Chapter XLVI: Part I: Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691 (New York, 1846). This (8)

[1202] It is printed in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 19. The treaty between Keith and the Five Nations at Albany, Sept., 1722, was printed that year in Philadelphia, as were treaties at a later date at Conestogoe (May, 1728) and Philadelphia (June, 1728), made with the Western Indians. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 189, 356. There were reports in 1732 of the French being then at work building near the Ohio “a fort with loggs” (_Penna. Archives_, i. 310), and delivering speeches to the Shawanese (_Ibid._, p. 325).

[1203] Cf. C. C. Royce on the identity and history of the Shawnees in _Mag. of West. History_, May, 1885, p. 38.

[1204] Walker’s _Athens Co., Ohio_, p. 5.

[1205] Printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 49, and in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 885.

[1206] The Ohio was the division between Canada and Louisiana. Cf. Du Pratz, Paris, 1758, vol. i. 329.

[1207] _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, vols. i. and iii. (p. 141).

[1208] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, octavo ed., i. p. 15.

[1209] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 163, 319; ii. 407. It was printed in English by Franklin in 1757. (_Franklin’s Works in the Boston Public Library_, p. 40.) A journal of his mission to the Ohio Indians in 1748 is given in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. (1853) p. 23. Cf. T. J. Chapman in _Mag. of West. Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 631.

[1210] There is an abstract of Trent’s Journal in Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 23.

[1211] _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 85. Cf. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 296, and Mr. Russel Errett on the Indian geographical names along the Ohio and the Great Lakes in the _Mag. of West. Hist._, 1885.

[1212] C. C. Baldwin’s _Indian Migrations in Ohio_, reprinted from the _Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1879; _Mag. of West. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 41; Hiram W. Beckwith’s paper on the _Illinois and Indiana Indians_, which makes no. 27 of the _Fergus Historical Series_. It includes the Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, Foxes and Sacks, and Pottawatomies. Cf. Davidson and Struvé’s _Hist. Illinois_, 1874, ch. iv., and the reference in Vol. IV. p. 298.

[1213] _Pontiac_, i. 32.

[1214] W. R. Smith’s _Wisconsin_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Breese’s _Early Hist. of Illinois_. The more restricted application of this term is seen in a “plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, with a part of the River Mississippi, by Thomas Hutchins;” showing the position of the old and new Fort Chartres, which is in Hutchins’ _Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. (London, 1778, and Boston, 1787), and is reëngraved in the French translation published by Le Rouge in Paris, 1781. This same translation gives a section of Hutchins’ large map, showing the country from the Great Kenawha to Winchester and Lord Fairfax’s, and marking the sites of Forts Shirley, Loudon, Littleton, Cumberland, Bedford, Ligonier, Byrd, and Pitt. Logstown is on the north side of the Ohio. The portages connecting the affluents of the Potomac with those of the Ohio are marked. The map is entitled: _Carte des environs du Fort Pitt et la nouvelle Province Indiana, dediée à M. Franklin_. The province of Indiana is bounded by the Laurel Mountain range, the Little Kenawha, the Ohio, and a westerly extension of the Northern Maryland line, being the grant in 1768 to Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and George Morgan.

[1215] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 325. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 266) says “there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian affairs,” and the surrender “through negligence was not made by the execution of a formal deed under seal.” Cf. _French encroachments exposed, or Britain’s original right to all that part of the American continent claimed by France fully asserted.... In two letters from a merchant retired from business to his friend in London._ London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,115.)

[1216] James Maury in 1756, referring to Evans’ map, says, “It is but small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson’s, consequently crowded. It gives an attentive peruser a clear idea of the value of the now contested lands and waters to either of the two competitor princes, together with a proof, amounting to more than a probability, that he of the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes must in the course of a few years become sole and absolute lord of North America.” Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 387. T. Pownall’s _Topographical description of such parts of North America as are contained in the (annexed) map of the British middle colonies, etc., in North America_ (London, 1776) contains Evans’ map, pieced out by Pownall, and it reprints Evans’ preface (1755), with an additional preface by Pownall, dated Albemarle Street (London), Nov. 22, 1775, in which it is said that the map of 1755 was used by the officers during the French war, and served every practicable purpose. He says Evans followed for Virginia Fry and Jefferson’s map (1751), and that John Henry’s map of Virginia, published by Jefferys in 1770, enabled him (Pownall) to add little. For Pennsylvania Evans had been assisted by Mr. Nicholas Scull, who in 1759 published his map of Pennsylvania, and for the later edition of 1770 Pownall says he added something. As to New Jersey, Pownall claims he used the drafts of Alexander, surveyor-general, and that he has followed Holland for the boundary line between New Jersey and New York. Pownall affirms that Holland disowned a map of New York and New Jersey which Jefferys published with Holland’s name attached, though some portions of it followed surveys made by Holland. What Pownall added of New England he took from the map in Douglass, correcting it from drafts in the Board of Trade office, and following for the coasts the surveys of Holland or his deputies. Pownall denounces the “late Thomas Jefferys” for his inaccurate and untrustworthy pirated edition of the Evans map, the plate of which fell into the hands of Sayer, the map publisher, and was used by him in more than one atlas.

[1217] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 330.

[1218] This deed is in Pownall’s _Administration of the Colonies_, London, 1768, p. 269.

[1219] Evans’ map of 1755 is held to embody the best geographical knowledge of this region, picked up mainly between 1740 and 1750. The region about Lake Erie with the positions of the Indian tribes, is given from this map, in Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 83. This author mentions some instances of axe-cuts being discovered in the heart of old trees, which would carry the presence of Europeans in the valley back of all other records.

There are stories of early stragglers, willing and unwilling, into Kentucky from Virginia, after 1730. Collins, _Kentucky_, i. 15; Shaler, _Kentucky_, 59. A journey of one John Howard in 1742 is insisted on. Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, 67; Butler’s _Kentucky_, i., introd.; _Memoir and Writings of J. H. Perkins_, ii. 185.

[1220] _Five Nations._

[1221] _Administration of the Colonies._

[1222] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 326.

[1223] This has been reprinted as no. 26 of the _Fergus Hist. Series_, “with notes by Edward Everett;” certain extracts from a notice of the address, contributed by Mr. Everett to the _No. Amer. Review_ in 1840, being appended. A recent writer, Alfred Mathews, in the _Mag. of Western History_ (i. 41), thinks the Iroquois conquests may have reached the Miami River. Cf. also C. C. Baldwin in _Western Reserve Hist. Tracts_, no. 40; and Isaac Smucker in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, 1882, p. 408.

J. H. Perkins (_Mem. and Writings_, ii. 186) cites what he considers proofs that the Iroquois had pushed to the Mississippi, but doubts their claim to possess lands later occupied by others.

Franklin’s recapitulation of the argument in favor of the English claim is in Sparks’ _Franklin_, iv. 324; but Sparks (_Ibid._, iv. 335) allows it is not substantiated by proofs, and enlarges upon the same view in his _Washington_, ii. 13.

[1224] Colden’s official account of this conference and treaty was printed in Philadelphia the same year by Benjamin Franklin: _A Treaty held at the Town of Lancaster in Pennsylvania by the Honourable the lieutenant governor of the Province, and the Commissioners for the provinces of Virginia and Maryland, with the Indians of the Six Nations in June, 1744_. There is a copy in Harvard College library [5325.38]. Quaritch priced a copy in 1885 at £6. 10_s._ Cf. Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 879; Brinley, iii. no. 5,488; Carter-Brown, iii. 785, with also (no. 784) an edition printed at Williamsburg the same year. There was a reprint at London in 1745. It was included in later editions of Colden’s _Five Nations_. Cf. J. I. Mombert’s _Authentic Hist. of Lancaster County_, 1869, app. p.51. The journal of William Marshe, in attendance on the commissioners, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Collections_, vii. 171. Cf. Wm. Black’s journal in _Penna. Mag of Hist._, vols. i. and ii. Black was the secretary of the commission, and his editor is R. A. Brock, of Richmond. Stone, in his _Life of Sir Wm. Johnson_, i. 91, gives a long account of the meeting. See the letter of Conrad Weiser in Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 316, wherein he gives his experience (1714-1746) in observing the characteristics of the Indians. Weiser was an interpreter and agent of Pennsylvania, and a large number of his letters to the authorities during his career are in the _Penna. Archives_, vols. i., ii., and iii. The _Brinley Catal._, iii. p. 105, shows various printed treaties with the Ohio Indians of about this time. Those that were printed in Pennsylvania are enumerated in Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 852, 870, 907, etc.; and those printed by Franklin, as most of them were, are noted in the _Catal. of Works relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. 39.

[1225] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 134.

[1226] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,099; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,092. The French posts north of the Ohio in 1755, according to the _Present State of North America_, published that year in London, were Le Bœuf and Venango (on French Creek), Duquesne, Sandusky, Miamis, St. Joseph’s (near Lake Michigan), Pontchartrain (Detroit), Michilmackinac, Fox River (Green Bay), Crèvecœur and Fort St. Louis (on the Illinois), Vincennes, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and at the mouths of the Wabash, Ohio, and Missouri. A portion of Gov. Pownall’s map, showing the location of the Indian villages and portages of the Ohio region, is given in fac-simile in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. Cf. map in _London Mag._, June, 1754; Kitchin’s map of Virginia in _Ibid._, Nov., 1761; and his map of the French settlements in _Ibid._, Dec., 1747.

James Maury (1756) contrasts the enterprise of the French in acquiring knowledge of the Ohio Valley with the backwardness of the English. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 394.

Smith (_New York_, ii. 172), referring to the period of the alarm of French encroachments on the Ohio, speaks of its valley as a region “of which, to our shame, we had no knowledge except by the books and maps of the French missionaries and geographers.”

A tract called _The wisdom and policy of the French, ... with observations on disputes between the English and French colonists in America_ (London, 1755) examines the designs of the French in their alliance with the Indians.

[1227] Beauharnois’ despatches about Oswego begin in 1728 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 1,010). That same year Walpole addressed a paper on the two posts to the French government, and with it is found in the French archives a plan of Oswego, “fait à Montreal 17 Juillet, 1727, signé De Lery.” The correspondence of Gov. Burnet and Beauharnois is in _Ibid._, ix. p. 999. The plan just named is also in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i., in connection with papers respecting the founding of the post. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 273) holds that the French purpose to demolish the works at Oswego in 1729 caused a reinforcement of the garrison, which deterred them from the attempt. Smith says of the original fort there that its situation had little regard to anything beside the pleasantness of the prospect. Burnet, the New York governor, exerted himself to destroy the trade between Albany and Montreal, and the report of a committee which he transmitted to the home government is printed in Smith’s _New York_ (Albany, 1814 ed., p. 246); but in 1729 the machinations of those interested in the trade procured the repeal of the restraining act. (_Ibid._, 274; cf. Smith, vol. ii. (1830) p. 97.) At a late day (1741) there is an abstract of despatches to the French minister respecting Oswego in the _Penna. Archives_ (2d ser., vi. 51), and a paper on the state of the French and English on Ontario in 1743 is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 227.

[1228] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 386.

[1229] O. H. Marshall on the Niagara frontier, in the _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publications_, vol. ii. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 268) says that “Charlevoix himself acknowledges that Niagara was a part of the territory of the Five Nations; yet the pious Jesuit applauds the French settlement there, which was so manifest an infraction of the treaty of Utrecht.”

A view of the neighboring cataract at this period is given by Moll on one of his maps (1715), and is reproduced in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 541.

[1230] Of the occupation of Crown Point by the French, Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 279) says: “Of all the French infractions of the treaty of Utrecht, none was more palpable than this. The country belonged to the Six Nations, and the very spot upon which the fort stands is included within the patent to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany, granted in 1696.” Again he says (p. 280): “The Massachusetts government foresaw the dangerous consequences of the French fort at Crown Point, and Gov. Belcher gave us the first intimation of it.” It was not till 1749 that there were reports that the French were beginning to plant settlers about Crown Point. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 20.) Jefferys published a map showing the grants made by the French about Lake Champlain.

The English fort at Crown Point was built farther from the lake than the earlier French inconsiderable work. Chas. Carroll (_Journal to Canada_ in 1776, ed. of 1876, p. 78) describes its ruins at that time,—-the result of an accidental fire.

[1231] W. C. Watson’s _Hist. of the County of Essex_, Albany, 1869, ch. iii.

[1232] _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix. 1,041, etc.

[1233] _Hist. Documents_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1840.

[1234] A translation of Weiser’s journal on this mission is in the _Penna. Hist. Col._, i. 6.

[1235] Pierre Margry has two articles in the _Moniteur Universel_, and a chapter, “Les Varennes de Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, ix. 362. The Canadian historian, Benjamin Sulte, has a monograph, _La Vérendrye_, a paper, “Champlain et la Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, 2d ser., i. 342, and one on “Le nom de la Vérendrie” in _Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, ii. p. 5. The Rev. Edw. D. Neill has a pamphlet, _Le Sieur de la Vérendrye and his sons, discoverers of the Rocky Mountains by way of Lakes Superior and Winnipeg_, Minneapolis, 1875. Cf. also Garneau, _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., ii. 96.

In the Kohl Collection (no. 128) of the Department of State there are copies of three maps in illustration. The first is a MS. map by La Vérendrye, preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine, “donnée par Monsieur de la Galissonière, 1750,” which Kohl places about 1730, showing the country, with portages, forts, and trading posts, between Lake Superior and Hudson’s Bay. The second (no. 129) is an Indian map made by Ochagach, likewise in the Marine. Kohl supposes it to have been carried to Europe by La Vérendrye, who used it in making the map first named. The third map (no. 130), also in the same archives, is inscribed: _Carte des nouvelles découvertes dans l’ouest du Canada et des nations qui y habitent; Dressée, dit-on, sur les Mémoires de Monsieur de la Véranderie, mais fort imparfaite à ce gu’il m’a dit. Donnée au Dépôt de la Marine par Monsieur de la Galissonière en 1750_.

[1236] Cf. _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii. 197; _Hist. Mag._, i. 295; Joseph Tassé on “Charles de Langlade” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 881, and in his _Les Canadiens de l’ouest_, Montreal, 1878 (p. 1, etc.); also M. M. Strong, in his _Territory of Wisconsin_ (Madison, 1885), p. 41.

[1237] It will be found in Beatson’s _Naval and Military Memoirs_, p. 144, and in the _Amer. Magazine_, i. pp. 381-84.

[1238] Conrad Weiser’s letter, Sept. 29, 1744, in _Penna. Archives_, i. 661.

[1239] Smith’s _New York_, ii. p. 71.

[1240] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 22, etc.

[1241] Hildeburn, _Cent. of Printing_, no. 959; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 289, etc.; Brinley, iii. no. 5,490. Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. ch. iv., gives a long account. There was about the same time (1745-47) a plot laid by Nicholas, a Huron, to exterminate the French in the West. Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 14. Smith (_New York_, ii. 35) gives an account of the conference of Aug., 1746.

[1242] Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the _Bedford Correspondence_, i. p. xlviii., says: “Had the Duke of Bedford been allowed to order the sailing of the expedition, it is most probable the conquest of Canada would not have been reserved for the Seven Years’ War; but the indecision or timidity of the Duke of Newcastle delayed and finally broke up the expedition.” A representation of the Duke of Bedford and others upon the reduction of Canada, made March 30, 1746, is in _Bedford Corresp._, i. 65.

[1243] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,161; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 1,835.

[1244] Brinley, i. 61. Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 190.

[1245] _Bedford Correspondence_, i. 285. There was a treaty with the Ohio Indians at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1747 (Hildeburn, no. 1,110); and another at Lancaster in July, 1748, for admitting the Twightwees into alliance. (_Ibid._, no. 1,111.)

[1246] In addition to the references there given, note may be taken of a paper on the expedition, by O. H. Marshall, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 129 (Mar., 1878), with reference to the original documents in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 189, and in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 63. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 43. On his plates, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1878, p. 52; and _Mag. of Western History_, June, 1885, p. 207. A representation of a broken plate found at the mouth of the Muskingum River, in 1798, is given in S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_, Cincinnati, 1848, p. 20, with the inscription on the one found at the mouth of the Kenawha in 1846 (p. 23). An account of the Muskingum plate was given by De Witt Clinton in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans._, ii. 430. Its defective inscription is given in the _Mémoires sur les Affaires du Canada_, p. 209. Cf. Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 430. Other fac-similes of these plates can be seen in _Olden Time_, p. 288; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 611; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 318; also cf. p. 1121); De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 50.

The places where the plates were buried are marked on a map preserved in the Marine at Paris, made by Père Bonnecamps, who accompanied Céloron. It shows eight points where observations for latitude were taken, and extends the Alleghany River up to Lake Chautauqua. It is called _Carte d’un voyage, fait dans la belle rivière en la Nouvelle France, 1749, par le reverend Père Bonnecamps, Jesuite mathématicien_. There is a copy in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State at Washington.

Kohl identifies the places of burial as follows: Kananouangon (Warren, Pa.); Rivière aux bœufs (Franklin, Pa.); R. Ranonouara (near Wheeling); R. Yenariguékonnan (Marietta); R. Chinodaichta (Pt. Pleasant, W. Va.); R. à la Roche (mouth of Great Miami River).

There are two portages marked on the map: one from Lake Chautauqua to Lake Erie, and the other from La Demoiselle on the R. à la Roche to Fort des Miamis on the R. des Miamis, flowing into Lake Erie.

In the annexed sketch of the map, the rude marks of the fleur-de-lis show “les endroits ou l’on enterré des lames de plomb;” the double daggers “les latitudes observées;” and the houses “les villages.”

The map has been engraved in J. H. Newton’s _Hist. of the Pan Handle, West Virginia_ (Wheeling, 1879), p. 37, with a large representation of a plate found at the mouth of Wheeling Creek (p. 40).

Spotswood in 1716 had taken similar measures to mark the Valley of Virginia for the English king. John Fontaine, who accompanied him, says in his journal: “The governor had graving irons, but could not grave anything, the stones were so hard. The governor buried a bottle with a paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place, and in the name of and for King George the First of England.” Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 288.

[1247] The home government ordered Virginia to make this grant to the Ohio Company. In 1749, 800,000 acres were granted to the Loyal Company. In 1751 the Green Briar Company received 100,000 acres. Up to 1757, Virginia had granted 3,000,000 acres west of the mountains.

[1248] _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 272. The American Revolution ended the company’s existence. See _ante_, p. 10; also Rupp’s _Early Hist. Western Penna._, p. 3; Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 26; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii., app.; Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 336.

[1249] This treaty was made June 13, 1752. The position of Logstown is in doubt. Cf. _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 6. It appears on the map in Bouquet’s _Expedition_, London, 1766. Cf. De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, 70.

[1250] _Ante_, p. 10.

[1251] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 516, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 267, etc.

[1252] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 31. William Smith, in 1756, spoke of the French “seizing all the advantages which we have neglected.” (_Hist. of N. York_, Albany, 1814, Preface, p. x.)

[1253] This plan is also reproduced in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, ii. 9; in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, 70; in the papers on the early settlement of Ogdensburg, in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 430.

[1254] Translated in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, p. 85, where will be found an account of the mission (p. 49), and a view of it (p. 17) after the English took possession. De la Lande’s “Mémoires” of Piquet are in the _Lettres Édifiantes_, vol. xv., and there is an abridged version in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ The Canadian historian, Joseph Tassé, gives an account of Piquet in the _Revue Canadienne_, vii. 5, 102.

[1255] _Travels_, London, 1771, ii. 310.

[1256] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 205, May 15, 1750.

[1257] _Penna Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 108.

[1258] A paper in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 225, dwells on the impolicy of the French government in superseding Galissonière.

[1259] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.

[1260] Stone’s _Johnson; Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi.

[1261] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 734; x. 239, etc.

[1262] _Ibid._, vi. 738.

[1263] _Ibid._, vi. 614-39.

[1264] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 123, 125.

[1265] Sedgwick’s _William Livingston_, p.99; Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. p. 54.

[1266] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,149; Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 85. Cf. Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 71, 330; _Contest in North America_, p. 36, etc.

[1267] Thomson, nos. 449, 940. Thomas Cresap writes in 1751, “Mr. Muntour tells me the Indians on the Ohio would be very glad if the French traders were taken, for they have as great a dislike to them as we have, and think we are afraid of them, because we patiently suffer our men to be taken by them.” Palmer’s _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, p. 247.

[1268] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. ch. v.

[1269] His foot-notes indicate the particular papers on which he depends among the Parkman MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, as well as papers in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 806, 835, etc., x. 255, and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, v. 659. Cf. papers on the French movements in the Ohio Valley in 1753, in the _Mag. of Western Hist._, Aug., 1885, p. 369; and T. J. Chapman on “Washington’s first public service,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 248, and on “Washington’s first campaign,” in _Ibid._, Jan., 1886.

[1270] Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 259, note.

[1271] Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 450.

[1272] _Sparks’s Catal._, p. 224; also Sparks’s _Washington_, i. 48, ii. p. x. Sparks considered that these papers “filled up the chasm occasioned by the loss of Washington’s papers” in the Braddock campaign. Referring to Washington’s letters during the French war, Sparks (ii., introd.) says that Washington, twenty or thirty years after they were written, caused them to be copied, after he had revised them, and it is in this amended condition they are preserved, though several originals still exist. In his reply to Mahon (Cambridge, 1852, p. 30) Sparks says that this revision by Washington showed “numerous erasures, interlineations, and corrections in almost every letter,” probably meaning in those whose originals are preserved. With the canons governing Sparks as an editor, this revision was followed in his edition of _Washington’s Writings_; but the historian regrets, as he reads the record in Sparks’s volumes, that the Washington of the French war has partly disappeared in the riper character which he became after he had known the experiences of the American Revolution.

[1273] _The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of the Colony of Virginia_, 1751-58, Richmond, 1883-84, 2 vols.

[1274] Brinley, ii. no. 4,189, a copy which brought $560. Though described as in “the original marble wrapper,” it did not have a map, as the copy noted in the _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,033) does, though this may have been added from the London reprint of the same year, which had “a new map of the country as far as the Mississippi.” This map is largely derived from Charlevoix. Trumbull, in noting this reprint (Brinley, ii. 4,190), implies that the original edition did not have a map, which may be inferred from what Washington says of its being put hurriedly to press, after he had had only a single day to write it up from his rough notes. This London reprint is also in the Carter-Brown library (iii. no. 1,034), and Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_ (no. 1,187) records sales of it as follows: (1866) Morrell, $46; (1867) Roche, $49; (1869) Morrell, $40; (1870) Rice, $52; (1871) Bangs & Co., $28; (1875) Field, $30; (1876) Menzies, $48. The Brinley copy brought $80. Cf. Rich., _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 105; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,623; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. no. 1,618; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 310, £7 10_s._ Sabin reprinted the London edition in 1865 (200 copies, small paper), and other reprints of the text are in Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 432-447; in I. Daniel Rupp’s _Early History of Western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of Western Expeditions and Campaigns, from 1754 to 1833. By a gentleman of the bar. With an appendix containing the most important Indian Treaties, Journals, Topographical Descriptions_, etc. Pittsburgh, 1846, p. 392; in the appendix to the _Diary of Geo. Washington_, 1789-91, ed. by B. J. Lossing, pp. 203-248, with notes by J. G. Shea, N. Y., 1860, and Richmond, 1861; and in Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the North West_, app., 1-30, Chicago, 1880.

Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 131) says the “original autograph of Washington’s Journal” is in the Public Record Office in London.

St. Pierre’s letter to Dinwiddie was also printed in the _London Magazine_, June, 1754. This and the allied correspondence are in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 164, etc.; and in Lossing’s ed. of _Washington’s Diaries_.

The letter of Holdernesse to the governors of the English colonies, authorizing force against the French, is in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iii. 251. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter (July 5, 1754) urging resistance to French encroachments, with the comments of the Lords of Trade, is in the _New Jersey Archives_, viii. pp. 292, 294; where will also be found Robinson’s letter (Oct. 26, 1754) urging enlistments (_Ibid._, Part ii. p. 17.)

[1275] _Washington_, ii. 7.

[1276] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 233.

[1277] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 23; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,051, with an erroneous note; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 809; Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 761.

[1278] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,122-24.

[1279] Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 762.

[1280] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,151; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 264.

[1281] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 24; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,162; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 811, 812. It was reprinted in 1757 in Philadelphia. Thomson, no. 810; Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. 1,537.

[1282] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._ (1870), no. 1,383; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,229; Sabin, xii. 51,661.

[1283] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,167; Cooke, no. 2,904; Sabin, x. p. 412; Murphy, no. 1,510; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 944. It is also reprinted in _Olden Time_, vol. ii. 140-277 (Field, no. 1,052), and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 55, etc.

[1284] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 155.

[1285] Parkman also characterizes as “short and very incorrect” the abstract of it which is printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x.

[1286] Cf. letter of Contrecœur in the _Précis des Faits_; in Pouchot’s _Mémoire sur la dernière Guerre_, i. p. 14 (also Hough’s translation); in _Le Politique Danois, ou l’ambition des Anglais demasquée par leurs Pirateries_, Copenhagen, 1756 (Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geographica_, no. 2,212; Sabin, xv. no. 63,831); in _Histoire de la Guerre contre les Anglois_ (Geneva, 1759, two vols.), attributed to Puellin de Lumina, who speaks of “le cruel Washington;” in Thomas Balch’s _Les Français en Amérique_ (p. 45); in Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la domination Française_, 118; in Gaspe’s _Anciens Canadiens_, 396. There are other particular references given by Parkman. Garneau’s account and inferences in his _Histoire du Canada_ are held to be strictly impartial. Jumonville’s loss is noted in the _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, 1884), vol. iii. p. 521.

[1287] Poole’s _Index_ refers to the following: “Washington and the death of Jumonville,” by W. T. Anderson, in _Canadian Monthly_, i. p. 55; “Washington and the Jumonville of M. Thomas,” in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 201. The “Jumonville” of Thomas was a poem published in 1759, reflecting severely on Washington, and may be found in _Œuvres de Thomas, par M. Saint-Surin_, v. p. 47. Peter Fontaine represents the current opinion among the English, as to Jumonville’s action, when he says that the French “were in ambush in the woods waiting for” Washington. (Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 361.) It is not necessary to particularize the references to Smollett, and Mahon, Marshall’s _Washington_, Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, and other obvious books; though something of local help will be found in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland, Maryland, from 1728 up to the present day, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, with a history of Braddock’s expedition_, etc., Washington, 1878. Sargent also goes over the events in the introduction to his _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 43, etc., and epitomizes the account by Adam Stephen in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, no. 1,343.

[1288] _Col. Rec. of Penna._, vi. 195.

[1289] A view of the fort is noted in the _Catal. of Paintings, Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1872, no. 64. A diagram of Fort Necessity and its surroundings, from a survey made in 1816, is given in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 76. A plan of the attack is in Sparks’s _Washington_, i. 56. De Hass (_Western Virginia_, 63, 65) says that in 1851 the embankments of the fort could be traced; and that at one time a proposition had been made to erect a monument on the site.

[1290] _Washington_, ii. 456-68.

[1291] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_. Cf. also _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 260; Walpole’s _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., i. p. 399.

[1292] “It is a constant maxim among the Indians that if even they can speak and understand English, yet when they treat of anything that concerns their nation, they will not treat but in their own language.” Journal of John Fontaine in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 273.

[1293] Henry Reed added to Mahon’s account in the Amer. ed. of that historian (1849), ii. 307. There is a detailed account in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 77.

[1294] _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 55; Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 331. The _Enquiry_ has a map of the country, and the second journal of Christian Frederic Post. The book was reprinted in Philad. in 1867. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 1145, 1146; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 951, 952; H. C. lib., 5325.44.) Parkman (_Pontiac_, i. 85) refers to Thomson’s tract “as designed to explain the causes of the rupture, which took place at the outbreak of the French war, and the text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents.” Referring to a copy with MS. notes by Gov. Hamilton, Parkman says that the proprietary governor cavils at several unimportant points, but suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged. Cf. _Several Conferences between ... the Quakers and the Six Indian Nations in order to reclaim their brethren the Delaware Indians from their defection_, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756. (Brinley, iii. 5,497.)

[1295] J. M. Lemoine epitomizes Stobo’s career in his _Maple Leaves_, new series, 1873, p. 55.

[1296] These articles are also in Livingston’s _Review of Mil. Operations_, etc.; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 67; S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_, p. 36; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 459.

[1297] _History of an expedition against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755, under Edward Braddock. Ed. from the original MSS._, Phila., 1855. _Contents_:—Preface. Introductory memoir, pp. 15-280; Capt. [Robert] Orme’s journal, pp. 281-358; Journal of the expedition, by an unknown writer, in the possession of F. O. Morris, pp. 359-389; Braddock’s instructions, etc., pp. 393-397; Letter by Col. Napier to Braddock, pp. 398-400; Fanny Braddock [by O. Goldsmith], pp. 401-406; G. Croghan’s statement, pp. 407, 408; French reports of the action of the 9th July, 1755, pp. 409-413; Ballads, etc., pp. 414-416; Braddock’s last night in London, pp. 417, 418; Index, pp. 419-423. Sargent was born in 1828, and died in 1870. _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1872, p. 88.

[1298] Cf. _Catal. of Sparks MSS._, under vol. xliii., no. 4, for the same.

[1299] Cf. letter dated Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755, given in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xviii. 153, with list of officers killed; also in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 353 (Nov., 1864); and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 180. It describes the flight of the army.

[1300] Keppel’s letter to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia, is in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1886, p. 489.

[1301] Also in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 203 (cf. 2d series, vi. 211), and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 920. In _Olden Time_, ii. 217, will be found a re-Englished form of these instructions, taken from a French version of them, which the French government published from the original, captured among Braddock’s baggage.

[1302] Second ed., 1870, i. 101.

[1303] Orig. ed., iv. 184-192; final revision, ii. 420.

[1304] _Life and Writings of Washington_, vol. i., Memoir, and vol. ii. 16-26, 68-93, 468. Sparks also encountered the subject in dealing with Franklin, for the Autobiography of Franklin (_Franklin’s Works_, ed. Sparks, i. 183,—some errors pointed out, p. 192; Bigelow’s ed., p. 303) gives some striking pictures of the confidence of Braddock and the assurance of the public, the indignation of Braddock towards what he conceived to be the apathy if not disloyalty of the Pennsylvanians, and the assistance of Franklin himself in procuring wagons for the army (in which he advanced money never wholly repaid,—_Franklin’s Works_, vii. 95). On this latter point, see Sargent, p. 164; and _Penna. Archives_, vol. ii. 294.

Neville B. Craig’s _Washington’s First Campaign, Death of Jumonville, and taking of Fort Necessity; also Braddock’s Defeat and the March of the unfortunate General explained by a Civil Engineer_, Pittsburgh, 1848, is made up of papers from Mr. Craig’s monthly publication, _The Olden Time_, published in Pittsburgh in 1846-1848, and reprinted in Cincinnati in 1876. It had a folded map of Braddock’s route, repeated in the work first named. Many of these _Olden Time_ papers are reprinted in the _Virginia Historical Register_, v. 121.

The full title of Craig’s periodical was _The Olden Time; a monthly publication devoted to the preservation of documents and other authentic information in relation to the early explorations and the settlement of the country around the head of the Ohio_. (Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 280, 892, 893; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 381.) Thomson refers to a similar publication of a little earlier date: _The American Pioneer. A Monthly Periodical, devoted to the objects of the Logan Historical Society; or to Collecting and Publishing Sketches relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement of the Country. Edited and Published by John S. Williams_. Vol. i., Chillicothe, 1842; vol. ii., Cincinnati, 1843. After the removal of the place of publication to Cincinnati, vol. i. was reprinted, which accounts for the fact that in many copies vol. i. is dated Cincinnati, 1844, and vol. ii. 1843. The publication was discontinued at the end of no. 10, vol. ii. It contains journals of campaigns against the Indians, narratives of captivity, incidents of border warfare, biographical sketches, etc. The Logan Historical Society was first organized on July 28, 1841, at Westfall, Pickaway County, near the spot where Logan, the Mingo chief, is said to have delivered his celebrated speech. The society flourished for two or three years. Mr. Williams was the secretary of the society. An attempt was again made in 1849 to revive the society, without success.

[1305] _Life of Washington_, i. ch. xiv.

[1306] For 1755, pp. 378, 426. The first intelligence which Gov. Morris sent to England was from Carlisle, July 16. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 379.

[1307] The latest local rendering is in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland (Maryland) from 1728, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc. With maps and illustrations_. Washington, D. C., 1878. It is only necessary to refer to such other later accounts as Hutchinson’s _Mass._, iii. 32; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, ii. 275; Marshall’s _Washington_; Grahame’s _United States_; Mahon’s _England_, vol. iv.; Hildreth’s _United States_, ii. 459-61; Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. ch. 15; J. E. Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. 344; A. Matthews in the _Mag. of Western History_, i. 509; Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_ (ii. p. 237), who quotes largely from a despatch which he found in the Archives de la Guerre (Carton marked “1755, Marine”).

[1308] _Letters_ (1755), and _Mem. Geo. II._, i. 190.

[1309] _Apology for her Life._

[1310] Capt. Bilkum in the _Covent Garden Tragedy_, 1732.

[1311] See a single letter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 502, dated June 11, 1755.

[1312] Braddock, at a later stage, was supplied with Evans’ map, for acquiring a knowledge of the Ohio Valley. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 309, 317. There is in the Faden collection (Library of Congress), no. 4, “Capt. Snow’s sketch of the country [to be traversed by Braddock] by himself and the best accounts he could receive from the Indian tribes,”—a MS. dated 1754, with also Snow’s original draft (no. 5).

[1313] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 349. Gov. Sharpe’s letter on this council is printed in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 454.

[1314] A plan of Fort Cumberland, 1755, from a drawing in the King’s Maps (Brit. Museum), is given in Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland_, p. 92. (Cf. Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. p. 448.) A lithographic view (1755), in Lowdermilk’s _Hist. of Cumberland_, is given in a reduced wood-cut in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. p. 458.

[1315] Cf. a memoir and portrait of St. Clair by C. R. Hildeburn, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1885, p. 1.

[1316] _America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxii.

[1317] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 91-94. Cf. _Letter to the people of England on the present situation and conduct of national affairs_ (London, 1755). Sabin, x. no. 40,651.

[1318] See letter from Camp on Laurel Hill, July 12, 1755, on the defeat, in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 160. In the _Penna. Mag. of History_, iii. p. 11, is a MS. Newsletter by Daniel Dulany, dated Annapolis, Dec. 9, 1755, giving the current accounts.

[1319] Parkman notes (p. 221) as among his copies a letter of Gov. Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, from the Public Record Office (_Amer. and W. Indies_, lxxxii.); a report of the court of inquiry into the behavior of the troops at the Monongahela; Burd to Morris, July 25; Sinclair to Robinson, Sept. 3, etc.

[1320] The sermon was printed in Philad., and reprinted in London in 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,763; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,409; Brinley, i. 218.) There are other symptoms of the time in another sermon of the same preacher, Oct. 28, 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,757.) Cf. Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. p. 242; and W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ (Phil., 1850), pp. 157, 284. See further on Davies (who was later president of Princeton College) and his relations to current events in Sprague’s _Annals_, iii.; John H. Rice’s memoir of him in the _Lit. and Evangelical Mag._; Albert Barnes’ “Life and Times of Davies,” prefixed to _Davies’ Works_ (N. Y., 1851); and David Bostwick’s memoir of him accompanying Davies’ fulsome _Sermon on the Death of George II._ (Boston, 1761).

[1321] _America and West Indies_, lxxxii. Cf. the statement of loss in _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. 544, and in Sargent, p. 238. The list of Braddock’s killed and wounded, as reported in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, Aug., 1755, is reprinted in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 164. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xlviii.) a paper, apparently contemporary, giving the British loss, in which Washington is marked as “wounded.”

[1322] It is signed T. W., and is dated Boston, Aug. 25, 1755. There were other editions the same year at Bristol and London. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,039, 1,120; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 182; Sabin, iii. no. 12,320, x. no. 40,382; Brinley, i. no. 213; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.46. The _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,749, says the T. W. was “probably Timothy Walker, afterwards chief justice of the Common Pleas in Boston.”

[1323] Hildeburn, i. no. 1,479.

[1324] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,038; Thomson, no. 106; Sabin, ii. 7,210.

[1325] _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., ii. 29.

[1326] The book, which is very rare, was published at Lexington, Ky., in 1799. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,438; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,055.) It was reprinted in Cincinnati, in 1870 “with an appendix of illustrative notes by W. M. Darlington,” as no. 5 of the _Ohio Valley Historical Series_. (Field, no. 1,440.) It was reprinted at Philad. in 1831, since dated 1834. (Brinley, iii. 5,570.) The author published an abstract of it in his _Treatise on the mode and manner of Indian war_, Paris, Ky., 1812. (Field, no. 1,439.) Parkman calls the earlier book “perhaps the best of all the numerous narratives of captives among the Indians.”

There is a sketch of Col. James Smith in J. A. M’Clung’s _Sketches of Western Adventure_ (Dayton, Ohio, 1852). There have been other reprints of the _Remarkable Occurrences_ in Drake’s _Tragedies of the Wilderness_ (Boston, 1841); in J. Pritt’s _Mirror of Olden Time Border Life_ (Abingdon, Va., 1849); in James Wimer’s _Events in Indian History_ (Lancaster, 1841); and in the _Western Review_, 1821, vol. iv. (Lexington, Ky.). These titles are noted at length in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_.

[1327] They are: 1. “Relation du combat du 9 juillet, 1755.”

2. “Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec, jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755.”

3. Lettre “de Monsieur Lotbinière à Monsieur le Comte d’Argenson, au Camp de Carillon, le 24 oct., 1755.”

[1328] One hundred copies printed.

[1329] _Contents._—Notice sur D. H. M. L. de Beaujeu [par J. G. Shea]; Relation de l’action par Mr. de Godefroy; Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755; Relation de l’action par M. Pouchot; Relation du combat tirée des archives du Dépôt général de la guerre; Relation officielle, imprimée au Louvre; Relation des diuers mouvements qui se sont passés entre les François et les Anglois, 9 juillet, 1755; État de l’artillerie, munitions de guerre et autres effets appartenant aux Anglais qui se sont trouvés sur le champ de bataille; Lettre de M. Lotbinière, 24 octobre 1755; Extraits du registre du Fort Du Quesne. (Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,394.) Shea also edited in the Cramoisy series (100 copies), as throwing some light on the battle and its hero Beaujeu, _Registres des baptesmes et sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du Quesne pendant les années 1753, 1754, 1755, & 1756_. _Nouvelle York_, 1859. (iv. 3-51 pp.) An English translation of this by Rev. A. A. Lambing has been published at Pittsburgh.

Cf. the French account printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 256, and the statement of the captured munitions (p. 262). Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 303, 311. Parkman (app. to vol. ii. 424) brings forward the official report of Contrecœur to Vaudreuil, July 14, 1755, and (p. 425) a letter of Dumas, July 24, 1756, written to explain his own services, both of which Parkman found in the Archives of the Marine at Paris. It has sometimes been held that Beaujeu, not Contrecœur, commanded the post. (_Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1859, iii. p. 274.) Parkman (i. p. 221) also notes other papers among his own MSS. (copies) now in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. There is something to be gleaned from the _Mass. Archives, Doc. collected in France_ (cf. vol. ix. 211), as well as from the documents copied in Paris for the State of New York (vol. xi., etc.).

Maurault, in his _Histoire des Abénakis_ (1866), gives a chapter to “les Abénakis à la bataille de la Mononagahéla.” The part which Charles Langlade, the partisan chief, took is set forth in Tassé’s _Notice sur Charles Langlade_ (in _Revue Canadienne_ originally), in Anburey’s _Travels_, and in Draper’s “Recollections of Grignon” in the _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii.

[1330] Vol. i. p. 38.

[1331] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11.

[1332] _N. Jersey Archives_, 1st ser., viii. 294. The colony was finally alarmed through fear the enemy would reach her borders. _Ibid._, viii., Part 2d, pp. 158, 174, 179, 182, 201.

[1333] _Hist. of Maryland_, i. 459.

[1334] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 218.

[1335] Sargent, in picturing the condition of society which thus existed, finds much help in Joseph Doddridge’s _Notes of the Settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1763-1783, with a view of the state of society and manners of the first settlers of the western country_, Wellsburgh, Va., 1824. (Sargent, _Braddock’s Exped._, p. 80; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 331.) Doddridge was reprinted, with some transpositions, in Kercheval’s _Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_ (Winchester, 1833, and Woodstock, 1850,—Thomson, nos. 668-9); and verbatim at Albany in 1876, edited by Alfred Williams, and accompanied by a memoir of Doddridge by his daughter (Thomson, no. 332).

Another monograph of interest in this study is John A. M’Clung’s _Sketches of Western Adventure ... connected with the Settlement of the West from 1755 to 1794_, Maysville, Ky., 1832. Some copies have a Philadelphia imprint. There were editions at Cincinnati in 1832, 1836, 1839, 1851, and at Dayton in 1844, 1847, 1852, 1854. An amended edition, with additions by Henry Waller, was printed at Covington, Ky., 1872. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 745-749.)

Of some value, also, is Wills De Hass’s _History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, previous to 1795_, Wheeling, 1851. (Thomson, no. 318.)

[1336] James Maury gives a contemporary comment on this harassing of the frontiers. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 403. Samuel Davies pictures them in his _Virginia’s Danger and Remedy_ (Williamsburg, 1756).

[1337] _Penna. Archives,_, ii. 600; _Le Foyer Canadien_, iii. 26; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 137.

These murderous forays can be followed in the correspondence of Washington (1756); in the _Col. Recs. of Penna._, vii.; _Penna. Archives_, ii.; Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._; and in the French documents quoted by Parkman, i. pp. 422-26. There is a letter of John Armstrong to Richard Peters in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 500; and local testimony in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, 616, 714, 764, 874, 1,008; Rupp’s _Northumberland County_, etc., ch. v. and vi.; Newton’s _Hist. of the Panhandle, West. Va._ (Wheeling, 1879); Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, ch. vii., etc.; U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ (Phil., 1876); J. F. Meginness’ _Otzinachson, or the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna_ (Phil., 1857, p. 62); Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 470-492; Hand Browne’s _Maryland_, 226.

There is record of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania employed in these years in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. ii. In February, 1756, Governor Morris wrote to Shirley, describing the defences he had been erecting along the borders. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 569.) There is in _Ibid._, xii. p. 323, a list of forts erected in Pennsylvania during this period. The enumeration shows one built in 1747, one in 1749, two in 1753, seven in 1754, eleven in 1755, twenty-one in 1756, three in 1757, three in 1758, and one in 1759. Plans are given of Forts Augusta at Shamokin, Bedford at Raystown, Ligonier at Loyalhannon, and Pitt at Pittsburgh.

In 1756, William Smith (_Hist. New York_, 1814, p. 243) says that William Johnson, within nine months after the arrival of Braddock, received £10,000 to use in securing the alliance and pacification of the Indians.

There was published in London in 1756 an _Account of conferences and treaties between Sir William Johnson and the chief Sachems, etc., on different occasions at Fort Johnson, in 1755 and 1756_ (Brinley, iii. no. 5,495), and in New York and Boston in 1757 a _Treaty with the Shawanese on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, by Sir Wm. Johnson_ (Sabin, xv. 65,759).

[1338] Irving’s _Washington_, i. p. 192, etc. A map of the region under Washington’s supervision, with the position of the forts, is given in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 110. The journal of John Fontaine describes some of the forts in the Virginia backwoods. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 245, etc.

[1339] Parkman, i. 351.

[1340] The book was first published in London in 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,217.) Sparks, in reprinting it in his edition of _Franklin’s Works_, ii. p. 107, examines the question of Franklin’s relations to its composition and publication. The book had an appendix of original papers respecting the controversy. The copy which belonged to Thomas Penn is in the Franklin Collection, now in Washington. (_U. S. Doc._, no. 60.) Cf. _Catal. of Franklin Books in Boston Public Library_, p. 8.

[1341] Dr. Franklin and the Rev. William Smith are said to have had a hand in _A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which the conduct of their assemblies for several years past is impartially examined_, London, 1755. (Rich, _Bibl. Americana Nova_ (after 1700), p. 111; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,070; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,082, 1,133; Brinley, ii. no. 3,034; Cooke, no. 2,007; a third edition bears date 1756. It was reprinted by Sabin in N. Y. in 1865.) The purpose of this tract was (in the opinion of the Quakers) to make them obnoxious to the British government by showing their factious spirit of opposition to measures calculated to advance the interests of the province; and on the other side, _An Answer to an invidious pamphlet entitled A Brief State_, etc., said to be by one Cross, was published the same year in London. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,083; Cooke, no. 2,008; Brinley, ii. 3,035; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 111.) A sequel to the _Brief State_, etc., appeared in London in 1756 as _A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755, so far as it affected the service of the British Colonies, particularly the Expedition under the late General Braddock_ (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,132; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 1,072; Cooke, no. 2,006; Brinley, ii. 3,036; Menzies, 1,580-82; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, 1,446; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 937), which included an account of the contemporary incursions of the Indians along the Pennsylvania frontiers. A French version was printed in Paris the same year, under the title of _Etat présent de la Pensilvanie_ (Brinley, i. 225; Murphy, 329; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,677, £2 10_s._). The Barlow _Rough List_, no. 930, assigns it to the Abbé Delaville. It had “une carte particulière de cette colonie.”