
some defects in the present law by which petty officers escape, 428;
laid on the table, 428.

_Indian lands within a State, rights over._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Indian Trading Houses._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

INGERSOLL, JARED, voted for as Vice President in 1812, 574.

_Inoculation of the Army_, petition relative to, 709.

_Intercourse, Commercial._--In the House, bill from the Committee of
Foreign Relations considered, 352;
the bill, 353;
exempts all vessels, owned wholly or in part by American citizens,
and merchandise, from seizure or forfeiture, which have left
British ports prior to February 2d, 1811, 353;
moved to amend so as to exempt all vessels and merchandise, 353;
the amendment will at once give a clear deck, 353;
the law of May last, authorized the President to proclaim the fact,
if either France or Great Britain revoked her edicts, and
non-intercourse should ensue with the other, 353;
France revoked her edicts; Britain did not, and non-intercourse is
in force with her, 353;
this fact doubted, and should be inquired into, 353;
the bills to lay additional duties, and to authorize a loan, furnish
additional reasons for this bill, 353;
if the non-intercourse has not gone into effect, new taxes and loans
are not needed, 353;
proceedings of the Executive relative to Great Britain, 353;
the President has acted differently under two laws, which ought to
have the same practical construction, 354;
is it said, the President had no knowledge of the blockading orders
of May, or that it was avowed to be comprehended in the Orders
in Council? 354;
as to France, what are the edicts revoked, and how? 354;
the Rambouillet decree, 354;
it purports to be an act of reprisal on this country, 354;
what ought to have been the feelings of the Administration and of
the country, in relation to this measure? 355;
this is taking property under false pretences, in its nature, 355;
another view of this decree, 355;
another mistake of this Government, 355;
the practical operation of our law, 355;
apologists of the Emperor point to the act of 1st June, 355;
object in view in this examination of the decree of Rambouillet,
356;
threats and insults of the French Emperor, 356;
have these decrees been so revoked or modified as to cease to
violate the neutral commerce of the United States? 356;
these decrees have two distinct operations, 356;
the seizure of our property, and its sale, 356;
if there has been any modification, it only prevents future
seizures, leaving the property already seized to take the course
of confiscation and sale, 356;
has there been such a revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, as
warranted the proclamation? 357;
it was not credited that it could be issued on the letter of the
Duke of Cadore, 357;
what is the understanding of the French courts and officers on the
subject? 357;
the revocation, if any, was a future one, 357;
it was also conditional, 357;
puzzling to determine whether it was a condition precedent or
subsequent, 358;
the conditions on the part of England, 358;
conditions on the part of France, 358;
conditions on the part of this country, 358;
the right of not being vexed or endangered by paper blockades,
respected, 358;
the flag is to protect the property, and search is not to be
permitted, 359;
how are we to cause those rights to be respected? 359;
are we prepared for those conditions? 359;
it may be said, that the letter of the Duke of Cadore, if not itself
a decree, is evidence of a rescinding decree, 359;
the letter of Mr. Russell, 359;
moved to strike out the whole of the bill, 360;
it is a new duty for Representatives to present under a suspicious
aspect, either the motives or the acts of the Executive branch
of their Government, 360;
in no nation, ancient or modern, was such a thing seen, unless in
the last stages of corruption, 360;
the whole fact should have been stated in regard to the letter of
the Duc de Cadore, and the answer of General Armstrong, 360;
why is the President's proclamation disapproved? 360;
the letter of Mr. Erskine was not a repeal of the British orders,
360;
no difference in the ground taken by the Executive, except that one
arrangement was with Great Britain, and the other with France,
360;
shown from the correspondence, that the President did not, under the
act of the last session, require the revocation by Great
Britain, of any blockade, except that of May, 1806; and that
blockade must have been included in the demand under the act of
last session, 361;
extract from the Message of the President, 361;
declaration of our Secretary to General Armstrong, 361;
declaration of General Armstrong and the Duc de Cadore, 361;
statement of Lord Wellesley, 361;
do. 361;
thus the demand was confined to the blockade of 1806, 362;
was this blockade such a violation of the neutral rights of the
United States, as to come decidedly within the act of last
session? 362;
this blockade presents three distinct characters, 362;
1st. It obstructs a trade from one port to another, of the same
enemy; 2d. It obstructs trade from the port of one enemy to the
port of another; 3d. It obstructs trade of neutrals from their
own country to any part of the coast from the Elbe to Brest,
362;
it is in violation of the principles contended for by every
Administration under the American Government, 362;
letters of Mr. King and Mr. Marshall, 362;
some observations on the bill before the House, 363;
the construction put on the non-intercourse law is perfectly within
its object, 363;
further explanation of the law, 363;
views of the committee, 363;
unwillingness to imply by any vote, a recognition of the efficacy of
the non-intercourse law, which could not have an operative force
until May, is a motive to sustain the amendment, 364;
truth of the position as to the operation of the law, demonstrable,
364;
not answer to argue from the intention of the legislature, 364;
the words of the act are explicit, and the meaning plain, 364;
pledge contained in the act relative to commercial intercourse
between the United States and Great Britain and France, 364;
explanation of this pledge, 364;
the same proposition was presented to both the latter nations, 365;
if either would revoke its edicts, no goods or wares of the other,
should, three months thereafter, be imported into the United
States, 365;
France did so revoke her edicts, 365;
this amendment proposes to repeal the non-intercourse act, excluding
the merchandise of Great Britain, although France has so
repealed her edicts, and Great Britain has not, 365;
this is a direct breach of faith, 365;
the excuse is, that the President had no right to issue his
proclamation, and that the assurances of France were deceptive,
365;
the President is expressly instructed by the non-intercourse act to
make the proclamation, 365;
as well might the legitimacy of a treaty be questioned after it had
been ratified, 365;
how could the President act a different part upon the evidence in
the case? 365;
if this diplomatic evidence is not to be received, an end is put to
all diplomatic intercourse, 365;
if Great Britain had made the like communication, and the President
had taken the like course, what would have been said by these
gentlemen? 365;
they approve the proclamation in the case of Great Britain, but
denounce a similar proposition in the case of France, 366;
it is said, the non-intercourse act is not in force; whence do
gentlemen derive the power to declare an act of Congress not in
force? 366;
the revoked decrees of France are considered by some as more
obnoxious than the British Orders in Council, 366;
who can be an apologist of France or England, when each has charged
the other with the first aggressions on our commerce? 366;
while Great Britain finds some able advocates in this House, she
will find no necessity to redress our wrongs, 366.

In viewing the course which has been adopted this session, it is
surprising that the present measure should be called up for
adoption, 367;
it is now evident that the President was duped by the French
Emperor, and led to issue his proclamation, 367;
what has occurred to alter the face of affairs, to induce this new
attempt to fasten on the restrictive system against our
intercourse with Great Britain? 367;
the last communication from the President furnishes the most
conclusive evidence of the treachery of Bonaparte, 367;
how has the President's proclamation been verified? 368;
the remonstrance of Mr. Russell remains unanswered, and the New
Orleans packet remains under seizure to this day, 368;
after thirteen days a partial suspension of the decrees was ordered,
368;
a suspension not as to sequestration, but as to condemnation, 368;
with this statement before their eyes, will gentlemen assert that
the decrees were revoked? 368;
are we bound by any faithful performance had on the part of France?
368;
have either France or Great Britain complied with the condition?
369;
must this sacrifice be made in order to bolster up the President's
proclamation so prematurely issued? 369;
is this an honest neutrality to revive the restrictive system
against Great Britain, while the French decrees are still in
force? 369;
the present measure is intended as a propitiatory sacrifice to
conciliate Napoleon, 369;
is it calculated to produce this effect? 369;
a view of the course which has been pursued can answer, 369;
the amendments contemplate the continuance and enforcement of the
non-intercourse law, 370;
after long delay the Administration has condescended to develop
their policy, 370;
the proposition contained in these amendments has relation to the
most momentous and most elevated of our legislative obligations,
371;
the nature and effects of this commercial restrictive system are no
longer matter of speculation, 371;
only a word on its nature necessary, 371;
the system contained in the law of May, 1810, and March, 1809, is
injurious, is not fiscal in its nature, nor protective of
manufactures, nor competent to coerce either belligerent, 371;
who was ever the friend of non-intercourse? 371;
it was agreed upon because the majority could agree upon nothing
else, 372;
the system should therefore be abandoned, 372;
its advocates say we cannot abandon it, for our faith is plighted,
372;
is any such faith plighted? if so, whence did it arise? 372;
under the act of May, 1810, 372;
what is its character and the obligations arising under it? 372;
the obligations arise under a certain section, 373;
divested of technical expression, it provides that a new commercial
condition shall result on the occurrence of a certain fact,
which fact the President shall declare, 373;
the terms our act proposed was the modification or revocation of
certain edicts; the effect to be produced was that this
revocation or modification should be such as that these edicts
should "cease to violate our neutral commerce," 373;
has the act been done, and in such a manner as to amount to an
honorable fulfilment or acceptance of our terms? 373;
the occurrence of the fact of revocation involves the propriety of
the proclamation, 373;
has the fact occurred? 373;
this point examined with regard to France, 374;
letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, 374;
point of honor to be saved to France, 376;
how was Great Britain to accede to the terms? 376;
the declaration on the part of France further examined, 376;
the fact must be done and the effect produced, but the terms of that
act must be excepted, 376;
the proffer we made was only to revive the non-intercourse law
against the contumacious belligerent, after three months from
the date of the proclamation, 376;
what the French mean, 376;
our efficient concurrence in Bonaparte's plan of policy, 376;
is it possible to point out any variation in the policy of France to
this country before and since this letter? 377;
the true nature of this Cadore policy is to be discovered in the
character of Bonaparte, 377;
it is impossible to reason with those who deny that the decrees now
exist, 377;
the act now proposed is required by no obligation, 377;
the present is the most favorable moment for the abandonment of
these restrictions, 377;
the edicts of the President are far more detestable to the merchants
than those of France or George III., 377;
it is time to take our own rights into our own keeping, 378;
why not give the same credence to the letters of the Duke of Massa
and the Duc de Gaete, as would be given to a letter from the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in Great Britain? 378;
about to shut up the only avenue to our commercial hope, it is said,
378;
this point examined, 378;
extracts of letters from Liverpool, 378;
one gentleman willing to surrender the carrying trade to Great
Britain, 378;
three classes of your citizens to be provided for as contemplated in
the provisions of this bill, 379;
first, sequestrations in France, Spain, Italy, &c.; second, those
who have sailed to France under the faith of the Duke of
Cadore's letter; third, importers of British manufactures, 379;
it is to be hoped the time is not far distant when we shall assert
and defend our rights, 379;
are we prepared, after having been insulted, robbed and deceived by
the French Emperor, to follow the example of petty servile
states, and throw this people into the embraces of that monster?
379;
principal object of the amendment to renew the non-intercourse of
1809, so far as respects Great Britain, 379;
the amendment to suspend the whole restrictive system should be
adopted, 379;
this amendment changes the position recommended by the Executive,
but not much more than the bill with the amendment under
consideration, 379;
this bill would have been scouted as the production of a madman
previous to the reign of Bonaparte, 380;
we have conclusive evidence that the edicts are not so revoked that
their operation ceased on that day, 380;
how are we to cause our rights to be respected? 380;
further debate respecting the operation of the decrees, 381;
examination of the non-intercourse system from the date of the law
of March, 1809, to inquire what its professed object is, 381;
it is thus demonstrated that if we suffer this system to go into
operation, we are not only again to reduce our citizens to a
state of bankruptcy in their private fortunes, but our Treasury
is likewise to be more completely bankrupt, 382;
what has been the further effect of this law? 382;
history of its results, 383;
further remarks, 383;
correspondence examined, 384;
will the servile manner in which the rescinding the blockade is
coupled as a condition with the withdrawing the Orders in
Council, escape notice? 385;
what American can read this correspondence without laying his hand
upon his heart and exclaiming O, my Government, my Government,
now is the gold become dim, &c., 385;
after seeing how the law of May, 1810, has been used with the French
Government, until it had assumed the character of a threat,
together with the various changes of position taken by our
Government, it demonstrates a management which will not leave
much doubt whether it be indispensable to suffer this law to go
into effect as a measure of resistance against England, or good
faith to France, 385;
the proclamation was issued when there was no official information
of the repeal of the decrees, 385;
the faith of the nation is not pledged by the law of 1810, 386;
it may even be admitted that this law has all the binding force of
treaties, 387;
before France can claim a fulfilment of any such promise, she should
not only revoke her injurious acts, but it should be done fairly
and honestly, and without at the same time adopting other
measures equally injurious, 387;
is this that fair and honest repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees?
is this that _bona fide_ performance of the condition? 387;
it is an attempt to gull and deceive us by an artful, intriguing
policy, 387;
this is the favorite moment to erase the restrictive system from
your statute books, 387;
the consequences of its continuance examined, 387;
it becomes this Government, in all our concerns with the
belligerents of Europe, to manifest to both a fair, impartial
and equal conduct, 388;
has such a spirit characterized the proceedings of our Government?
388;
has a similar temper and disposition been shown to Great Britain as
to France, in the interpretation of the Cadore letter? 388;
this part of the case will not well bear scrutiny, 389;
the bill on the table is calculated much more to put in jeopardy the
neutral character of our Government, 389;
the principle of the act of May was just and equal, 389;
the most copious source of error is found in the extent of the
Berlin and Milan decrees, 389;
had France proved faithful to her engagements, the United States
would at this moment have had a prosperous commerce with Europe,
390;
why shall we at this moment make this marked distinction between
France and England? 390;
the great question is, does the fact upon which the proclamation was
alone to issue, and on which its legitimacy solely depends,
exist, or does it not exist? 391;
the very doubt ought to decide the question, 391;
such is the case that we are enabled to prove a negative, 391;
the letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, 391;
the case further examined, 392;
the purity of the source whence our arguments come has been
questioned, 393;
the order of May, 1806, has scarcely a single feature of a regular
blockade, 394;
notice of the arrangement with Mr. Erskine, 395;
if the Berlin and Milan decrees had been actually repealed, what
would we have gained? 395;
there can be no importation of American productions into France, but
on terms utterly inadmissible, 395;
it is vain to seek for the justification of this measure from any
thing France has done, 396;
the disposition of Bonaparte towards us rests not alone on his acts
of aggression, rapine and plunder, 396;
motion to postpone lost, 397;
it was contended that the Emperor of France had not fulfilled his
engagement, 397;
amendment offered, 397;
lost, 397;
further debate, 397;
previous question moved, 397;
carried, 397;
adjournment moved, 397;
lost, 397;
bill passed, 398;
the bill, 398.

_Intercourse Foreign._--Message from the President relative to the
execution of the act of 1806, appropriating two million dollars
for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending our foreign
intercourse, 26.

_Intercourse Non._--In Senate, bill to interdict commercial
intercourse, &c., read the third time, 28;
the effect of the measure must be war with Great Britain, it is
stated, 28;
what excuse is there for leaving the country in such a defenceless
state? 28;
what are our preparations? 28;
what is the state of the treasury? 28;
what plans are offered for replenishing it? 29;
if we are to have war, with whom is it to be prosecuted? 29;
under these circumstances what is the course that policy would
dictate to this country to pursue? 29;
consequences of non-intercourse under such circumstances, 30;
who has been the first aggressor? 30;
bill passed, 31.

_In the House._--Resolution previously referred, 106;
nature of the bill reported, 106;
whole subject of embargo and non-intercourse should be incorporated
in one bill, 106;
referred to committee on foreign relations, with instructions to
bring in a bill, 107;
the whole to present a general system, 107.

Bill for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United
States and Great Britain considered, 107;
moved to strike out the first section in order to try the principle
of the bill, 107;
impossibility of carrying the system into effect, 107;
rather than accept this system it would be better to remain under
the embargo, 107;
the idea of the efficacy of this system examined, 107;
for the future the remedy is--to follow nature, 108;
she dictates the removal of all obstructions, 108;
the removal of the embargo would give an opportunity for
negotiations, 108;
also show the effect of the orders and decrees, if these were not
injurious no further steps would be necessary, 108;
legal opposition to the embargo laws in Massachusetts, 108;
when did the violation of our rights commence? 108;
so long ago no time could be fixed, 108;
the hot-bed politicians stirred up the people of New England, 108;
if we cannot get war, or a continuance of the embargo,
non-intercourse should be carried into effect, 108;
England will treat before going to war, 109;
when the embargo shall cease, war will be the only honorable course,
if reparation is not made, 109;
the embargo as a precautionary and coercive measure, 110;
when the injuries were committed resistance or submission was our
only course, 110;
time to change our measures and place our future reliance in
Providence and the energies and valor of the citizens, 110;
this bill is conducive to the interests of the country, 110;
it maintains our attitude and continues our solemn protest, 110;
it reserves the great question to be decided at the next Congress,
110;
objections to the bill considered, 111;
question on striking out first section lost, 111;
the embargo should be adhered to, until a majority of the people
prefer war, 112;
there is no middle course, 112;
the great object of the United States in her foreign relations is to
maintain honorable peace, 112;
reason for resorting to the embargo, 112;
objects for which it has been pursued, 112;
why should they now be abandoned? 112;
now is the most critical period for the effect of the embargo, 112;
views of Great Britain, 113;
what will be the inference drawn from adopting this measure? 113;
firmness peculiarly requisite at this time, 113;
motion to strike out lost, 114.

_In the Senate._--Amendment to the act offered, purporting to extend
it to all public armed vessels until modified by treaty, 118;
a necessity to consider the subject arises from the limitation of
certain sections of the act, 119;
this extension should have been made at the last session, 119;
it is merely a municipal proposition, 119;
overtures of the British cabinet, 119;
motive of resisting the aggression of France, 119;
reasons why modifications should be made by treaty, 119;
Great Britain cannot complain, 119;
extract from Canning's speech, 120;
two conclusions deduced, 120;
the principle contended for not new, 120;
report on the amendment, 122.

_In the House._--Resolution to suspend the non-intercourse act
offered, 127;
bill from the Senate to revive and amend certain parts of the act
relative to non-intercourse considered, 152;
what led to the exclusion of British vessels? the attack on the
Chesapeake, 152;
shall the measure of hostility be continued after the cause has been
done away, 152;
the interdiction of the act was founded on the violation of our
rights by the belligerents, 153;
the hostility ceased when the act was passed, 153;
it was not the act, 153;
upon the passage of this bill may depend the destinies of this
country, 153;
the question is what regulation shall be made respecting public
ships, 154;
shall we exclude both--admit both, or discriminate? 154;
England has made reparation, 154;
the ground we have taken in respect to France and England reviewed,
154;
the system proposed is one of impartiality to the belligerent powers
of Europe, 155;
why were French armed ships excluded? 155;
it was considered a measure favoring Great Britain, 155;
do away every possible justification that can be urged by France for
not meeting our overtures for peace, 155;
if you wish to gain the advantage of union at home, take away every
pretext for the violation of your rights, 155;
did not this bill place the two belligerents on equal footing? 156;
state of the continent, 156;
it is said, we should not discriminate, for France has no public
armed vessels, 156;
it is not consistent with our honor and dignity to admit French
ships within our waters, 157;
if we are at peace with Great Britain are they entitled to all the
rights of hospitality one nation can show to another? 157;
this bill is a concession to Great Britain and is not a hostility to
France, 157;
what injuries has France done? 157;
if you discriminate under the same circumstances you jeopardize the
peace of the country, 157;
what has Britain done which would require a discrimination as to her
public vessels? 158;
the bill should be passed in its present form, any material
alteration will cause it to be lost, and thus will end all that
has taken place between this country and Great Britain, 158;
purport of the amendment proposed, 158;
admission of English and exclusion of French ships, 159;
cause of the interdict of British vessels, 159;
there has been no satisfactory adjustment of our difficulties with
Great Britain, 159;
proceedings adopted to obtain a direct question on the first
amendment, 159;
a precedent furnished, 159;
moved to exclude both French and English vessels, 159;
lost, 159;
amendment moved that penalties and forfeitures incurred should be
recoverable after the act had expired, 160.

A discrimination should be made, for one nation has complied with
the conditions of the non-intercourse act, whilst the other has
not changed her position, 160;
the armed vessels of either should not be admitted, 160;
should so act that neither of the belligerents could charge us with
partiality, 160;
desirable that nothing should be done to embarrass negotiations,
160;
this bill has passed the Senate unanimously, 161;
this bill does not conform to any system of policy, 161;
it is said this bill is considered as comporting with the views of
the Executive, 161;
nothing due for any boon Great Britain has given us, 162;
what is the declaration of the British minister? 162;
difficult to say what other system would be proper, 162;
bill passed, 163.

_In the Senate._--Have been for years contending against the tyranny
of the ocean, and pledged ourselves to the world not to
surrender our rights, 177;
war preferable to ignominious peace, 177;
what are the means for carrying on war? 177;
it is said, no object is attainable by war with Great Britain, 177;
it will deprive her of those supplies of raw materials obtained from
this country, 178;
it will reproduce and cherish a commercial spirit in us, 178;
this bill is a total dereliction of all opposition to the edicts of
the belligerents, 178;
motion to recommit the bill lost, 178.

Question, shall the Senate adhere to their amendments? 179;
the interests of the country require that the subject shall be
finally acted upon, 179;
committee of conference appointed, 179;
report and the question to adhere, 180;
review of the causes that led to the measures of this government,
180, 181;
it is better for Congress to rise and do nothing than to do that
which will only injure ourselves, 182;
Senate vote to adhere, 182.

J

JACKSON, F. J., his circular to British Consuls, 193.

JACKSON, JOHN G., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187;
in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 101;
on an extra session of Congress, 102;
on resolution relative to election of presidential electors in
Massachusetts, 105;
moves to postpone the consideration of a vote of approbation of the
conduct of the Executive, 129;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 158.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

JACKSON, RICHARD S., Representative from Rhode Island, 37, 124, 187,
316, 424, 577;
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 84.

_Jails of States._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS, message as President at a 2d session of 10th
Congress, 3;
franking privilege conferred on, 28;
calls extra session of the Senate, 33;
results of his administration, _note_, 114;
franking privilege granted to, 122.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

JENKINS, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37, 124, 205, 315.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

JENNINGS, JONATHAN, Delegate from Indiana Territory, 187, 315, 425,
577;
on raising mounted rangers, 650.

JOHNSON, RICHARD M., Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187, 315,
428, 577;
on foreign relations, 50;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 157;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, 352;
on foreign relations, 442;
against a naval establishment, 486;
on the limits of Louisiana as a State, 523;
offers a resolution to raise mounted volunteers, 580.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

JONES, JACOB, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, 598.

JONES, WALTER, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 188, 319.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

_Judiciary System_, bill to amend, read twice, 84, 87.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Judges, Federal_, removal of, in the House, constitution not perfect,
and provision made for amendment, 351;
the amendment is to place the judiciary on the same foundation as
the British judiciary, 351;
resolutions offered, 352;
House refused to consider, 352.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

K

KELLY, JAMES, Representative from Pennsylvania, 37.

KENAN, THOMAS, Representative from North Carolina, 37, 125, 188, 315.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

KENNEDY, WILLIAM, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 316,
709.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

KENT, JOSEPH, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577;
on an additional military force, 679.

_Kentucky._--Vote for President in 1808, 27;
in 1812, 573, 711.

KEY, PHILIP B., Representative from Maryland, 37, 124, 191, 315, 426,
577;
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 63;
on an inquiry relative to prosecutions under the sedition law, 139;
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
on reduction of the navy, 227;
on the British intrigues, 518.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 3.

KING, RUFUS, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27;
letter to Lord Grenville, 362.
_See Index_, vol. 1.

KING, WILLIAM R., Representative from North Carolina, 425, 577;
on laying additional duties, 431;
on foreign relations, 459.

KIRKPATRICK, WILLIAM, Representative from New York, 36.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

KITCHEL, AARON, Senator from N.J., 3.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

KNICKERBOCKER, HERMAN, Representative from New York, 124, 192, 316.

L

LACOCK, ABNER, Representative from Pennsylvania, 425, 577;
on the naturalization laws, 543, 715.

LAMBERT, JOHN, Senator from New Jersey, 33, 116, 166, 250, 400, 566.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Land office_, bill to establish, read second time in the Senate, 405.

_Lands, Western_, _see Index_, vols. 1, 3, _Public lands_.

LANGDON, JOHN, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27.

LAW, LYMAN, Representative from Connecticut, 424, 577;
in favor of a naval establishment, 492;
on an additional military force, 627.

LEFEVRE, JOSEPH, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424.

LEIB, MICHAEL, Senator from Pennsylvania, 21, 26, 116, 166, 250, 400,
566;
makes a report relative to foreign vessels, 122;
offers resolutions relative to demands on Great Britain, 179.
_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

LEWIS, JOSEPH, jr., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 314,
424, 577;
presents the petition of the Directors of Washington Bridge Company,
74;
presents a bill to establish a turnpike company in the District of
Columbia, 84.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Library of Congress._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Licenses, Foreign_, bill relative to passed, 718.

_Lighthouse Duties._--_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Limitation, Statutes of_, in the House, resolution requiring the
Committee on Claims to inquire into the expediency of repealing
or suspending the statutes of limitation, so far as they operate
in bar of the payment of certain claims referred, 468;
report of committee, 468;
report considered, 475;
all this class of claims, being liquidated claims, can be allowed,
so the Treasury Department states, without danger of fraud or
imposition, 475;
the amount is $300,000, of which one-fifth may not be applied for,
475;
what is the statute of limitations? 475;
in such statutes there are always exceptions, 475;
what would be the course of an individual? 475;
report not to open the act disagreed to, 475;
resolution recommending provision for their payment agreed to, 475
resolution from the committee considered and referred, 526.
_See Index_, vol. 2.

LITTLE, PETER, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577;
on pay of the army, 584;
on privateer pensions, 704;
on war taxes, 715.

LIVERMORE, EDWARD ST. LOE, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124,
191, 351;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 127;
opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the
apportionment of representation, 224.
_See Index_, vol. 3.

LIVERPOOL, Lord, his despatch to Sir George Prevost, 515.

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD, memorial relative to the Batture at Orleans, 118.
_See Index_, vols. 1, 2.

LIVINGSTON, ROBERT LE ROY, Representative from New York, 124, 187,
315, 424.

LLOYD JAMES, jr., Senator from Massachusetts, 3, 33, 117, 166, 252,
403;
on the repeal of the embargo act, 8;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain, 28;
on the postponement of the bill for additional duties, 31;
on incorporating a bank of the United States, 270;
on an increase of the navy, 405.

_Loan Bill._--In the House, the bill to authorize a loan not exceeding
the principal of the public debt, considered, 227;
no objection to the principle of the bill, 227;
doubtful as to the amount required, 227;
borrowing money, should not be called paying the public debt, 227;
all authority to borrow money should be express and specific as to
the sum, 227;
money wanted to defray the debts heretofore contracted, 227;
specific in fact, 227;
amendments proposed, 227;
bill ordered to be engrossed, 227;
further debate, 229;
bill passed, 229.

_Louisiana_ Lead Company, bill to incorporate rejected, 530.

_Louisiana Purchase._--_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

_Louisiana Territory_, petition of inhabitants, 474.
_See Territories._

_Louisiana, State of._--In the House, the bill for the admission of
Louisiana, &c., considered in Committee, 523;
amendment relative to the boundary offered, 523;
better that this addition of territory should be the subject of a
separate law, 523;
there is no difficulty in either way, 523;
the bill for admission should state the boundary, 523;
motion passed, 523;
question relative to the inhabitants of Florida Territory, attached
to this bill, 523;
passage of the bill for the admission of Louisiana, 526.

_Louisiana_, vote for President in 1812, 573, 711.

LOVE, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 316;
makes a report on petition of citizens engaged in Miranda's
expedition, 46;
favors the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American
prisoners in Carthagena, 95.
_See Index_, vol. 3.