Chapter XXXIX: Part I: Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691 (New York, 1846). This (1)

volume contains a discourse before the Historical Society of Louisiana by Henry A. Bullard, its president (originally issued at New Orleans, 1836; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,116), and sundry papers relating to La Salle, Tonty, and Hennepin, specially referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

_Same. Part II._ (Philadelphia, 1850). This volume contains a fac-simile of Delisle’s “Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi;” an account of the Louisiana Historical Society, by James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow; a discourse on the character of François-Xavier Martin; an analytical index of the documents in the Paris Archives relating to Louisiana; papers relating to De Soto (which are referred to in Vol. II. chap. iv. of the present History); a reprint of Coxe’s _Carolana_ (omitting, however, the preface and appendix); and Marquette and Joliet’s account of their journey in 1673 (referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History).

_Same. Part III._ (New York, 1851). This volume includes a memoir of H. A. Bullard; translations of La Harpe, of Bienville’s correspondence, of Charlevoix’s Historical Journal; accounts of the aborigines, including Le Petit’s narratives regarding them; De Sauvolle’s _Journal historique, 1699-1701_; with other documents relating to the period treated of in the present volume of this History, as well as papers relating to the Huguenots and Ribault (referred to in Vol. II. of this History).

_Same. Part IV._ (New York, 1852). This volume has a second title-page,—_Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, with the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin, and Anastase Douay_, by John Gilmary Shea, with a fac-simile of the newly discovered map of Marquette (New York, 1852). The contents of this volume are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

_Same. Part V._ The title in this part is changed to _Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, from the First Settlement of the Colony to the Departure of Governor O’Reilly in 1770, with Historical and Biographical Notes_ (New York, 1853). It includes translations of Dumont’s memoir, another of Champigny, with an appendix of historical documents and elucidations; and all parts of the volume mainly cover the period of the present chapter. It also contains the usual portrait of Bienville, purporting to be engraved from a copy belonging to J. D. B. DeBow, of an original painting in the family of Baron Grant, of Longueil in Canada.

A second series of Mr. French’s publications has the title, _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, including Translations of Original Manuscripts relating to their Discovery and Settlement, with Numerous Historical and Biographical Notes_. New Series, vol. i. (New York, 1869). This volume contains translations of De Remonville’s memoir (Dec. 10, 1697), of D’Iberville’s narrative of his voyage (1698), of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698 to 1722),—all of which pertain to the period of the present volume. It contains also translations of Laudonnière’s _Histoire notable de Floride_, being that made by Hakluyt (referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

_Same_, vol. ii. (New York, 1875). This volume contains, in regard to Louisiana, translations relating to La Salle, Joliet, Frontenac, and New France, which are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History, as well as the Journal of D’Iberville’s voyage (1698, etc.), and the letter of Jacques Gravier, who descended the Mississippi to meet D’Iberville,—all referred to in the present chapter. In regard to Florida, there are documents of Columbus, Narvaez, Las Casas, Ribault, Grajales, Solis de las Meras, Fontenade, Villafane, Gourgues, etc.,—(all of which are referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

It is to be regretted that French sometimes abridges the documents which he copies, without indicating such method,—as in the case of Charlevoix and Dumont.—ED.]

[118] Vol. IV. has the specific title: _Découverte par mer des bouches du Mississipi et établissements de Lemoyne d’Iberville sur le golfe du Mexique, 1694-1703_, Paris, 1880. Vol. V. is called: _Première formation d’une chaîne de postes entre le fleuve Saint-Laurent et le golfe du Mexique, 1683-1724_, Paris, 1883.

[119] [Particularly in Vol. IV. pp. 213-289, the _Journal du voyage fait à l’embouchure de la rivière du Mississipi_ (etc.). Cf. the _Journal du voyage fait par deux frégattes du roi, La Badine, commandée par M. d’Iberville, et Le Marin, par M. E. Chevalier de Surgères, qui partirent de Brest le 24 octobre, 1698, où elles avaient relâché, étant parties de Larochelle, le 5 septembre précédent_, in _Historical Documents_, third series, of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec (48 pp.), published at Quebec in 1871. See also the _Catalogue of the Library of Parliament (1858)_, p. 1613.—ED.]

[120] [See Vol. IV. p. 242.—ED.]

[121] [For example, _The Present State of the Country ... of Louisiana. By an Officer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris. To which are added Letters from the Governor_ [Vaudreuil] _on the Trade of the French and English with the Natives_, London, 1744 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 773; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 955; Sabin, no. 42,283).—ED.

[122] Gayarré, in his preface, says: “Mr. Magne (one of the editors of the _New Orleans Bee_) inspected with minute care, and with a discretion which did him honor, the portfolios of the Minister of the Marine in France, and extracted from them all the documents relating to Louisiana, of which he made a judicious choice and an exact copy. Governor Mouton, having learned of this collection, hastened, in his position as a clear-headed magistrate whose duty it was to gather together what might cast light upon the history of the country, to acquire it for account of the State.” It is understood that this Magne Collection was purchased for a thousand dollars at the instance of Mr. Gayarré. It was then deposited in the State Library; but is no longer to be found. A similar disappearance has happened in the case of some other copies which were made for Mr. Edmund Forstall, and were likewise in the State Library; and the same fate has befallen two bound volumes of copies which were made for the Hon. John Perkins while in Europe, and which were by him likewise given to the State Library. Many of these documents were included by Gayarré in his _Histoire_.

It was also by the influence of Gayarré that the Louisiana Legislature appropriated $2,000 to secure copies of papers from the Spanish Archives. It was committed to the Hon. Romulus Saunders of North Carolina, then the American minister in Madrid, to propitiate the Spanish Government in an application for permission to make copies. He failed, though zealous to accomplish it. Through the medium of Prescott recourse was then had to Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, after difficulties had been overcome, succeeded in getting copies of a mass of papers, which greatly aided Gayarré in his _Spanish Domination_. These papers, like the rest, found their way to the State Library at Baton Rouge, but disappeared in turn during the Civil War. A small part of them was discovered by Mr. Lyman Draper, of Wisconsin, in the keeping of the widow of a Federal officer, and through Mr. Draper’s instrumentality was restored to the Library. The correspondence of Messrs. Saunders, Gayangos, and Gayarré makes one of the State documents of Louisiana.

A few years since, another movement was made by Mr. Gayarré to get other papers from Spain, impelled to it by information of large diaries (said to be four hundred and fifty-two large bundles) still unexamined in the Spanish Archives, pertaining to Louisiana. The State of Louisiana was not in a condition to incur any outlay; and by motion of General Gibson a Bill was introduced into the National House of Representatives, appropriating $5,000 to procure from England, France, and Spain copies of documents relating to Florida and Louisiana. Nothing seems to have come of the effort beyond the printing of a letter of Mr. Gayarré, with his correspondence with Saunders and Gayangos, which was done by order of a committee to whom the subject was referred. The facts of this note are derived from a statement kindly furnished by Mr. Gayarré.

[There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College Library a volume marked _Papers relating to the Early Settlement of Louisiana, copied from the Originals in the Public Offices of Paris_ (1697-1753).—ED.]

[123] Xavier Eyma adopts another form in “La légende du Meschacébé,”—a paper in the _Revue Contemporaine_ (vol. xxxi. pp. 277, 486, 746), in which he traces the history of the explorations from Marquette to the death of Bienville.

[124] Norman McF. Walker on the “Geographical Nomenclature of Louisiana,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Sept., 1883, p. 211.

[125] See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[126] There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, vol. x. p. 385. See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[127] There are issues of later dates, 1722, etc.

[128] There are portraits and notices of the two in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, published at Weimar, 1802 (vol. x.).

[129] An _Atlas Nouveau_ of forty-eight maps was issued at Amsterdam, with the name of Guillaume Delisle, in 1720, and with later dates. The maps measure 25 × 21 inches.

[130] There are modern reproductions of it in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_, vol. ii., as dated 1707; in Cassell’s _United States,_ i. 475; and for the upper portion in Winchell’s _Geol. Survey of Minnesota, Final Report,_ vol. i. p. 20. The lower part of it is given in the present work, Vol. II. p. 294.

[131] _Géol. practique de la Louisiane_, p. 209.

[132] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 577.

[133] Cf. _Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers_, vii. 462. De Fer was born in 1646; died in 1720. His likeness is in _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Sept., 1803, p. 265.

[134] This map is worth about $10.00. Moll also published in 1715 a _Map of North America_, with vignettes by Geo. Vertue,—size 38 × 23 inches. Moll’s maps at this time were made up into collections of various dates and titles.

[135] This map of North America is reproduced in Lindsey’s _Unsettled Boundaries of Ontario_, Toronto, 1873. It shows a view of the Indian fort on the “Sasquesahanoch.” Moll’s _Minor Atlas, a new and curious set of sixty-two maps_, eighteen of which relate to America, was issued in London, without date, ten or fifteen years later. Cf. also “A new map of Louisiana and the river Mississipi,” in _Some Considerations on the consequences of the French settling Colonies on the Mississippi, from a gentleman of America to his friend in London_. London, 1720.

[136] Thomassy, p. 212.

[137] Senex issued a revision of a map of North America this same year, size 22 X 19 inches. Between 1710 and 1725 Senex’s maps were often gathered into atlases, containing usually about 36 maps.

[138] Thomassy, p. 214.

[139] Sabin, ix. 37,600. Ker was a secret agent of the British government, and Curl, the publisher, was pilloried for issuing the book.

[140] _Géologie practique de la Louisiane_, p. 2.

[141] Homann, b. 1663; d. at Nuremberg, 1724. There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Nov., 1801. There are extracts from the despatches of the Governors of Canada, 1716-1726, respecting the controversy over the bounds between the French and English in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 960.

[142] Sabin, xv. 64,140.

[143] His _Œuvres Géographiques_ were published collectively at Paris in five volumes in 1744-45. The atlases which pass under his name bear dates usually from 1743 to 1767, the separate maps being distinctively dated, as those of North America in 1746; those of South America in 1748; those of Canada and Louisiana, 1732, 1755, etc.

[144] The upper part of it is reproduced in Andreas’s _Chicago_, i. 59.

[145] These maps are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of Charlevoix. The map showing the respective possessions of the French, English, and Spanish is reproduced in Bonnechose’s _Montcalm et le Canada français_, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. By this the English are confined from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Florida between the Appalachian range and the sea.

[146] Thomassy, p. 219. It is said that the maps first published by Bellin were not thought by the French government sufficiently favorable to their territorial claims, and accordingly he published a new set, better favoring the French. When Shirley, speaking with Bellin, referred to this, Bellin is said to have answered, “We in France must obey the King’s command.”

[147] Page 218.

[148] Cf. his _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique_, Paris, 1755.

[149] Sabin, xv. 34,027; and xv. p. 448.

[150] Referring to the maps (1756), Smith, the New York historian (_Hist. N. York_, Albany, 1814, p. 218), says: “Dr. Mitchell’s is the only authentic one extant. None of the rest concerning America have passed under the examination or received the sanction of any public board, and they generally copy the French.” Cf. C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 15.

[151] It is also contained in the _Atlas Amériquain_, 1778, no. 335, where it is described as “traduit de l’Anglais par le Rouge,” and is dated 1777, “Corigée en 1776 par M. Hawkins.” A section of this map is also included in the blue book, _North American Boundary, Part I._, 1840.

Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 126) says: “Mitchell pushed the English claim to its utmost extreme, and denied that the French were rightful owners of anything in North America, except the town of Quebec and the trading post of Tadoussac.” This claim was made in his _Contest in America between Great Britain and France, with its consequences and importance_, London, 1757.

[152] Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 384; Sabin, vi. p. 272; Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, 15; Haven in Thomas’ _Printing_, ii. p. 525. The main words of the title are: _A General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America ... of Aquanishuonîgy, the country of the Confederate indians, Comprehending Aquanishuonîgy proper, their place of residence; Ohio and Tïiughsoxrúntie, their deer-hunting countries; Coughsaghráge and Skaniadaráde, their beaver-hunting Countries ... wherein is also shewn the antient and present seats of the Indian Nations_. _By Lewis Evans_, 1755.

The map extends from the falls of the Ohio to Narragansett Bay, and includes Virginia in the south, with Montreal and the southern end of Lake Huron in the north. It is dedicated to Pownall, and has a side map of “The remaining part of Ohio R., etc.,” which shows the Illinois country. In the lower right-hand corner it is announced as “Published by Lewis Evans, June 23, 1755, and sold by Dodsley, in London, and the author in Philadelphia.” The map measures 20-1/2 X 27-1/2 inches.

[153] Harv. Coll. Atlases, no. 354, pp. 3-6.

[154] _Hist. New York_ (1814), p. 222. Evans says: “The French being in possession of Fort Frontenac at the peace of Ryswick, which they attained during their war with the Confederates, gives them an undoubted title to the acquisition of the northwest side of St. Lawrence river, from thence to their settlement at Montreal.” (p. 14.)

[155] Harv. Col. lib’y, 6371.8; Boston Pub. lib’y [K. 11.7], and Carter-Brown, iii. 1059, 1113.

[156] The occasion of Mills’ _Report on the boundaries of Ontario_ (1873) was an order requiring him to act as a special commissioner to inquire into the location of the western and northern bounds of Ontario,—the Imperial Parliament having set up (1871), as it was claimed, the new Province of Manitoba within the legal limits of Ontario, which held by transmission the claims westward of the Province of Quebec and later those of Upper Canada.

[157] They might well have gone on under this confirmation till the king supplanted them, but they suffered themselves to be continued in office by the popular vote in three successive annual elections.

[158] This Order of King William, with fac-simile of the signature, is in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 711, the original being in the cabinet of that society.

[159] John Marshall’s diary notes under July 20, 1700, the death of Ichabod Wiswall at Duxbury, “a man of eminent accomplishment for the service of the Sanctuary.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 154. Cf. Winsor’s _Duxbury_, p. 180.

[160] Mr. Chas. W. Tuttle’s paper, “New Hampshire without provincial government, 1689-90,” in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, October, 1879, was also printed (50 copies) separately.

[161] Palfrey, iv. 375.

[162] _Diary_, i. 329.

[163] Vol. IV. p. 364.

[164] Hudson’s _Amer. Journalism_, p. 45; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 387; Haven’s _Pre-Revolutionary Bibliog._, 333 (in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Collections_). This innocent attempt to correct the floating rumors gave offence to the magistrates, as a license that should be resisted, or much worse might happen. Sewall refers to it as giving “much distaste, because not licensed, and because of passage referring to the French king and Maquas.” On the 1st of October the governor and council “disallowed” it. Mather attacked its impudence in a sharp letter the next day; and the little over-ambitious chronicle never came to a second issue. (Sewall’s _Diary_, i. 332.)

[165] See Vol. IV. p. 357; and for sources, p. 361. Sewall, under date of December 29, 1690 (_Letter book_, p. 115), writes, “I have discoursed with all sorts, and find that neither activity nor courage were wanting in him [Phips], and the form of the attack was agreed on by the Council of War.” A significant utterance of Frontenac is instanced in the same letter: “When the French injuries were objected to Count Frontenack by ours at Canada, his answer was that we were all one people; so if Albany or Hartford provoke them, they hold it just to fall on Massachusetts, Plimouth, Rode Island, or any other English plantation. In time of distress the Massachusetts are chiefly depended on for help;” and Sewall urges Mather to procure the sending of three frigates,—one to be stationed in the Vineyard Sound, another at Nantasket, and a third at Portsmouth.

[166] The charges against Andros were by this time practically abandoned, and he was commissioned governor of Virginia (see _post_, ch. iv.), while Joseph Dudley was made a councillor of New York.

[167] The charter was at once printed in Boston by Benj. Harris, 1692. It was reprinted by Neal in his _New England_, 2d ed. ii. App., and is included in various editions of the _Charter and Laws_, published since. The original parchment is at the State House, and a heliotype of its appearance, as it hangs in a glass case on the walls of the Secretary’s office, is given in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol. ii. The explanatory charter of a later year is similarly cared for. The boxes in which they originally came over are also preserved.

[168] _Diary_, i. 360. Printed copies of a proclamation by the General Court have come down to us, expressing joy at their arrival. F. S. Drake sale, no. 1126, bought by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York.

[169] May 31, 1693. _The Great Blessing of primitive Counsellors_; an appendix “To the inhabitants of the Province, &c.,” containing the vindication. It is reprinted in the _Andros Tracts_, ii. 301. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, i. p. 452.

[170] Sibley’s _Grad. of H. Univ._, i.

[171] This story is doubted. Cf. _Conn. Col. Rec. 1689-1706_. Their majesties’ letter touching the command of the militia (1694) is in the _Trumbull Papers_, p. 176.

[172] _Sewall Papers_, i. p. 386.

[173] His will is given in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1884, p. 205. Cotton Mather published in 1697 his life of Phips, as _Pietas in Patriam_; it was subsequently included in his _Magnalia_, after it had passed a second edition separately in 1699. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. p. 64.

[174] _Diary_, i. 404.

[175] The occasion was his tract _Truth held forth_, published in New York in 1695, for which he was tried at Salem in 1696. His success did not soften him, and he again assailed them in _New England Persecutors mauled with their own Weapons_ (1697). Cf. A. C. Goodell in _Essex Institute Collections_, iii.; _Sewall Papers_, i. 414-16; Dexter’s _Bibliog._, nos. 2458, 2472; _Maule Genealogy_, Philad. 1868.

[176] Bancroft, final revision, ii. 238.

[177] _Report Rec. Com._, vii. pp. 224, 228, 230.

[178] The fort had been built there in 1690. After this attack the farms were again occupied, but finally abandoned in 1704. C. W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 264, 278.

[179] April 2, 1697; he had died March 27.

[180] Pemberton Square, then elevated considerably higher than now.

[181] John Marshall’s diary, printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 153, describes the parade on Bellomont’s reception, May, 1699.

[182] Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, 232) praises him, and calls him “a true specimen of a great liberal governor.”

Cf. Frederic de Peyster’s _Life and Administration of Richard, Earl of Bellomont, governor of the provinces of N. Y., Mass., and N. H., from 1697 to 1701_. N. Y.: 1879,—an address delivered before the N. Y. Hist. Society.

Bellomont, in his speech to the General Court, advised them to succor the Huguenot clergyman of Boston, his congregation being reduced in numbers. It was five years before that (1695) the Huguenot Oxford settlement had been broken up by the Indian depredations, and nine years earlier (1686) they had first come to Massachusetts with their minister. We have lately had an adequate account of their story in Charles W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_ (N. Y., 1885, two vols.), and the “Huguenot Society of America” was established in 1884, when the first part of their _Proceedings_ was published. The earliest treatment of the subject is Dr. Abiel Holmes’s _Memoir of the French Protestants_, published in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections_ (vol. xxii. p. 1). This was largely about the Oxford settlement, which has since been further illustrated by Geo. T. Daniels in his _Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country_. Next after Holmes came Hannah F. Lee’s _Huguenots in France and America_ (Cambridge, 1843), but it is scant in matter. Somewhat later (1858, etc.), Mr. Joseph Willard considered them in his paper, “Naturalization in the American Colonies,” printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (iv. 337), showing they were not naturalized till 1731; and Lucius Manlius Sargent recalled many associations with their names in his _Dealings with the Dead_ (vol. ii. pp. 495-549). Cf. further, Ira M. Barton, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap., 1862, Ap., 1864; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (chap. by C. C. Smith), ii. p. 249; Blaikie’s _Presbyterianism in New England_ (Boston, 1881), where their church is considered the forerunner of the Presbyterian method of government; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. p. 185. The Huguenot society recognizes by their vice-presidents two other settlements of the Huguenots before 1787, in New England, beside those of Oxford and Boston, namely, one in Maine and another in Rhode Island,—the latter being commemorated by Elisha R. Potter’s _French Settlements in Rhode Island_, being no. 5 of the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, published by S. S. Rider in Providence, R. I.

[183] _Trip to New England, with a character of the country and people, both English and Indian_, Anonymous, London, 1699; second edition in _Writings of the Author of the London Spy_, London, 1704; third edition in _The London Spy_, London, 1706. (The present _History_, Vol. III. p. 373; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 2,580; Brinley, i. no. 371; Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, 1870, no. 2,278; Shurtleff’s _Desc. of Boston_, p. 53.)

[184] As a corrective of periwigs he advised the good people to read Calvin’s _Institutions_, book iii. ch. 10.

[185] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, xv. 65,689.

[186] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 211, and references.

[187] As to the part Massachusetts discontents, like Sewall and Addington, took in the founding of Yale College, compare the views of Quincy, _Harvard University_, i. 198, etc.; and of Prest. Woolsey in his _Hist. Discourse_ of Aug. 14, 1850; and Prof. Kingsley in the _Biblical Repository_, July and Oct., 1841.

The principal sources of the history of Yale College are the following: Thomas Clap’s _Annals or History of Yale College_, New Haven, 1766. F. B. Dexter on “The founding of Yale College,” in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. ii., and his _Biographical sketches of the graduates of Yale College, with annals of the college history. October, 1701-May, 1745_. N. Y. 1885. E. E. Beardsley on “Yale College and the Church,” in Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, vol. i., monograph 6. The most extensive work is: _Yale College; a sketch of its history, with notices of its several departments, instructors, and benefactors; together with some account of student life and amusements. By various authors_. 2 vols. New York. 1879. Edited by W. L. Kingsley. In this will be found a photograph of the original portrait of Gov. Elihu Yale (i. p. 37); the house of Saltonstall in 1708 (p. 48), a likeness of Timothy Cutler (p. 49) and his house (p. 49), with a plan of New Haven in 1749, and the college buildings (p. 76). A less extended account is in _The College Book_, edited by C. F. Richardson and H. A. Clark.

[188] John Marshall, in his diary, July 15, 1701, records the funeral of William Stoughton at Dorchester, “with great honor and solemnity, and with him much of New England’s glory.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 155. On July 17, Samuel Willard preached a sermon on his death, which was published. (Haven in Thomas, ii. 349.)

[189] For a portrait of Phipps, see _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1109.

[190] Dudley’s commission is in Harvard Coll. library (Sibley’s _Graduates_, ii. 176). His instructions (1702) are in the Mass. Hist. Soc., and printed in their _Collections_, xxix. 101. Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule_, etc., 235), while he praises Dudley, questions the wisdom of the ministry which selected him to govern such a province. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 166.

[191] On the 4th of June, Benj. Wadsworth preached a sermon, _King William lamented in America_ (Harv. Col. lib., 10396.74). There is a portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery (_Proceedings_, vi. 33). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, for a paper on his influence in America.

[192] Keith journeyed from New England to Carolina in 1702-4, indulging in theological controversies which produced a crop of tracts, and in 1706 he published at London _Journal of travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck_.

[193] This was printed in 1702, together with the House’s answer, and the address of the ministers to Dudley. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 349.)

[194] Col. Quarry, who was reporting on the colonies to the home government, said of New England: “A governor depending on the people’s humors cannot serve the Crown.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. p. 229.

[195] Falmouth (Portland) was the most easterly seaboard port of the English at this time.

[196] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 502.

[197] These letters are in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 126, etc. Cotton Mather took his accustomed satisfaction in calling the governor “the venom of Roxbury.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 418.

[198] See _post_, ch. vii.

[199] Referring to one source of information, common enough in New England, Palfrey (iv. 342), says: “Funeral sermons are a grievous snare to the historian.”

[200] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 389; Palfrey, iv. 304.

[201] 1709, May. “About the tenth of this month a general impress for soldiers ran through the Colony. Some say every tenth man was taken to serve in this expedition.” John Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 160.

[202] Phototypes of contemporary prints of the Four Maquas are annexed. They are reduced from originals (engraved by J. Simon after J. Veulst) in the Amer. Antiq. Society’s Gallery. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Ms. Hist. Soc._, p. 59; Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1,095, 1692; Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 44, etc. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 136; Brinley, no. 5,395; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 553; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 151, 313, 372; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vi. p. 543; Colden’s letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1868; Addison’s _Spectator_, April 27, 1711. There was published in London at the time _The Four Indian Kings’ Speech to her Majesty on the 20th April, translated into verse, with their effigies, taken from the life_. In _Mass. Archives_, xxxi., are various papers concerning these Indians,—an order for £30 for their use, the charges of a dinner given to them August 6, 1709, and other accounts (nos. 62, 76, 80-83, 87).

[203] November 16, 1710. “A day of Thanksgiving on account of success at Port Royall.” John Marshall’s diary, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 161.

[204] First ed. 1710; second, in 1715. Cf. Stevens’ _Bibl. Geog._, no. 3,039; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 216; H. M. Dexter’s address on Wise in the _Two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Church in Essex_, Salem, 1884, p. 113; and Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 429.

[205] Various petitions to the queen during 1710-11 are in the _Mass. Archives_, xx. pp. 133, 145, 152, 164, 170.

[206] Dudley on the 9th issued a proclamation for an embargo on outward-bound vessels. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 206.

[207] Annexed are engravings of a contemporary print, “Exact draft of Boston harbor,” and of a ground plan of Castle William from originals in the British Museum. See notes on the construction and history of this fortress in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 101, 127. The _Catal. of the King’s Maps in the Brit. Mus._ (i. p. 216) shows a drawn plan of the Castle, by Colonel Romer, 1705, four sheets, with a profile. Pownall’s view of Boston (1757) shows the Castle in the foreground. (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127; _Columbian Mag._, Dec., 1787; Drake’s _Boston_, folio ed.). The plan of the island as given in Pelham’s map is sketched in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127.

[208] The fleet had not been provisioned in England, in order to conceal its destination. Walker’s _Journal_ shows that in Boston Jonathan Belcher was the principal contractor for provisions, and Peter Faneuil for military stores.

[209] Published in London, 1712. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 166.) Dummer, referring to Walker’s charges, says, “They can’t do us much, if any, harm.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 144. Cf. also Dummer’s _Letter to a friend in the country on the late expedition to Canada, with an account of former enterprises, a defence of that design and the share the late M——rs had in it_. Lond. 1712. (Sabin, v. 21,199; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167.)

[210] A journal of this negotiation is printed in the _New Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg._, January, 1854, p. 26.

[211] See Vol. III., chapter on New England.

[212] Cf. papers on the Usher difficulty in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1877, p. 162.

[213] This recusant act occasioned a report from the attorney-general to the queen, cited in _Shelburne Papers_, vol. 61. Cf. _Reports Hist. MSS. Commission_, v. 228.

[214] Cf. Memoir of the Mohegans in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 73, etc.

[215] But this was not the end. It was finally settled in favor of the colony in 1771. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, i. 410, 421; De Forest’s _Indians of Conn._, 309; _The Governor and Company of Connecticut and Mohegan Indians by their guardians: Certified Copy of Book of Proceedings before the Commissioners of Review_, 1743 (usually called _The Mohegan Case_, published in 1769,—copies in Harvard College library; Brinley, no. 2,085; Menzies, no. 1,338; Murphy, no. 660). Cf. Palfrey, iv. 336, 364; _Trumbull Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xlix., index), and E. E. Beardsley on the “Mohegan land controversy,” in _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, iii. 205, and his _Life and Times of Wm. Samuel Johnson_.

[216] Palfrey, _New Eng._, iv. 489, 495; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 277.

[217] Jeremiah Dummer, however, writes, January, 1714, of Col. Byfield, then in England, that he is “so excessively hot against Col. Dudley that he cannot use anybody civilly who is for him.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 198.

[218] This tribune of the people, however, did not long survive his victory, but died October 31, 1715, aged seventy-eight.

[219] Dr. Palfrey amply illustrates the reciprocal influence of the old and new politics. Cf. Dr. Ellis in _Sewall Papers_, iii. 46. There is no more pointed evidence, however, of the scant interest taken by the wits of London in the current politics and customs of the American colonies than the fact that among the multitudinous pictorial satires of the period, preserved in the British Museum and noted in its _Catal. of prints, Satires_ (ii., iii., and iv., 1689-1763), there is scarce a single purely American subject. One or two about the confronting of the English and French in the Ohio valley, and incidentally touching English successes in American waters, are the only ones noted in a somewhat careful examination. _Catal. of prints in the Brit. Mus. Satires_, iii. pp. 927, 972, 1100.

[220] Mather was very complacent over this event, and called Shute of a “very easy, candid, gentlemanly temper.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 420.

[221] Discussions of the king’s rights to the woods of Maine and New England are in the documents (1718-1726, etc.) collected in Chalmers’s _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 110, 115, 118, 136, 138.

[222] Cf. Barry, _Mass._, ii. 109.

[223] But compare a paper by Geo. H. Moore in _Boston Daily Advertiser_, May 12, 1882.

[224] Cotton Mather would have it that the governor was not at fault, when he called him “a person born to make every one easy and happy, that his benign rays can reach unto,” as he said in a letter of Nov. 4, 1758, printed in the _Flying Post_ of May 14-16, 1719. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.)

[225] See _post_, ch. vii., Shute’s letter to “Ralleé,” Feb. 21, 1718, in which he says that if war occurs it will be because of the urging of the popish missionaries. (_Mass. Hist. Col._, v.)

[226] Cf. Edw. Eggleston on “Commerce in the Colonies” in _The Century_, xxviii. 236; also Macy’s _Nantucket_. The practice of taking whales in boats from the shore is said to have been introduced into Nantucket by Ichabod Paddock from Cape Cod. “Nantucket men are the only New England whalers at present,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., 1747, vol. i. p. 59; also p. 296).

[227] J. L. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manuf._ (1861), i. p. 491.

[228] Cf. on parliamentary restrictions of their trade, Edw. Eggleston in _The Century_, vol. xxviii. p. 252, etc. See on industries of the province, Palfrey, iv. 429; Lodge’s _Eng. Colonies_, 410, 411; also the tracts: _Brief account of the state of the Province of Mass. Bay, civil and ecclesiastical_, _by a lover of his country_ (1717), and _Melancholy circumstances of the Province_ (1719). Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 382. Sir Josiah Child in 1677 had expounded for the first time the restrictive system in his _New Discourse of Trade_, which was not, however, published in London till 1694, but was various times reprinted later. He called New England “the most prejudicial plantation to the kingdom of England,” inhabited as it was “by a sort of people called puritans.” Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 328, 330, 332; Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 208. Otis in his speech on the Writs of Assistance cites Child, as well as Joshua Gee’s _Trade and Navigation of Great Britain Considered_ (London, 1729), which was the first to make evident the policy of making the colonies subserve the public revenue, as they already under the navigation acts bettered the private trade of the mother country. This book was reprinted at London in 1730, 1738, and at Glasgow in 1735, 1760, and in “a new edition, with many interesting notes and additions by a merchant,” in 1767. Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 335, 350; Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty_ (1882), 216.

[229] They settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, and gave the name of Londonderry (whence in Ireland they came) to the new town. Cf. Parker’s _Hist. of Londonderry, N. H._; and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 1.

[230] Cf. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_, i. 331.

[231] _Record Com. Rept._, viii. 157.

[232] The Boston ministers, Mather, Wadsworth, and Colman, issued a flying sheet in 1719, _A Testimony against Evil Customs_, in which they regretted that ordinations, weddings, trainings, and huskings were made the occasion of unseemly merriment, and that lectures were not more generally attended. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.) Lodge (_Short Hist. Eng. Colonies_, 463) indicates the change which converted the simple burial of the early colonists to an ostentatious display in the provincial period.

[233] When young men like Franklin were pondering on Collins and Shaftesbury, liberalism was alarming.

[234] April 2, 1720.

[235] Josiah Quincy’s _History of Harvard University_, i. ch. xi.

[236] Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. ch. xiv.; and monograph vi. by E. E. Beardsley in the same. Sprague’s _Amer. Annals_, v. 50.

[237] Douglass claims that it was he who drew the attention of that “credulous vain creature, Mather, jr.,” to the account of inoculations in the _Philosophical Transactions_, xxxii. 169.

[238] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 448, 449.

[239] The inoculation controversy produced a crowd of tracts. Cf. Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. pp. 388-393, 395, 420-422, 444, 456, 515,—extending over thirty years; _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,645, etc.; Hutchinson, ii. 248; Barry, ii. 115; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 535. Franklin wrote _Some account of the success of inoculation for the small-pox in England and America_, which was printed in London in 1758 (8 pp.), and is reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xvii. 7.

[240] The most distinguished of the Boston printers was Bartholomew Green, who died in 1733. Cf. Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, and ch. vii. and viii. of Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_ (1861).

[241] Franklin’s paper, however, did much to arouse the ministers to the conception of the fact that there was a force in the public press to direct the public sense, superior to the power of the pulpit, which must perforce be content with a diminishing power.

[242] This was published in London and Boston, 1721 (again Boston, 1721, 1768, and London, 1765). Sabin, v. no. 21,197; Carter-Brown, iii. 300. Tyler (_Am. Lit._, ii. 119) is in error in placing its publication in 1728. The tract has been greatly praised. James Otis referred to it with commendation in his great Writs-of-Assistance speech. John Adams (_Works_, x. 343) calls it “one of our most classical American productions.” Tudor (_Life of Otis_, ch. vi.) thinks that in point of style it vies with any writing before the Revolution. Grahame (iii. 72) says it has a great deal of interesting information and ingenious argument. Bancroft (revised ed., ii. 247) gives it credit for influence, and makes a synopsis.

[243] Sabin, xv. 65,582.

[244] See _post_, ch. vii.

[245] See _post_, ch. vii.

[246] Of John Wentworth (b. 1672), lieut.-gov. of N. H. from 1717 to his death, in 1730, there is a portrait in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 16; _Proceedings_, i. 124. Blackburn’s portrait of him is engraved in the _Wentworth Genealogy_, which gives a full account of the family, embracing the genealogical material earlier published in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1850, p. 321; 1863, p. 65; 1868, p. 120; also, 1878, p. 434.

[247] Cf. Caleb Heathcote’s charges (1719) on this point in _R. I. Col. Rec._, iv. 258; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, April, 1885, p. 270^a.

[248] See Vol. III. p. 379.

[249] Papers relating to the governor’s memorial are noted in _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 15,486. _The Report of the Lords of the Committee upon Governor Shute’s Memorial with his Majesty’s Order in Council thereupon_, was printed in Boston in 1725. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.4; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 402.)

[250] It is spread on the Boston Records. Cf. _Rec. Com. Rept._, viii. 178.

[251] See _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 32.

[252] This document is in the _Mass. State Archives_. It was printed in Boston in 1725 (pp. 8), and has been since included in the several collections of Charters and Laws. The original parchment hangs in the office of the secretary of the commonwealth. Cf. _Report to the Legislature of Massachusetts upon the Condition of the Records, Files, Papers and Documents in the Secretary’s Department, January, 1885_, pp. 15, 16.

[253] Fort Dummer was repaired in 1740. On determining the bounds between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, it was brought within the latter province. (B. H. Hall, _Eastern Vermont_, i. 15, 27; Temple and Sheldon, _Northfield_, 199; Shirley, letter, Nov. 30, 1748, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 106; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v.)

[254] It seems to have been a satisfaction to Cotton Mather, that “the hairy scalp of Father Rallee paid for what hand he had in the rebellion into which he infuriated his proselytes.” Cf. Cotton Mather’s _Waters of Marah Sweetened_ (Boston, 1725), an essay on the death of Capt. Josiah Winslow in a fight with the Indians at Green Island, May 1, 1724.

[255] See post, ch. vii.

[256] It was not till 1773 that a compromise fixed the western line of Massachusetts, and not till 1787 was it finally run.

[257] Cf. Dr. Douglass, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 172.

[258] “The great misery of Cotton Mather was his vanity; and this gangrene, first applying to his literary, then to his social, may ultimately have tainted his moral, reputation, in the judgment of his fellow citizens.” Jas. Savage in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxii. 129.

[259] Corner of Kilby and State streets, according to present names.

[260] A Poem, _presented to his excellency William Burnet [t], Esq.; on his arrival at Boston_ [Boston, 1728?] 5 pp., is not to be confounded with this poem by Mather Byles.

[261] _Rec. Com. Report_, viii. 226. (Sept. 30, 1728.)

[262] _A Collection of the Proceedings of the Great and General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, containing several instructions from the Crown, to the Council and Assembly of that province, for fixing a salary on the governour, and their determinations thereon, as also the methods taken by the Court for supporting the several Governours, since the arrival of the present charter._ Boston, 1729. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.6; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 434). Cf. Jeremiah Dummer’s _Letter dated Aug. 10, 1729, on the Assembly fixing the governor’s salary_. (Sabin, v. 21,200; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 418.) Year after year the effusive arguments on the House’s side are spread upon the town records, in the instructions given to the members from Boston.

[263] Haven in Thomas, ii. 418.

[264] Thomas Foxcroft, however, delivered (Aug. 23, 1730) a century sermon, to commemorate the founding of Boston, which is printed. (Haven’s list in Thomas, ii. p. 421.)

[265] Alexander Blaikie’s _Hist. of Presbyterianism in New England_, Boston, 1881,—a book unskilful in literary form and unwise in spirit. A far better book is Chas. A. Briggs’s _Amer. Presbyterianism, its Origin and Early History_, New York, 1885,—a book showing more research than any of its predecessors. Cf. also Chas. Hodge’s _Constitutional Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ (Phil. 1851); Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in America to 1760_ (Phil. 1857); E. H. Gillett, _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ revised ed. (Phil. 1864), etc.

[266] “Belcher was not a paper money governor,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., i. 377); “he was well acquainted in the commercial world.”

[267] Cf. his _Faithful narrative of the surprising work of God in the conversion of many hundred souls, etc. Written on November 6, 1736, with a preface by Dr. Watts_, etc., London, 1737 (two editions); and “with a shorter preface added by some of the ministers of Boston,” third ed., Boston, 1738. (Cf. _Prince Catal._, p. 22; and Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 563, 577, 578.) After the coming of Whitefield, he published _Some thoughts concerning the present revival of Religion_ (Boston, 1742; Edinburgh, 1743; Worcester, 1808),—perhaps the strongest presentation of the revivalists’ side. Cf. Dexter’s _Bibliography_, no. 3092; Quincy’s _Harvard University_, ii.; _Poole’s Index_, p. 393. A Catholic view of the successive New England modifications of faith since Jonathan Edwards is in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev._, x. 95 (1885).

[268] Cf. annexed extract from Popple’s _British Empire in America_. The maps of Herman Moll are the chief ones, immediately antecedent to Popple’s. One of Moll’s, called “New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania,” is in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in America_, 1708. In 1729 he included what he called a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania” in his _New Survey of the Globe_. It singularly enough omits the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. A somewhat amusing transformation of names is found in a map published by Homann, at Nuremberg, _Nova Anglia Anglorum Coloniis florentissima_. David Humphrey’s _Hist. Acc. of the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_ has also a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, by H. Moll, geographer,” in which the towns are marked to which missionaries had been sent. It is dated 1730.

Douglass in 1729, referring to maps of New England, wrote, “There is not one extant but what is intolerably and grossly erroneous.” In the same letter Douglass gives some notion of the uncertain cartography of that day. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 186.

[269] Chauncy is claimed by the modern Universalists as prefiguring their faith. Cf. Whittemore’s _Modern Hist. of Universalism_; and _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 488. See the characterization of Chauncy in Tyler’s _Amer. Literature_, ii. 200; and his portrait in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 226.

[270] _Summary_, etc., i. p. 250.

[271] The expostulatory and polemical literature of the “Great Awakening in New England” is abundantly set forth in Haven’s list appended to the Antiq. Soc. ed. of Thomas’s _History of Printing_, vol. ii., and in the _Collections towards a bibliog. of Congregationalism_, appended by Dr. H. M. Dexter to his _Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, to be found in chronological order in both places between 1736 and 1750; and in the _Prince Catalogue_, p. 65. Thomas Prince supported, and his son published, during the excitement, a periodical called _The Christian History, containing accounts of the revival and propagation of religion in Great Britain, America, etc._ (March 5, 1743, to February 23, 1744-5, in 104 numbers). Cf. Thomas, _Hist. Printing_, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 66. A letter of Chas. Chauncy to Mr. George Wishart, concerning the state of religion in New England (1742), is printed in the _Clarendon Hist. Soc. Reprints_, no. 7 (1883). Chauncy’s _Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England_, Boston, 1743, is the main expression of his position in the controversy, followed up by a _Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield_, (Boston, 1743), in vindication of passages in the _Seasonable Thoughts_ which Whitefield had controverted. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 813, for this and other tracts of that year.) Whitefield’s journals were frequently issued (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 631-34, 669-70), and the most comprehensive of the modern Lives of Whitefield is that by Tyerman (London, 1876). _Poole’s Index_ (p. 1406) gives the clues to the mass of periodical literature on Whitefield. Cf. Tracy’s _Great Awakening_ (1842). In Connecticut the controversy between the New Lights (revivalists) and the Old Lights took on a more virulent form than in Massachusetts. (Cf. Trumbull, Hollister, etc.) About the best of the condensed narratives of the “Great Awakening” is that of Dr. Palfrey in his _Compendious Hist. of New England_, iv. ch. 7 and 8, the latter chapter outlining the course of the commotion in Connecticut.

[272] Cf. Ellis Ames’ paper on the part taken by Massachusetts in this expedition, with extracts from the Council Records. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1881, vol. xviii. p. 364.

“1740, Apr. 17. Orders arrived [in Boston] to declare the warr in form against Spain, and accordingly it was proclaimed with the usual solemnity at Boston the twenty-first.” “Oct. 1740. Five companies, the quota of Massachusetts for the West Indian expedition, sailed.” Paul Dudley’s diary in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1881, pp. 29, 30.

[273] Sabin, xv. 65,585, with a long list of Prince’s other publications.

[274] See. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 202; _Amer. Mag._ (1834), i. p. 81.

[275] Cf. sketch of the history of the Navigation Laws in Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, ii. ch. 2.

[276] Cf. ch. viii. of W. E. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_ (_Rhode Island Tracts_, no. 19), tracing these restrictions of trade as a proximate cause of the Amer. Revolution, and his references. A petition of the town of Boston in 1735, to the General Court, asking for relief from taxation, sets forth the condition of trade at this time, and gives the following schedule of the cost of maintaining the town’s affairs: For the poor, £2,069; the watch, £1,200; ministry, £8,000; other purposes, £4,630; county tax, £1,682; imposts, £1,400. _Boston Town Records_ (1729-1742), p. 120.

[277] The correspondence between Belcher and Waldron is in the keeping of the N. H. Hist. Soc., and some of it is printed in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 866, etc.

[278] There is a view of the Wentworth house at Newcastle in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 199; and in John Albee’s _Newcastle historic and picturesque, Boston_, 1884, p. 70. For the old “Province House,” see Ibid. p. 36.

[279] _A proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity, by a college to be erected in the Summer islands, otherwise called the isles of Bermuda._ London. 1725. Berkeley published this tract anonymously.

[280] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 94.

[281] Cf. D. C. Gilman on Berkeley’s gifts to Yale College in _New Haven Col. Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. i. See the house in Mason’s _Newport_, p. 73, and in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, i. pp. 532, 545

[282] Cf. Moses Coit Tyler’s “Dean Berkeley’s sojourn in America” in Perry’s _Hist. of the Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. 519; A. C. Fraser’s _Works of Berkeley_, with _Life and Letters of Berkeley_, Oxford, 1871, and his subsequent _Berkeley_, 1881. Some letters of Berkeley from Newport, among the Egmont MSS., are printed in _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, vii. 242. Cf. also D. C. Gilman in _Hours at Home_, i. 115; Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 162; E. E. Beardsley in _Amer. Church Rev._, Oct. 1881; Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii. 266; Noah Porter’s _Two Hundredth Birthday of Bishop Berkeley_ (New York, 1885); Sprague’s _Amer. Pulpit_, v. 63, and references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 114. Douglass poked fun at Berkeley in his own scattering way. _Summary_, i. p. 149.

[283] Cf. Sheffield’s address on _The Privateersmen. of Newport_.

[284] Cf. _Hist. Sketch of the fortification Defences of Narragansett Bay_, by Gen. Geo. W. Cullum (Washington, 1884).

[285] The ministers of Boston in a memorial, Dec. 5, 1737, did what they could to counteract the machinations of Belcher’s enemies. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxii. 272.

[286] John Adams, with something of the warring politician’s onset, says of Shirley that he was a “crafty, busy, ambitious, intriguing, enterprising man; and having mounted to the chair of this province, he saw in a young, growing country vast prospects of ambition opening before his eyes, and conceived great designs of aggrandizing himself, his family, and his friends.” _Novanglus_, in _Works_, iv. 18, 19.

[287] Cf. Elias Nason’s _Life of Sir Henry Frankland_; Dr. O. W. Holmes’ Poem of “Agnes;” _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 526; and the Appendix to the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_.

[288] His portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Gallery is engraved in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 260. There is a steel engraving in the _Mag. of Am. Hist._, Aug., 1882. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 77.

[289] New England had under 400,000 population at this time, of whom 200,000 were in Mass., 100,000 in Conn., and Rhode Island and New Hampshire had about 30,000 each.

[290] Lotteries were becoming in Massachusetts a favorite method of raising money in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Cf. H. B. Staples on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 9; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 503.

[291] A Boston fisherman, who had seen the burning fort at Canseau, gave the colonies notice of the outbreak of the war. Shirley at once sent a message to Gov. Mascarene at Annapolis to hold out till he could be reinforced. The messenger being captured, the French vessels had time to escape before Capt. Edward Tyng, who left Boston July 2d with a force, could arrive. He reached Annapolis July 4, to find Le Loutre and his Indians besieging the town. The enemy withdrew; Tyng threw men into the fort, and by the 13th was back in Boston. Capt. John Rouse, the Boston privateersman, had also been sent off during the summer, and had made havoc among the French fishing stations on the Newfoundland shore.

[292] See _post_, ch. vii.

[293] _R. I. Col. Record_, v. 100, 102.

[294] Shirley despatched expresses the next day. His letter to Wanton, of Rhode Island, urged him to store up powder. A few weeks later, Phips, the lieutenant-governor, writes to the governor of Rhode Island, Aug. 14, 1745: “This province is exhausted of men, provisions, clothing, ammunition, and other things necessary for the support of the garrison at Louisbourg. If his Majesty’s other provinces and colonies will not do something more than they have done for the maintaining of this conquest, we apprehend great danger that the place will fall into the enemy’s hands again.” _R. I. Col. Records_, v. p. 142.

[295] Cf. _A brief state of the services and expences of the Province of Massachusetts Bay in the common cause._ London, 1765. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1467.)