Chapter XLV: Part I: Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691 (New York, 1846). This (7)

[1029] Parkman, i. 282-3. There are various papers of uncertain value in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, vol. i., respecting the fate and numbers of the exiles. One paper dated at London in 1763 says there were 866 in England, 2,000 in France, and 10,000 in the English colonies. Another French document of the same year places the number in France at from three thousand to thirty-five hundred. There are among these papers plans for establishing some at Guiana, with letters from others at Miquelon and at Cherbourg.

[1030] Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 77.

[1031] See chapter viii.

[1032] Sabin, ix. 36,727; Boston Public Library, 4426.17; Harvard Coll. lib., 4375.39; Haven, _Ante Rev. Bibliog._, p. 540. Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 81) refers to five letters from Amherst to Pitt, written during the siege, which he got from the English Public Record Office, copies of which are in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. Cf. _Proc._, 2d ser., i. p. 360.

[1033] There is an abstract in English of the journal of a French officer during the siege, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 179.

[1034] He sometimes called himself Thomas Signis Tyrrell, after his mother’s family. Cf. Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc. of N. Scotia_, p. 229, where some of Pichon’s papers, preserved at Halifax, are printed.

[1035] Sabin, xv. 62,610-11; Brinley, i. no. 71; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,274-75. There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1883, etc.) Drucour’s account of the defences of Louisbourg (iv. 145); Lahoulière’s account of the siege, dated Aug. 6, 1758 (iv. 176), and other narratives (iii. 465-486).

[1036] Also, _Ibid._, p. 188, is a journal of a subsequent scout of Montresor’s through the island.

[1037] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,184.

[1038] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389.

[1039] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680.

[1040] Particularly letters of Nathaniel Cotton, a chaplain on one of the ships.

[1041] Cf. references in Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. p. 230. There are some letters in the _Penna. Archives_, ii., 442, etc.

[1042] Vol. III. p. 8.

[1043] Vol. II. p. 108.

[1044] Vol. III. p. 9.

[1045] Vol. II. p. 122.

[1046] Vol. IV. p. 92.

[1047] Vol. III. p. 213.

[1048] Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the blue book, _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.

[1049] Vol. IV. p. 380.

[1050] Vol. IV. p. 382.

[1051] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1052] Vol. III. p. 306.

[1053] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1054] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1055] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1056] Vol. IV. p. 386.

[1057] Vol. IV. p. 388.

[1058] Vol. IV. p. 390.

[1059] Vol. IV. p. 391.

[1060] Vol. IV. p. 148.

[1061] Vol. IV. p. 393.

[1062] The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In _De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670-71) the map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen,” represents the great lakes beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, _Die unbekante Neue Welt_, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked “per Jacobum Meursium.” Ogilby’s English version, _America, being an accurate description of the New World_ (London, 1670), though using for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map of America, “per Johannem Ogiluium.” This volume has an extra map of the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in Montanus. These maps are repeated in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, _America, being the latest and most accurate description of the new world_. It will be remembered that Pope, in the _Dunciad_ (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for his ponderous folio,—

“Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great.”

[1063] Vol. III. p. 383.

[1064] Vol. IV. p. 249.

[1065] Vol. IV. p. 228.

[1066] See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.

[1067] For further references, see sections v. and vi. of “The Kohl Collection of Maps,” published in _Harvard Univ. Bulletin_, 1884-85. Cf. also the _Mémoire pour les limites de in Nouvelle France et de la Nouvelle Angleterre_ (1689) in _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531. In later volumes of this _Collection_ will be found (vol. iii. p. 49) “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans par le Père Charlevoix,” dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii. p. 522); “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie,” dated 1755. here is an historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 781.

[1068] Moll’s maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon. Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called _The world displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires_, etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720.

[1069] This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about 1721. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 170. There was a claim upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth Colony, and in elucidation of such claims _A patent for Plymouth in New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the Colony, etc._, was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the _Belknap Papers_, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is called _A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson’s, Esq^r., from Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin^s. Jones’ Survey in 1751, and from John North’s late survey in 1752_. _Attest, Thomas Johnston_. The Belknap copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it is a tract called _Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick_, dated at Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince’s notes upon it.

[1070] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 894. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 93.

[1071] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 915.

[1072] _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 23,615 (fol. 72).

[1073] Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746, by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, _An account of the French settlements in North America ... claimed and improved by the French king_. _By a gentleman_.

[1074] Jefferys reproduced this map in the _Gentleman’s Mag._ in 1746.

[1075] Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the _London Mag._, 1749, p. 181.

[1076] Sabin, xii. no. 47,552.

[1077] See Vol. IV. p. 154.

[1078] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.

[1079] Rich, _Bibl. Amer._ (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691.

[1080] The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William Bollan’s _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton_, etc. (London, 1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the _Miscellaneous State Papers_, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited by the name of the editor, as the _Hardwicke Papers_. Cf. also _Actes, mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d’Utrecht, depuis l’année 1706 jusqu’à présent_. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W. Gerard’s _Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty of 1713-14, and of the principal events of the war of the Spanish succession_ (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the American aspects of the treaty.

[1081] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981.

[1082] To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston, _Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to Great Britain_, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same year. Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 1,407; _Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib._, p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the _Nova Scotia Hist. Coll._, i. 105.

[1083] The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne MSS. in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, iii. 141.

[1084] The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set forth in _A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their authorities in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry to the courts of Europe. Translated from the French._ New York, 1757. The 2d volume of the original 4to ed. and the 3d volume of the 12mo edition contain the following treaties which are not in the London edition, later to be mentioned:—

1629, Apr. 24, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Suze.

1632, Mar. 29, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Saint Germain-en-Laye.

1655, Nov. 3, between France and England, at Westminster.

1667, July 21-31, between France and England, at Breda; and one of alliance between Charles II. and the Netherlands.

1678, Aug. 10, between Louis XIV. and the Netherlands, at Nimégue.

1686, Nov. 16. Neutrality for America, between France and England, at London.

1687, Dec. 1-11. Provisional, between France and England, concerning America, at Whitehall.

1697, Sept. 20, between France and England, at Ryswick. [This treaty is also in the _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii.]

1712, Aug. 19. Suspension of arms between France and England, at Paris.

1713, Mar. 31-11 Apr. Peace between France and England, and treaty of navigation and commerce, at Utrecht.

1748, Oct. 18, between France, England, and the Netherlands, at Aix-la-Chapelle.

The _Bedford Correspondence_ (3 vols., 1842) is of the first importance in elucidating the negotiations which led to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The _Mémoires_ of Paris and the _Memorials_ of London also track the dispute over the St. Lucia (island) question, but in the present review that part need not be referred to.

[1085] It is said to have been arranged by Charles Townshend. Cf. Vol. IV. index.

[1086]

1. Memorial describing the limits, etc. (in French and English), signed Sept. 21, 1750, by W. Shirley and W. Mildmay.

2. “Mémoires sur l’Acadie” of the French commissioners, Sept. 21 and Nov. 16, 1750.

3. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English), Jan. 11, 1751.

4. Memoir of the French commissioners (en réponse), Oct. 4, 1751. The “preuves” are cited at the foot of each page.

5. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English) in reply to no. 4. The “authorities” are given at the foot of the page. It is signed at Paris, Jan. 23, 1753, by William Mildmay and Ruvigny de Cosne.

6. “Pièces justificatives,” supporting the memoir of the English commissioners, Jan. 11, 1751, viz.:—

Concession of James I. to Thomas Gates, Apr., 1606 (in French and English).

Concession of James I. to Sir Wm. Alexander, Sept., 1621 (in Latin), being the same as that of Charles I., July 12, 1625.

Occurrences in Acadia and Canada in 1627-28, by Louis Kirk, as found in the papers of the Board of Trade (in French and English).

Lettres patentes au Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, Feb., 1647.

Lettres patentes au Sieur de la Tour, 1651. [There are various papers on the La Tour-D’Aulnay controversy in _Collection de Manuscrits_, Quebec, 1884, ii. 351, etc.]

Extract from Memoirs of Crowne, 1654 (in French and English).

Orders of Cromwell to Capt. Leverett, Sept. 18, 1656 (in French and English).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie au Roi de France, 17 Feb., 1667-8 (in French and English).

Letters of Temple, 1668 (in French and English).

Lettre du Sieur Morillon du Bourg, dated “à Boston, le 9 Nov., 1668.”

Order of Charles II. to Temple to surrender Acadia, Aug. 6, 1669 (in French and English).

Temple’s order to Capt. Walker to surrender Acadia, July 7, 1670 (in French and English).

Act of surrender of Pentagoet by Walker, Aug. 5, 1670 (in French and English).

Procès verbal de prise de possession du fort de Gemisick, Aug. 27, 1670.

Certificate de la redition de Port Royal, Sept. 2, 1670.

Ambassadeur de France au Roi d’Angleterre, Jan. 16, 1685.

Vins saisis à Pentagoet, 1687.

John Nelson to the lord justices of England, 1697 (in French and English).

Gouverneur Villebon à Gouverneur Stoughton, Sept. 5, 1698.

Vernon to Lord Lexington, Ap. 29, 1700 (in French and English).

Board of Trade to Queen Anne, June 2, 1709 (in French and English).

Promesse du Sieur de Subercase, Oct. 23, 1710.

Premières Propositions de la France, Ap. 22, 1711.

Réponses de la France, Oct. 8, 1711, aux demands de la Grand Bretagne (in French and English).

Instruction to British plenipotentiaries for making a treaty with France, Dec. 23, 1711 (in French and English).

Mémoire de M. St. Jean, May 24, 1712 (in French and English).

Réponses du Roi au mémoire envoyé de Londres, June 5-10, 1712.

Offers of France, Demands for England, the King’s Answers, Sept. 10, 1712 (in French and English).

Treaty of Utrecht, art. xii. (in Latin and French).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie par Louis XIV., May, 1713.

7. Table des Citations, etc., dans le mémoire des Com. Français, Oct. 4, 1751, viz.—

_Ouvrages imprimés_: Traités, 1629-1749; Mémoires, etc., par les Com. de sa Majesté Britannique; Titres et pièces communiquées aux Com. de sa Majesté Britannique.

_Pièces manuscrites_;—

1632, May 19. Concession à Rasilly.

1635, Jan. 15. Concession à Charles de St. Étienne.

1638, Feb. 10. Lettre du Roy au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1641, Feb. 13. Ordre du Roi au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1643, Mar. 6. Arrêt.

1645, June 6. Commission du Roi an Sieur de Montmagny.

1651, Jan. 17. Provisions en faveur du Sieur Lauson.

1654, Jan. 30. Provision pour le Sieur Denis.

1654, Aug. 16. Capitulation de Port Royal.

1656, Aug. 9. Concession faite par Cromwell.

1657, Jan. 26. Lettres patentes en faveur du Vicomte d’Argenson.

1658, Mar. 12. Arrêt (against departing without leave).

1663, Jan. 19. Concession des isles de le Madelaine, etc., au Sieur Doublet.

1663, May 1. Lettres patentes an Gov. de Mezy.

1664, Feb. 1. Concession an Sieur Doublet (discovery in St. Jean Island).

1668, Nov. 29. Lettre du Temple an Sieur du Bourg.

1669, Mar. 8. Ordre du Roi d’Angleterre au Temple pour restituer l’Acadie.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession de la terre de Soulanges par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession an Sieur Joibert de Soulanges du fort de Gemisik par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 24. Concession de Chigneto au Sieur le Neuf de la Vallière par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1684. M. de Meules au Roi.

1684. Requête des habitans de la Coste du sud du fleuve St. Laurent.

1684, Sept. 20. Concessions des Sieurs de la Barre et de Meules au Sieur d’Amour Ecuyer, de la rivière de Richibouctou, et an Sieur Clignancourt, de terres à la rivière St. Jean.

1686. Mémoire de M. de Meules sur la Baye de Chedabouctou.

1689, Jan. 7. Concession à la rivière St. Jean au Sieur du Breuil.

1710, Oct. 3. Lettre de Nicholson à Subercase.

[1087] This document was also published at the Hague in 1756, as _Répliques des Commissaires Anglois: ou Mémoire présenté, le 23 Janvier, 1753_, with a large folding map.

[1088] The maps of Huske and Mitchell (1755), showing the claims of the French and English throughout the continent, are noted on a previous page (_ante_, p. 84), and that of Huske is there sketched. In a _New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, London, 1756, etc., are maps of “Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,” and of “New England and parts adjacent,” showing the French claim as extending to the line of the Kennebec, and following the water-shed between the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic.

[1089] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,028. A French translation appeared the next year: _Conduite des François par rapport à la Nouvelle Ecosse, depuis le premier établissement de cette colonie jusqu’à nos jours. Traduit de l’Anglois avec des notes d’un François_ [George Marie Butel-Dumont]. Londres, 1755. The next year (1756) a reply, said to be by M. de la Grange de Chessieux, was printed at Utrecht, _La Conduite des François justifiée_. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,129.)

[1090] _Discussion sommaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_ [par Matthieu François Pidansat de Mairobert]. Basle, 1755. (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,972.) Cf. also _A fair representation of his Majesty’s right to Nova Scotia or Acadie, briefly stated from the Memorials of the English Commissaries, with an answer to the French Memorials and to the treatise Discussion sommaire par les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_, London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,130).

[1091] Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,973.

[1092] It includes, for the most distant points, Boston, Montreal, and Labrador.

[1093] Various maps of Nova Scotia, drawn by order of Gov. Lawrence (1755), are noted in the _British Museum, King’s Maps_ (ii. 105), as well as others of date 1768. Of this last date is an engraved _Map of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the islands of Cape Breton and St. John, from actual surveys by Capt. Montresor, Eng’r._ There is a map of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland in _A New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, Lond., 1756; and one of New England and Nova Scotia by Kitchin, in the _London Magazine_, Mar., 1758. In the Des Barres series of British Coast Charts of 1775-1776, will be found a chart of Nova Scotia, and others on a larger scale of the southeast and southwest coasts of Nova Scotia.

[1094] On three sheets, each 22½ x 18½ inches, and called _Louisiane et Terres Angloises_.

[1095] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 293.

[1096] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 451.

[1097] See Vol. IV. p. 356.

[1098] The Indians held the Ohio to be the main stream, the Upper Mississippi an affluent. Hale, _Book of Rites_, 14.

[1099] Cf. also _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians to the Earl of Bellomont, 20 July, 1698_, New York, 1698 (22 pp.). Sabin, xv. 66,061. Brinley’s copy brought $410.

[1100] See chapters ii. and vii.

[1101] There is a contemporary MS. record of this conference in the Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. (_Catal._, p. 158.)

[1102] For the movement instituted by Spotswood, and his inspection of the country beyond the Blue Ridge, see chapter iv., and the authorities there cited.

[1103] See chapter vii.

[1104] See chapter ii.

[1105] This Indian confederacy of New York called themselves Hodenosaunee (variously spelled); the French styled them Iroquois; the Dutch, Maquas; the English, the Five Nations; the Delawares, the Menwe, which last the Pennsylvanians converted into Mingoes, later applied in turn to the Senecas in Ohio. Dr. Shea, in his notes to Lossing’s ed. of Washington’s diaries, says: “The Mengwe, Minquas, or Mingoes were properly the Andastes or Gandastogues, the Indians of Conestoga, on the Susquehanna, known by the former name to the Algonquins and their allies, the Dutch and Swedes; the Marylanders knew them as the Susquehannas. Upon their reduction by the Five Nations, in 1672, the Andastes were to a great extent mingled with their conquerors, and a party removing to the Ohio, commonly called Mingoes, was thus made up of Iroquois and Mingoes. Many treat Mingo as synonymous with Mohawk or Iroquois, but erroneously.”

[1106] The inscription on Moll’s _Map of the north parts of America claimed by France_ (1720) makes the Iroquois and “Charakeys” the bulwark and security of all the English plantations. This map has a view of the fort of “Sasquesahanock.” A map of the region of the Cherokees, from an Indian draught, by T. Kitchen, is in the _London Mag._, Feb., 1760.

[1107] Chapter vii.

[1108] This fort had been built in 1739, and called Fort St. Frederick. G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial N. Y._, ii. pp. 113, 114) uses the account of the adjutant of the French force, probably found in Canada at the conquest. The fort stood on the west side of the Hudson, south of Schuylerville, while Fort Clinton, built in 1746, was on the east side. (_Ibid._, ii. pp. 126, 254.) A plan of this later fort (1757) is noted in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Museum), ii. 300. See no. 17 of _Set of Plans_, etc., London, 1763.

[1109] _American Mag._ (Boston), Nov., 1746.

[1110] Chapter ii. p. 147.

[1111] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1866, p. 237.

[1112] See _ante_, p. 9.

[1113] See _ante_, p. 3.

[1114] _Canadian Antiquarian_, vii. 97.

[1115] He was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a conspicuous frontiersman of this time. Cf. Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 54; Schweinitz’s _Zeisberger_, 112; Thomas Cresap’s letter in Palmer’s _Calendar, Va. State Papers_, 245; and on his family the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 79, iv. 218.

In 1750 John Pattin, a Philadelphia trader, was taken captive among the Indians of the Ohio Valley, and his own narrative of his captivity, with a table of distances in that country, is preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society, together with a letter respecting Pattin from William Clarke, of Boston, dated March, 1754, addressed to Benjamin Franklin, in which Clarke refers to a recent mission of Pattin, prompted by Gov. Harrison, of Pennsylvania, into that region, “to gain as thorough a knowledge as may be of the late and present transactions of the French upon the back of the English settlements.”

[1116] The English got word of this movement in May. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 779.

[1117] See papers on the early routes between the Ohio and Lake Erie in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 683, ii. 52 (Nov., 1877, and Jan., 1878); and also in Bancroft’s _United States_, orig. ed., iii. 346. For the portage by the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers, see Darlington’s ed. of Col. James Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 174. The portages from Lake Erie were later discovered than those from Lake Michigan. For these latter earlier ones, see Vol. IV. pp. 200, 224. Cf. the map from Colden given herewith.

[1118] The ruins of this fort are still to be seen (1855) within the town of Erie. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 41. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_.

[1119] Now Waterford, Erie Co., Penna.

[1120] The road over the mountains followed by Washington is identified in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 51.

[1121] Sargent says the ruins of the fort which the French completed in 1755 at Venango were still (1855) to be seen at Franklin, Penna.; it was 400 feet square, with embankments then eight feet high. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Exped._, p. 41; Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, 312, 642. There is a notice of the original engineer’s draft of the fort in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248-249. Cf. S. J. M. Eaton’s _Centennial Discourse in Venango County_, 1876; and Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, pp. 694, 1122, where there is (p. 1123) a plan of the fort.

[1122] This summons is in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 141. Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 840.

[1123] The terms of the capitulation, as rendered by Villiers, had a reference to the “assassinat” of Jumonville, which a Dutchman, Van Braam, who acted as interpreter, concealed from Washington by translating the words “death of Jumonville.” This unintended acknowledgment of crime was subsequently used by the French in aspersing the character of Washington. See Critical Essay, _post_.

[1124] In December, 1754, Croghan reported to Gov. Morris that the Ohio Indians were all ready to aid the English if they would only make a movement. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 209.

[1125] See chapter ii.

[1126] See _post_.

[1127] Cf. Le Château de Vaudreuil, by A. C. de Lery Macdonald in _Rev. Canadienne_, new ser., iv. pp. 1, 69, 165; Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, 73.

[1128] A view of the house in Alexandria used as headquarters by Braddock is in _Appleton’s Journal_, x. p. 785.

[1129] See chapter vii.

[1130] This was now Fort Cumberland. There is a drawn plan of it noted in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 282. Parkman (i. 200) describes it. The _Sparks Catal._, p. 207, notes a sketch of the “Situation of Fort Cumberland,” drawn by Washington, July, 1755.

[1131] Sargent summarizes the points that are known relative to the unfortunate management of the Indians which deprived Braddock of their services. Sargent, pp. 168, 310; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 259, 308, 316, 318, 321; vi. 130, 134, 140, 146, 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443; _Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 375, 397, 460; _Olden Time_, ii. 238; Sparks’ _Franklin_, i. 189; _Penna. Mag. of History_, Oct., 1885, p. 334. Braddock had promised to receive the Indians kindly. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 290.

[1132] Two other officers, as well as Washington, were destined to later fame,—Daniel Morgan, who was a wagoner, and Horatio Gates, who led an independent company from New York.

[1133] There is an engraving of Beaujeu in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 63; and in Shea’s ed. of the _Relation diverses sur la bataille du Malangueulé_, N. Y., 1860, in which that editor aims to establish for Beaujeu the important share in the French attack which is not always recognized, as he thinks. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, vii. 265; and the account of Beaujeu by Shea, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1884, p. 121. Cf. also “La famille de Beaujeu,” in Daniel’s _Nos gloires nationales_, i. 131.

[1134] The annexed plan of the field is from a contemporary MS. in Harvard College library. See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. p. 118 (1879).

Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 214) reproduces two plans of the fight: one representing the disposition of the line of march at the moment of attack; the other, the situation when the British were thrown into confusion and abandoned their guns. The originals of these plans accompany a letter of Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, and are preserved in the Public Record Office, in the volume_ America and West Indies_, lxxxii. They were drawn at Shirley’s request by Patrick Mackellar, chief engineer, who was with Gage in the advance column. Parkman says: “They were examined and fully approved by the chief surviving officers, and they closely correspond with another plan made by the aide-de-camp Orme,—which, however, shows only the beginning of the affair.” This plan of Orme is the last in a series of six plans, engraved in 1758 by Jefferys (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 107; Sabin, ii. no. 7,212), and used by him in his _General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. There is a set of them, also, in the Sparks MSS., in Harvard Coll. library, vol. xxviii.

These six plans are all reproduced in connection with Orme’s Journal, in Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_. They are:—

I. Map of the country between Will’s Creek and Monongahela River, showing the route and encampments of the English army.

II. Distribution of the advanced party (400 men).

III. Line of march of the detachment from Little Meadows.

IV. Encampment of the detachment from Little Meadows.

V. Line of march with the whole baggage.

VI. Plan of the field of battle, 9 July, 1755.

See also the plans of the battle given in Bancroft’s _United States_ (orig. ed.), iv. 189; Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 90, the same plate being used by Sargent, p. 354, and in Guizot’s _Washington_. In the Faden Collection, in the Library of Congress, there are several MS. plans. (Cf. E. E. Hale’s _Catalogue of the Faden Maps_.)

Beside the map of Braddock’s advance across the country, given in the series, already mentioned, there is another in Neville B. Craig’s _Olden Time_ (ii. 539), with explanations by T. C. Atkinson, who surveyed it in 1847, which is copied by Sargent (p. 198), who also describes the route. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 84; and the _American Hist. Record_, Nov., 1874. A map made by Middleton and corrected by Lowdermilk is given in the latter’s _History of Cumberland_, p. 141. A letter of Sparks on the subject is in De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, p. 125. The condition of Braddock’s route in 1787 is described by Samuel Vaughan, of London, in a MS. journal owned by Mr. Charles Deane.

The _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, no. 65, shows a view of Braddock’s Field, and an engraving is in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 254, and another in Sargent, as a frontispiece. Judge Yeates describes a visit to the field in 1776, in Hazard’s _Register_, vi. 104, and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. 740; and Sargent (p. 275) tells the story of the discovery of the skeletons of the Halkets in 1758. Cf. Parkman, ii. 160; Galt’s _Life of Benj. West_ (1820), i. 64. Some views illustrating the campaign are in _Harper’s Magazine_, xiv. 592, etc.

[1135] “Poor Shirley was shot through the head,” wrote Major Orme. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, pp. 415, 417, where is a list of officers. Various of young Shirley’s letters are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii.

[1136] Braddock’s remains are said to have been discovered about 1823 by workmen engaged in constructing the National Road, at a spot pointed out by an old man named Fossit, Fausett, or Faucit, who had been in the provincial ranks in 1755. He claimed to have seen Braddock buried, and to have fired the bullet which killed him. The story is not credited by Sargent, who gives (p. 244) a long examination of the testimony. (Cf. also _Hist. Mag._, xi. p. 141.) Lowdermilk (p. 187) says that it was locally believed; so does De Hass in his _West. Virginia_, p. 128. Remains of a body with bits of military trappings were found, however, on digging. A story of Braddock’s sash is told by De Hass, in his _W. Virginia_, p. 129. In July, 1841, a large quantity of shot and shell, buried by the retreating army, was unearthed near by. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 231, etc. A picture of his grave was painted in 1854 by Weber, and is now in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Soc. (Cf. its _Catal. of Paintings_, no. 66.) It is engraved in Sargent, p. 280. Cf. Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, p. 334. Lowdermilk (pp. 188, 200) gives views of the grave in 1850 and 1877, with some account of its mutations. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, ii. p. 1002. A story obtained some currency that Braddock’s remains were finally removed to England. De Hass, p. 112.

[1137] See a subsequent page.

[1138] _Inquiry into the Conduct of Maj.-Gen. Shirley._

[1139] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, i. 538.

[1140] _Penna. Archives_, vi. 333, 335.

[1141] There are views of it in 1840 and 1844 in J. R. Simms’s _Trappers of New York_ (1871), and _Frontiersmen of New York_ (Albany, 1882), pp. 209, 249; in W. L. Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 497; and in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 286.

[1142] See views of it in Gay, iii. p. 286; in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. p. 107, and _Scribner’s Monthly_, March, 1879, p. 622.

[1143] “The loss of the enemy,” says Smith (_New York_, ii. 220), “though much magnified at the time, was afterwards found to be less than two hundred men.”

[1144] See the English declaration in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 735.

[1145] On his family see Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, p. 177.

[1146] For the rejoicing of Shirley’s enemies, cf. Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 212. Shirley had got an intimation of the purpose to supersede him as early as Apr. 16, 1756. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 630.) He had some strong friends all the while.

Gov. Livingston undertook to show that the ill-success of the campaign of 1755 was due more to jealousies and intrigues than to Shirley’s incapacity. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 159.) “Except New York,” he adds, “or rather a prevailing faction here, all the colonies hold Shirley in very high esteem.” Franklin says: “Shirley, if continued in place, would have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1756, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond comparison; for though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution.... Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved.” _Franklin’s Writings_ (Sparks’ ed.), i. p. 220-21.

[1147] _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 165, June 5, 1756.

[1148] Marshall’s _Washington_, i. 327.

[1149] There seems to be some question if any massacre really took place. (Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. p. 23.)

[1150] Referring to the fall of Oswego, Smith (_New York_, ii. 236) says: “The panic was universal, and from this moment it was manifest that nothing could be expected from all the mighty preparations for the campaign.”

[1151] Parkman (i. p. 440) notes the sources of this commotion.

[1152] Loudon had to this end held meetings with the northern governors at Boston in January, and with the southern governors at Philadelphia in March, 1757. Loudon’s correspondence at this time is in the Public Record Office (_America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxv.), and is copied in the Parkman MSS. When Loudon left with his 91 transports and five men-of-war, he sent off a despatch-boat to England; and Jenkinson, on the receipt of the message, wrote to Grenville, reflecting probably Loudon’s reports, that “the public seem to be extremely pleased with the secrecy and spirit of this enterprise.” _Grenville Corresp._, i. 201.

[1153] Bancroft and those who follow him, taking their cue from Smith (_Hist. of New York_), say that Loudon “proposed to encamp on Long Island for the defence of the continent.” Parkman (ii. p. 2) points out that this is Smith’s perversion of a statement of Loudon that he should disembark on that island if head winds prevented his entering New York bay, when he returned from Halifax. There seems to have been a current apprehension of a certain ridiculousness in all of Loudon’s movements. It induced John Adams to believe even then that the colonies could get on better without England than with her. Cf. the _John Adams and Mercy Warren Letters (Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections)_, p. 339.

[1154] Plans of the fort and settlement at Schenectady during the war are in Jonathan Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_ (1883), pp. 311, 316, 328: namely, one of the fort, by the Rev. John Miller (1695), from an original in the British Museum; another of the town (about 1750-60); and still another (1768).

[1155] Chapter vii.

[1156] Hutchinson (iii. 71) represents that Howe, in the confusion, may have been killed by his own men. On Howe’s burial at Albany, and the identification of his remains many years after, see Lossing’s _Schuyler_, i. p. 155; Watson’s _County of Essex_, 88. He was buried under St. Peter’s Church. Cf. Lossing, in _Harper’s Mag._, xiv. 453.

[1157] Abercrombie’s engineer surveyed the French works from an opposite hill, and pronounced it practicable to carry them by assault. Stark, with a better knowledge of such works, demurred; but his opinions had no weight. A view of the field of Abercrombie’s defeat is given in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 299. M. D’Hagues sent to the Marshal de Belle Isle on account of the situation of Fort Carillon [Ticonderoga] and its approaches, dated at the fort, May 1, 1758, which is printed (in translation) in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 707; and in the same, p. 720, is another description by M. de Pont le Roy, French engineer-in-chief.

The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758 is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 721; and the French plan noted in the _Catal. of the Library of Parliament_ (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose (_Montcalm et le Canada_, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a _Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758_, which Jefferys later included in his _General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of _Pouchot_, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it is reproduced in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 726.

[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville: “I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the remaining campaign.” _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 262.

[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him _Joseph Forbes_; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision.

[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called _Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism_ (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not in fac-simile, in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 314.

[1161] Loyalhannon, _Parkman_; Loyal Hanna, _Bancroft_; Loyal Hannan, _Irving_; Loyal Hanning, _Warburton_.

[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309.

[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (_Amer. Polit. Ideas_, p. 55) says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare, the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict.

[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec., 1758, is in _Penna. Archives_, vi. 433.

[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on the “Niagara Frontier,” in _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ._, ii. 409.

[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 101.)

[1167] See chapter vii.

[1168] In a massive old building, the manor-house of the first Seigneur of Beaufort (1634), which was destroyed in 1879. Cf. Lossing’s sketch in _Harper’s Magazine_ (Jan., 1859), xviii. p. 180.

[1169] Turcotte’s _Hist. de l’île d’Orléans_ (Quebec. 1867), ch. iii.

[1170] Among the officers of the army and navy here acting together were some who were later very famous,—Jervis (Earl St. Vincent), Cook, the navigator, Isaac Barré, the parliamentary friend of America, Guy Carleton, and William Howe, afterwards Sir William.

[1171] This point is prominent in most views of Quebec from below the town. Cf. Lossing, _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 185, etc. Montcalm was overruled by Vaudreuil, and was not allowed to entrench a force at Point Levi, as he wished. Beatson’s _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_.

[1172] The _Life of Cook_ gives some particulars of an exploit of Cook in taking soundings in the river, preparatory to the attack from Montmorenci.

[1173] On the 2d, in a despatch to Pitt, he used a phrase, since present to the mind of many a baffled projector, for when referring to the plans yet to be tried, he spoke of his option as a “choice of difficulties.”

[1174] Wolfe’s Cove, as it has since been called. Views of it are numerous. Cf. _Picturesque Canada_; Lossing’s _Field-Book_; and the drawing by Princess Louise in Dent’s _Last forty years_, ii. 345.

[1175] _Memoirs of Robert Stobo._ Cf. _Boston Post Boy_, no. 97; _Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,258. Stobo had made his escape from Quebec early in May, 1759. Cf. Montcalm’s letter in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.970.

[1176] Montgomery, nearly twenty years later, with a similar task before him, said, “Wolfe’s success was a lucky hit, or rather a series of such hits; all sober and scientific calculations of war were against him until Montcalm gave up the advantage of his fortress.” (Force’s _Am. Archives_, iii. 1,638.)

[1177] Sabine collates the various accounts of Wolfe’s death, believing that Knox’s is the most trustworthy. The _Memoirs of Donald Macleod_ (London), an old sergeant of the Highlanders, says that Wolfe was carried from the field in Macleod’s plaid. There is an account of his pistols and sash in the _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 31.

Capt. Robert Wier, who commanded a transport, timed the firing from the first to the last gun, and made the conflict last ten minutes. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 307.)

[1178] Doyle’s _Official Baronage_, iii. 543.

[1179] A view or plan of this post is given in _Mémoires sur les affaires du Canada_, 1749-60, p. 40.

[1180] Dr. O’Callaghan (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 400) threw some doubt on this statement, but it seems to be well established by contemporary record (Parkman, ii. 441). The remains of Montcalm were disturbed in digging another grave in 1833, but little was found except the skull, which is still shown in the convent. (Miles’s _Canada_, p. 415.) See the view in _Harper’s Magazine_, xviii. 192.

Dalhousie, when governor, caused a monument, inscribed with the names of both Wolfe and Montcalm, to be erected in the town. (Harper’s Mag., xviii. 188; _Canadian Antiquarian_, vi. 176.) A monument near the spot where Wolfe was struck down, and inscribed, “Here Wolfe died victorious,” fell into a decay, which relic-seekers had helped to increase (see a view of it in its dilapidated condition in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 189), and was in 1849 replaced by a monument surmounted with a helmet and sword, which is now seen by visitors, and, beside repeating the inscription on the old one, bears this legend: “This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada, A. D. 1849, ... to replace that erected ... in 1832, which was broken and defaced, and is deposited beneath.” (See views in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. p. 183.) A view of it from a sketch made in 1851 is annexed. An account of these memorials, with their inscriptions, is given in Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 211, with the correspondence which passed between Pitt and the secretary of the French Academy respecting an inscription which the army of Montcalm desired to place over his grave in Quebec. (Cf. Martin, p. 216; Bonnechose, _Montcalm et Canada_, App.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii., App.; and Watson’s _County of Essex_, p. 490.)

Cf. also Lossing in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. 176, 192, etc.

[1181] The news which reached England from Murray did not encourage the government to hope that Quebec could be saved. _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 343.

[1182] There is doubt where Rogers encamped,—the river “Chogage.” Parkman in the original edition of his _Pontiac_ (1851, p. 147) called it the site of Cleveland; but he avoids the question in his revised edition (i. p. 165). Bancroft (orig. ed., iv. 361) and Stone, _Johnson_ (ii. 132), have notes on the subject. Cf. also Chas. Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 90; and C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 17.

[1183] Parkman has a plan of Detroit, made about 1750 by the engineer Léry.

[1184] The _London Mag._ for Feb., 1761, had a map of the “Straits of St. Mary, and Michilimakinac.”

[1185] Here we find Bellomont’s correspondence (1698) with the French governor as to the relations of the Five Nations to the English, pp. 682, 690. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 367, 420; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 82; a tract, _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians ... to Bellomont in Albany, 20th of July, 1698_ (N. Y., 1698), containing the doings of Bellomont and his council on Indian affairs up to Aug. 20, 1698. (Brinley, ii. 3,400.) The same vol. of _N. Y. Col. Docs._ (ix.) gives beside a memoir (p. 701; also in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 45) on the encroachments of the English; conferences with the Indians at Detroit (p. 704) and elsewhere in 1700; the ratification of the treaty of peace at Montreal, Aug. 4, 1701 (p. 722); conferences of Vaudreuil with the Five Nations in 1703 and 1705 (pp. 746, 767); the scheme of seizing Niagara, 1706 (p. 773); Sieur d’Aigrement’s instructions and report on the Western posts (p. 805); a survey (p. 917) of English invasion of French territory (1680-1723); a memoir (p. 840) on the condition of Canada (1709),—not to name others.

For the period covered by the survey of this present chapter, these _N. Y. Col. Docs._ give from the London archives papers 1693-1706 (vol. iv.), 1707-1733 (vol. v.), 1734-1755 (vol. vi.), 1756-1767 (vol. vii.); and from the Paris archives, 1631-1744 (vol. ix.), 1745-1778 (vol. x.). The index to the whole is in vol. xi. See Vol. IV. pp. 409, 410.

There has been a recent treatment of the relations of the English with the Indians in Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, in which Philip Schuyler is a central figure, during the latter end of the seventeenth and for the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The book touches the conferences in Bellomont’s and Nanfan’s time. Colden, who was inimical to Schuyler, took exception to some statements in Smith’s _New York_ respecting him, and Colden’s letters were printed by the N. Y. Hist. Society in 1868.

[1186] The biography of Cadillac has been best traced in Silas Farmer’s _Detroit_, p. 326. He extended his inquiries among the records of France, and (p. 17) enumerates the grants to him about the straits. Cf. T. P. Bédard on Cadillac in _Revue Canadienne_, new ser., ii. 683; and a paper on his marriage in _Ibid._, iii. 104; and others by Rameau, in _Ibid._, xiii. 403. The municipality of Castelsarrasin in France presented to the city of Detroit a view of the old Carmelite church—now a prison—where Cadillac is buried. An engraving of it is given by Farmer. Julius Melchers, a Detroit sculptor, has made a statue of the founder, of which there is an engraving in Robert E. Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, Detroit, 1884, p. 14.

Farmer (p. 221) gives a description of Fort Pontchartrain as built by Cadillac, and (p. 33) a map of 1796, defining its position in respect to the modern city. Cf. also Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, p. 40. The oldest plan of Detroit is dated 1749, and is reproduced by Farmer (p. 32). Of the oldest house in Detroit, the Moran house, there are views in Farmer (p. 372) and Roberts (p. 50), who respectively assign its building to 1734 and 1750.

Among the later histories, not already mentioned, reference may be made to Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 154); E. Rameau’s _Notes historiques sur la colonie canadienne de Détroit. Lecture prononcée à Windsor sur le Détroit, comté d’Essex, C. W., 1^{er} avril, 1861_, Montréal, 1861; Rufus Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, Chicago, 1880; and Marie Caroline Watson Hamlin’s _Legends of le Détroit, Illus. by Isabella Stewart_, Detroit, 1884. These legends, covering the years 1679-1815, relate to Detroit and its vicinity. On p. 263, etc., are given genealogical notes about the early French families resident there. A brief sketch of the early history of Detroit by C. I. Walker, as deposited beneath the corner-stone of the new City Hall in 1868, is printed in the _Hist. Mag._, xv. 132. Cf. Henry A. Griffin on “The City of the Straits” in _Mag. of Western History_, Oct., 1885, p. 571.

[1187] See Vol. IV. p. 316. Shea’s volume is entitled: _Relation des affaires du Canada, en 1696. Avec des lettres des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702_. (N. Y., 1865.) Contents: La guerre contre les Iroquois; De la mission Iroquoise du Sault Saint François Xavier en 1696, ex literis Jac. de Lamberville; De la mission Illinoise en 1696, par le P. Gravier; Lettre du P. J. Gravier à Monseigneur Laval, 17 sept., 1697; Lettre de M. de Montigni au Rev. P. Bruyas [Chicago, 23 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. Gabriel Marest, 1700; Lettre du P. L. Chaigneau sur le rétablissement des missions Iroquoises en 1702; Relation du Destroit; Lettre du P. G. Marest [du pays des Illinois, 29 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Binneteau [du pays des Illinois, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Bigot [du pays des Abnaquis, 1699].

These papers illustrate affairs in the extreme west just at the opening of the period we are now considering. Cf. also the “Mémoire sur le Canada” (1682-1712) in _Collection de Manuscrits ... relatifs à la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, p. 551, etc.

[1188] Letters (1703) from Cadillac to Count Pontchartrain (p. 101), and to La Touche (p. 133); the developments of Cadillac’s defence in 1703 and later years (p. 142); Père Marest’s letter from Michilimackinac in 1706 (p. 206); a letter of Cadillac in the same year (p. 218), reports of Indian councils held at Montreal, Detroit, and Quebec in 1707 (pp. 232, 251, 263); a letter of Cadillac to Pontchartrain (p. 277) and D’Aigrement’s report on an inspection of the posts (p. 280), both in 1708. Speeches of Vaudreuil and an Ottawa chief, from a MS. brought from Paris by Gen. Cass, are printed in the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Papers_, no. 8. These papers, as translated by Whittlesey, pertaining to affairs about Detroit in 1706, are revised by that gentleman and reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. 270.

[1189] Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 257; Sheldon’s _Michigan_, 297.

[1190] A memoir on the peace made by De Lignery, the commandant at Mackinac, with the Indians in 1726 (p. 148); letters of Longueil, July 25, 1726 (p. 156), and Beauharnois, Oct. 1, 1726 (p. 156); a petition of the inhabitants of Detroit to the Intendant in 1726, with Tonti’s remonstrance (pp. 169, 175); a memoir of the king on the Indian war, and another by Longueil on the peace (pp. 160, 165).

[1191] Cf. ch. ii. Dudley’s speech in aid of the expedition is given in the _Boston Newsletter_, no. 377, and his call of June 9, 1711, upon New Hampshire to furnish its contingent appears in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. 479.

[1192] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 295; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.11; Cooke, no. 2,544; Menzies, no. 2,026; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 63.

[1193] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 166, 825; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.16; 6374.36.

[1194] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167; Bost. Pub. Lib., H. 98.18. Cf. also _Letter from an old whig in town ... upon the late expedition to Canada_ [signed X. Z.], published at London in 1711. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 146; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.14.)

[1195] _New England_, iv. 281, 282.

[1196] Notwithstanding the failure of the expedition, Dudley issued a Thanksgiving proclamation for other mercies, etc. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, ii. 629. In general, see _Boston Newsletter_, nos. 379-81; Penhallow, pp. 62-67; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 328; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 175, 180; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 277; v. 284; ix., _passim_; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc., i. 349; Lediard’s _Naval History_, 851; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 63; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 278, etc., with references; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 106. The tax for the expedition was the occasion of Thomas Maule’s _Tribute to Cæsar, with some remarks on the late vigorous expedition against Canada_, Philadelphia [1712]. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 120.

[1197] Vol. v. 238, 245, 247, 252.

[1198] Cf. also Garneau, _Histoire de Canada_ (1882), ii. 48; Juchereau, _Hist. de l’hôtel Dieu_; Grange de Chessieux, _La conduite des Français justifiée_, and an edition of the same edited by Butel-Dumont.

[1199] The two volumes are edited, with an introduction, by R. A. Brock. Bancroft had used these papers when owned by Mr. J. R. Spotswood, of Orange County, Va. The MS. was carried to England by Mr. G. W. Featherstonehaugh, and of his widow it was bought by the Virginia Hist. Society in 1873.

[1200] Mr. Brock refers to accounts of it in Hugh Jones’s _Present State of Virginia_; the preface to Beverly’s _Virginia_; Campbell’s _Virginia_; Slaughter’s _Hist. of Bristol Parish_; and in Slaughter’s _St. Mark’s Parish_ is a paper on “The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe,” crediting the diary of John Fontaine, which he reprints (it is also in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, N. Y., 1872, p. 281), with giving the most we know of the expedition. Cf. also J. Esten Cooke’s _Stories of the Old Dominion_, N. Y., 1879; and W. A. Caruthers’ _Knights of the Horseshoe_. Slaughter also gives a map of Spotswood’s route from Germanna to the Shenandoah.

Palmer, the editor of the _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_ (p. lix.), could find nothing official throwing light on this expedition.

[1201] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 296, 329.