Chapter XL: Part I: Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691 (New York, 1846). This (2)

[296] Christopher Kilby, the agent of the province, had, July 1, 1746, memorialized the home government to send succor to the colonies, in case a French fleet was sent against them. _Pepperrell Papers_, ed. by A. H. Hoyt (Boston, 1874), p. 5. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 119. Kilby was the province’s agent from Feb. 20, 1744, to Nov. 1748. Cf. _Mass. Archives_, xx. 356, 409, 469. The relations of the province with its agents are set forth in vols. xx.-xxii. of the _Archives_. Cf. the chapter on the Royal Governors, by Geo. E. Ellis, in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. The apprehension was strong in England that D’Anville would succeed in recovering Acadia and establish himself at Chebuctou, “which it is evident they design by their preparations.” _Bedford Corresp._, i. 156.

[297] The Duke of Bedford, who was the chief English patron of the expedition of 1746, recognized how great the exhaustion of the colonies had been in doing their part to bring the movement about. _Bedford Corresp._, i. 182.

[298] War was burdensome; but it had some relief. A Boston ship belonging to Josiah Quincy had, by exposing hats and coats on handspikes above her rail, allured a heavier Spanish ship into a surrender; and when the lucky deceiver brought her prize into Boston, the boxes of gold and silver which were carted through the streets required an armed guard for their protection. Other profits were less creditable. Governor Cornwallis writes from Halifax (November 27, 1750) to the Lords of Trade: “Some gentlemen of Boston who have long served the government, [and] because they have not the supplying of everything, have done all the mischief they could. Their substance, which they have got from the public, enables them to distress and domineer. Without them they say we can’t do, and so must comply with what terms they think proper to impose. These are Messrs. Apthorp and Hancock, the two richest merchants in Boston,—made so by the public money, and now wanton in their insolent demands.” Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, 630. Thomas Hancock’s letter book (April, 1745-June, 1750), embracing many letters to Kilby, in London, is now in the Mass. Hist. Society’s Cabinet. It is a sufficient exposure of the mercenary spirit affecting the operations of these contractors of supplies.

[299] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 264; Bishop, _Amer. Manuf._, i. 486-7.

[300] Douglass (_Summary_, i. 552-3) enumerates the frontier forts and cantonments maintained against the French and the Indians, to the west and to the east.

[301] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1870.

[302] Shirley was commissioned in 1754, as was Pepperrell also, to raise a regiment in America for the regular service. His instructions are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 178. Cf. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter about enlistments in Shirley’s regiment, in _New Jersey Archives_, viii. Part 2d, p. 17.

[303] Cf. various pamphlets on the state of Conn. at this time, noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. p. 524-5.

[304] What seem to be the best figures to be reached regarding the population of the English colonies at the opening of the war would place the total at something over a million. This sum is reached thus: In 1749 Maryland had 100,000. In 1752, Georgia had 3,000, and South Carolina 25,000. In 1754, Nova Scotia had 4,000. In 1755, North Carolina had 50,000; Virginia, 125,000; New Jersey, 75,000; New Hampshire, 75,000. Estimates must be made for the others: Pennsylvania, 220,000 (including 100,000 German and other foreign immigrants); Connecticut, 100,000; Rhode Island, 30,000; New York, 55,000, and Massachusetts, 200,000. This foots up 1,062,000.

[305] Quite in keeping with the fervor of the hour was a pamphlet which the last London ship had brought, _A scheme to drive the French out of all the Continent of America_ [by T. C.], which Fowle, the Boston printer, immediately reissued. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.31.)

[306] For his military conduct during the following campaign, the reader must turn to chapters vii. and viii.

[307] While they were watching at Boston every tidings of the war from the east and from the west, the gossips were weaving about the trial of Phillis and Mark for the poisoning of their master all the suspicions which unsettle the sense of social security; and when in September the common law of England asserted its dominance, the man was hanged, while the woman was burned, the last instance in our criminal history of this dread penalty for petit treason was recorded. Cf. A. C. Goodell, Jr., in _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._ (March, 1883), and in a separate enlarged issue of the same paper. It is well not to forget that while in old England at this time there were 160 capital offences, there were less than one tenth as many in Massachusetts. These are enumerated by H. B. Staples in his paper on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 10.

[308] _A lecture on earthquakes; read in Cambridge, November 26th, 1755, on occasion of the earthquake which shook New-England the week before._ Boston, 1755. 38 pp. 8^o. Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary bibliography in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ (Amer. Antiq. Soc. ed.), ii. pp. 524-532, 549, shows numerous publications occasioned by this earthquake. Cf. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 640.

[309] It is not unlikely that enlistments were impeded by a breach of faith with the New England troops, for they had been detained at the eastward beyond their term of enlistment. Shirley remonstrated about it to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nov. Scotia_, 421, 428. Gov. Livingston in 1756 wrote: “The New England colonies take the lead in all military matters.... In these governments lies the main strength of the British interests upon this continent.”

[310] For a portrait of Pownall see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 63. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 6. Pownall’s private letter book, covering his correspondence during the war, was in a sale at Bangs’s in New York, February, 1854 (no. 1342).

[311] He took the oath June 16. His commission is printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1867, p. 208.

[312] Parsons’ _Sir William Pepperrell_, p. 307.

[313] H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, p. 429; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 467; J. G. Shea in _Am. Cath. Quart. Rev._, viii. 144.

[314] “I am here,” writes Pownall, September 6, 1757, “at the head of what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising colony,—’t is all puff, ’t is all false; they are ruined and undone in their circumstances.” (_Pownall’s Letter Book._) _A brief State of the Services and Expences of the Province of the Massachusett’s Bay in the Common Cause_, London, 1765, sets forth the charges upon the province during the wars since 1690. Cf. Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 84; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 53; _Collections_, vi. 44, 47. Walsh in his _Appeal_ (p. 131) says that it was asserted in the House of Commons in 1778 that 10,000 of the seamen in the British navy in 1756 were of American birth. “From the year 1754 to 1762, there were raised by Massachusetts, 35,000 men; and for three years successively 7,000 men each year.... An army of seven thousand, compared with the population of Massachusetts in the middle of the last century, is considerably greater than an army of one million for France in the time of Napoleon.” Edw. Everett on “The Seven Years’ War the School of the Revolution,” in his _Orations_, i. p. 392.

[315] See _post_, ch. vii.

[316] _Grenville Corresp._, i. 305.

[317] The establishment of Fort Pownall effectually overawed the neighboring Indians. Cf. W. D. Williamson’s _Notice of Orono_ in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxix. 87.

[318] Cf. _post_, ch. viii.

[319] “Pownall thought there ought to be a good understanding between the capital and country, and a harmony between both and the government.... Pownall was the most constitutional and national governor, in my opinion, who ever represented the Crown in this province.” _John Adams’ Works_, x. 242, 243.

[320] Whitehead’s _Perth Amboy_.

[321] It was through his suggestion that Harvard College published in 1761 a collection of Greek, Latin, and English verses, commemorating George II. and congratulating George III., called _Pietas et Gratulatio_. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 431, and references.

[322] Vol. III. p. 345. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 79. Typographical errors in the book are very numerous, as Mather did not have a chance to correct the type. A page of “errata” was printed, but is found in few copies. Some copies have been completed by a fac-simile of the page, which Mr. Charles Deane has caused to be made. Some copies of the book exist on large paper. (_Hist. Mag._, ii. 123; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 37.) The Hartford ed. of 1820 was printed from a copy without this list of errata, and so preserves the original crop of errors. So did the edition of 1853; but the sheets of this, with a memoir by S. G. Drake added, were furnished with a new title in 1855, in which it is professed that the errors have been corrected; but the profession is said not to be true. (_Hist. Mag._, i. 29.) An exceptionally fine copy of the original edition, well bound, will bring $40 to $50. Holmes (_Amer. Annals_, 2d ed., i. 544) says of the _Magnalia_ that its “author believed more and discriminated less than becomes a writer of history.”

[323] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 200.

[324] Preface to Neal’s _History_, p. vii.

[325] Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, for editions (iii. 151).

[326] See Vol. III. p. 345.

[327] _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 32.

[328] _Sermon on Mather’s Death._

[329] Out of this book was published in London, in 1744, _An abridgment of the life of the late Reverend and learned Dr. Cotton Mather, taken from the account of him published by his son, by David Jennings_. _Recommended by I. Watts, D. D._

[330] Grahame (i. 425), taking his cue from Quincy, says of Cotton Mather that “a strong and acute understanding, though united with real piety, was sometimes corrupted by a deep vein of passionate vanity and absurdity.”

[331] In Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. vi.

[332] Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 158, gives a list of authorities on Mather, which may be supplemented by the references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. Sibley’s count of his printed and manuscript productions (456 in all) is the completest yet made. Samuel Mather gives 382 titles as the true number of his distinct printed books and tracts.

[333] It is usually priced at figures ranging from $7.00 to $10.00.

[334] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 201.

[335] Douglass, with his usual swagger, points out (_Summary_, etc., i. 362-3) various errors of Neal.

[336] Harvard Col. lib., no. 6372.12.

[337] Carter-Brown, iii. 899; Sabin, v. 20,726. Cf. present _History_, Vol. III. p. 346.

[338] The suppression, however, was incomplete. The numbers already out could not be recalled, and it is these bound up which constitute volume i. in many copies of the book, and the preface in which the suppression is promised is often bound with them. Rich (_Catal._, 1832, p. 94) had seen none of the proper independent issues of vol. i., in which the suppression was made, and in these copies, sig. Ff. (pp. 233-40) is reset, as well as other parts of the volume, though not all of it. A note in vol. i. (pp. 254-5), not bearing gently on Knowles, was suffered to stand.

[339] Sabin (vol. v. 20,726) says that some copies of vol. ii., which have an appendix from Salmon’s _Geog. and Hist. Grammar_, are dated 1753. The Sparks (no. 780) and Murphy (no. 814) catalogues note Boston editions in 1755. In the last year (1755) and in 1760 the book was reprinted in London, with a map; but Rich and the Carter-Brown catalogue seem to err in saying that the 1760 edition was one with a new title merely. Sabin (vol. v. 20,727-28) says the edition of 1760 has a few alterations and corrections.

[340] Douglass loftily says (i. p. 310), in defence of his digressions: “This Pindarick or loose way of writing ought not to be confined to lyric poetry; it seems to be more agreeable by its variety and turns than a rigid, dry, connected account of things.”

[341] _Mass. Bay_, ii. 78. Cf. Grahame, ii. 167. Douglass himself says with amusing confidence (_Summary_, etc., i. 356): “I have no personal disregard or malice, and do write of the present times, as if these things had been transacted 100 years since.”

[342] Vol. ii. pp. 151-157.

[343] Cf. Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 184.

[344] _Summary_, etc., i. 362.

[345] See Vol. III. p. 377.

[346] Cf. Alvah Hovey’s _Life and Times of Isaac Backus_, 1858, p. 281; and Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_. It was while mainly depending on the _Magnalia_ and Backus that H. F. Uhden wrote his _Geschichte der Congregationalisten in Neu England bis 1740_, of which there is an English version by H. C. Conant, _New England Theocracy_, Boston, 1858.

[347] An eminent Catholic authority, John G. Shea, in the _Amer. Cath. Q. Rev._, ix. (1884) p. 70, on “Puritanism in New England,” has said: “New England has framed not only her own history, but to a great extent the whole history of this country as it is generally read and popularly understood.... Schools made New Englanders a reading and writing people, and no subject was more palatable than themselves.... The consequence is that the works on New England history exceed those of all other parts of the country.... The general histories of the United States, like those of Bancroft and Hildreth, are written from the New England point of view, and Palfrey embodies in an especial manner the whole genius and development of their distinctive autonomy, with all the extenuating circumstances, the deprecating apologies, the clever and artistic arrangement in the background, of all that might offend the present taste.”

[348] See Vol. III. p. 344. Cf. also Chas. Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s historical publications_ (privately printed, 1857, as well as in the _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1857, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._) and Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xi. p. 22. Cf. Bancroft, _United States_, orig. ed., v. 228.

[349] Vol. III. p. 344. There is a rather striking portrait of Judge Minot (b. 1758; d. 1802), which is reproduced in heliotype in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. p. 42.

[350] Vol. III. p. 364. The MS. of Williamson’s _History_ is in Harvard College library. Mr. John S. C. Abbott published a popular _History of Maine_ at Boston in 1875.

[351] Cf. Vol. III. p. 376.

[352] Vol. III. p. 368. There are two portraits of Belknap by Henry Sargent in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (cf. _Catal. Cab. M. H. Soc._, nos. 34, 35, with engravings, p. 37), and the introduction to the first volume of the _Proceedings_ of that society gives his portrait and tells the story of his chief influence in forming that society. Cf. also the index to _Belknap Papers_, 2 vols., published by that society in 1877, and reissued with an app. in 1882; and the _Life of Jeremy Belknap, with selections from his correspondence and other writings, collected and arranged by his granddaughter_ [Mrs. Marcou], N. Y., 1847.

[353] Cf. the Belknap-Hazard correspondence in the _Belknap Papers_, published by the Mass. Hist. Soc., in _Collections_, vol. xlii.; and _N. H. Hist. Coll._, vol. i.

[354] Sabin, ii. 4,434.

[355] Sabin, ii. 4,435-36.

[356] Sabin, ii. 4,437.

[357] Cf. John Le Bosquet’s _Memorial of John Farmer_, Boston, 1884.

[358] See Vol. III. p. 343.

[359] _Hist. New Eng._, iv. p. xi.

[360] Vol. IV. p. 366.

[361] _Report_, etc., p. 17; Moore, _Final notes_, etc., p. 114; Ellis Ames in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 366.

[362] Hutchinson, ii. 213.

[363] _Report of Commissioners on the records, files_, etc., 1885, p. 21.

[364] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 34.

[365] _Report_, etc., ut supra, on “General Court Records,” p. 17.

[366] _Report_, etc., p. 24. Beside the “Mather Papers,” which refer to the colonial period, the _Prince Catalogue_ shows the “Cotton and Prince Papers” (p. 153) and the “Hinckley Papers” (p. 154), which extend beyond the colonial into the provincial period. Gov. Belcher’s letter-books are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. i. begins with Sept., 1731, and his connection with Boston ceases in vol. v., where also his letters from New Jersey begin and are continued to Dec., 1755. (Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 60.) Dr. Belknap (_Papers_, ii. 169) speaks of them as having been sold “at Russell’s vendue for waste paper; some of them were torn up.” Various letters of Belcher are printed in the _N. H. Provincial Papers_, iv. 866-880. The list of MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society (_Proc._, x., April, 1868) gives various ones of interest in the study of the last century in New England history.

[367] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1849, p. 167. Cf. references in Poole’s _Index_, p. 292.

[368] Vol. III. p. 367. Of this series, vols. ii. (1686-1691), iii. (1692-1722), iv. (1722-1737), v. (1738-1749), vi. (1749-1763), concern the provincial period. Vols. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., give the local documents pertaining to the towns.

[369] _Proc._, x. 160, 324.

[370] _Final notes_, etc., p. 120.

[371] The first and second editions are extremely rare. (Brinley, i. 818, 1392.) A third edition was printed in London, coming down to 1719, for the Lords of Trade, the charter being dated 1721 and the laws 1724. Other editions were printed in Boston in Jan., 1726-27 (Brinley, i. 1,394); 1742 (Ibid. i. 1,398); 1755 (Temporary Laws); 1759-61 (Perpetual Laws); 1763 (Temporary Laws). These had supplements in needful cases as the years went on. Such of the Province Laws as remained in force after the province became a State were printed as an appendix to the State Laws in 1801, 1807, 1814. (Ames and Goodell’s edition, preface.)

[372] A summary of the work done by the Commissioner on the Province Laws is set forth in D. T. V. Huntoon’s _Province Laws, their value and the progress of the new edition_, Boston, 1885 (pp. 24), which also contains a history of the various editions. From this tract it appears that Massachusetts, for what printing of her early records she has so far done, for historical uses solely, has expended as follows:—

_Mass. Colony Records_, five vols. $41,834.44
_Plymouth Colony Records_, twelve vols. 47,117.66
_Provincial Laws_, five vols. (to date) 77,505.75
———————————
$166,457.85

A synopsis of the contents of these volumes of the Province Laws is contained in H. B. Staples’ _Province Laws of Massachusetts_, in _Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Apr., 1884, and separately.

[373] _An address on the life and character of Chief-Justice Samuel Sewall, Oct. 26, 1884. Boston, printed for the author, 1885._ It also appeared in the volume which the occasion prompted, when its early ministers, with Samuel Adams and other worthies of its membership, were commemorated.

[374] _Proceedings_, x. 316, 411; xi. 5, 33, 43.

[375] Vols. xlv., xlvi., and xlvii. (1878, 1879, 1882). They are richly annotated with notes under the supervision of Dr. Ellis, as chairman of the committee of publication, who was assisted by Professor H. W. Torrey and Mr. Wm. H. Whitmore, the latter being responsible for the topographical and genealogical notes, of which there is great store. Dr. Ellis communicated to the society in 1873 (_Proc._, xii. 358) various extracts from the letter-book, which accompanied the diary when it was transferred to the society; but these with other letters and papers will be included in a fourth and fifth volume of the _Sewall Papers_, now in press.

[376] Probably no personal record of the provincial period of New England history has excited so much interest as the publication of Sewall’s diary. The judgments on it have been kindly, with few exceptions. Cf. D. A. Goddard, _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 417; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 345, 364; H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, 426; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 641; Poole, _Index to Period. lit._, p. 1181. Tyler (_Hist. Amer. lit._, ii. 99) gives a generous estimate of Sewall’s character, written before the publication of his diary. Palfrey in his vol. iv. made use of the diary after it came into the society’s library. (_Proc._, xviii. 378.)

There are genealogical records of the Sewalls in _Family Memorials, a series of genealogical and biographical monographs on the families of Salisbury, Aldworth-Elbridge, Sewall, etc. ... by Edward Elbridge Salisbury, privately printed_, 1885, two folio volumes. Cf. also volume i. of _Sewall Papers_.

[377] _Address_, etc., p. 5.

[378] _Address_, etc., p. 5.

[379] Cf. W. B. O. Peabody on Cotton Mather’s diary in the _Knickerbocker Mag._, viii. 196. With the exception of a year’s record preserved in the Congregational library in Boston, what remains of the diary of Cotton Mather is now in the libraries of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,—as follows (A. meaning the Am. Antiq. Soc.; M., the Mass. Hist. Soc.; C., the Cong. lib.):—

1681, 83, 85, 86, M.; 1692, A.; 1693, M.; 1696, A.; 1697, 98, M.; 1699, A.; 1700, 1, 2, M.; 1703, A.; 1705, 6, M.; 1709, 11, 13, A.; 1715, 16, C.; 1717, A.; 1718, 21, 24, M. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 42; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. p. xviii.; ii. p. 301.

[380] Parts of it are printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1861.

[381] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1870.

[382] Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 386; _Historical Magazine_, iii. 342.

[383] Reprinted in _N. H. Hist. Coll._, iii. He was in Boston in 1709, 1717, and 1720. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 537. The date of Uring’s book is sometimes 1726.

[384] There was a later edition in 1798 (much enlarged). Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 175.

[385] Quincy (_Harv. Univ._) calls Turell’s _Life of Benj. Colman_ “the best biography of any native of Massachusetts written during its provincial state.” Letters to and from Rev. Benj. Colman are preserved among the MSS. of the Mass. Hist. Society. _Proc._, x. 160-162.

[386] A cursory glance is given in H. W. Frost’s “How they lived before the Revolution” in _The Galaxy_, xviii. 200.

[387] Judd’s _Hadley_; Ward’s _Shrewsbury_, etc.

[388] Particularly vol. ii. ch. 16, “Life in Boston in the Provincial Period.” In the same work other aspects of social and intellectual life are studied in Dr. Mackenzie’s chapter on the religious life (in vol. ii,), in Mr. D. A. Goddard’s on the literary life (in vol. ii.), and in Mr. Geo. S. Hale’s on the philanthrophic tendency (in vol. iv.). Incidental glimpses of the ways of living are presented in several of Mr. Samuel A. Drake’s books, like _The Old Landmarks of Boston_, _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, and _Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast_. The coast life is depicted in such local histories as Babson’s _Gloucester_, and Freeman’s _Cape Cod_. The colonial house and household, beside being largely illustrated in the papers of Dr. Eggleston already mentioned, are discussed in Mr. C. A. Cummings’ chapter on “Architecture,” and Mr. E. L. Bynner’s chapter on “Landmarks” in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_. Cf. also Lodge, pp. 446, 458; and “Old Colonial houses _versus_ old English houses,” by R. Jackson, in _Amer. Architect_, xvii. 3. Copley’s pictures and the description of them in A. T. Perkins’s _Life and Works of John Singleton Copley_ (privately printed, 1873), with such surveys as are given in the Eggleston papers in _The Century_, present to us the outer appearance of the governing classes of that day.

For the other New England colonies, the local histories are still the main dependence, and principal among them are Hollister’s _Hist. of Connecticut_, Brewster’s _Rambles about Portsmouth_, and Staple’s _Town of Providence_.

[389] _United States_, ii. 401.

[390] For the town system of New England and its working, compare references in Lodge (p. 414), _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 454, and W. E. Foster’s _Reference lists_, July, 1882: to which may be added Herbert B. Adams’s _Germanic Origin of the New England Towns_ (1882), and Edward Channing’s _Town and County government in the English colonies of North America_ (1884),—both published in the “Johns Hopkins University studies;” Judge P. E. Aldrich in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884; “Town Meeting,” by John Fiske, in _Harper’s Magazine_, Jan., 1885 (also in his _American Political Ideas_, N. Y., 1885); Scott’s _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, p. 174; Fisher’s _American Political Ideas_, ch. i. (1885).

For the characteristics of its religious congregations the reader may consult Felt’s _Ecclesiastical History of New England_; the “Ecclesiastical Hist. of Mass. and Plymouth Colonies,” in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vols. vii., viii., ix., etc.; Lodge’s _English Colonies_ (pp. 423-434); the chapters by Dr. Mackenzie in vol. ii., and those on the various denominations in vol. iii., of the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, with their references; William Stevens Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_ (2 vols. 1885); H. W. Foote’s _King’s Chapel_ (Boston); M. C. Tyler’s _Hist. of American Literature_; H. M. Dexter’s _Congregationalism as seen in its literature_ (particularly helpful is its appended bibliography); Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _Annals of the American Pulpit_; with the notices of such as were ministers in Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_; the lives of preachers like Jonathan Edwards; and among the general histories of New England, particularly that of Backus.

One encounters in studying the ecclesiastical history of New England frequent references to organizations for propagating the gospel, and their similarity of names confuses the reader’s mind. They can, however, be kept distinct, as follows:—

I. “Corporation for promoting and propagating the gospel among the Indians of New England.” Incorporated July 27, 1649. Dissolved 1661. There is a history of it by Scull in the _New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxxvi. 157. What are known as the “Eliot tracts” were its publications. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 355.)

II. “Corporation for the propagation of the gospel in New England and parts adjacent in America.” Incorporated April 7, 1662. It still exists. The history of it is given by W. M. Venning in the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._, 2d ser., ii. 293. Its work in New England was broken up by the American Revolution, but it later (1786) began anew its labors in New Brunswick. Cf. also Henry William Busk’s _Sketch of the Origin and the Recent History of the New England Company_, London, 1884.

III. “Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts.” Chartered June 16, 1701. _Historical Account_ by Humphreys, London, 1730. The printed annual reports present a reflex of the religious and even secular society of the colonies in the eighteenth century. The _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,334, shows an unusual set from 1701 to 1800. The set in the Carter-Brown library is complete for these years.

IV. “Society for propagating the gospel among the Indians and others in North America.” Incorporated by Massachusetts in 1787.

[391] Separately as _Remarks on the early paper Currency of Mass._, with photographs of Mass. bills. Cambridge, 1866.

[392] Brinley, i. no. 857.

[393] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 333; Brinley, i. no. 726.

[394] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1866, p. 88; Palfrey, iv. 333, with references; _Province Laws_ (Ames and Goodell), i. 700; _Sewall Papers_, ii. 366.

[395] Cf. Henry Bronson’s “Hist. Acc. of Connecticut Currency” in the _N. Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, i. p. 171.

[396] What has been called “the first gun fired in the Land-bank war of 1714-1721” was a reprint in Boston, in 1714, of a tract which was originally published in London in 1688, called _A Model for erecting a Bank of Credit. Adapted especially for his majesties Plantations in America._ (_Prince Catal._, p. 45.) The Boston preface, dated Feb. 26, 1713-14, says that “a scheme of a bank of credit, founded upon a land security, ... will be humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly at their next session.” (Sabin, no. 49,795; Brinley, i. no. 1,430.)

[397] Sabin, ii. no. 6,710; _Prince Catal._, p. 51. But see Ibid., under “Bank of Credit,” p. 4, for other titles.

[398] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1884, p. 226.

[399] Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 207, 208.

[400] Brinley, i. no. 1,431.

[401] Sabin, ii. no. 6,711.

[402] Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. pp. 370-392; Brinley, i. pp. 188-191; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 184, 185, 302.

[403] _First Essays at Banking in New England._

[404] This tract (Brinley, i. no. 1,434; Sabin, iv. 14,536) was the work of John Colman, who followed it later in the same year with _The distressed state of the town of Boston once more considered_, etc. (Brinley, no. 1,439; Sabin, iv. no. 14,537), which was induced by an answer to his first tract, called _A letter from one in the Country to his friend in Boston_, 1720 (Brinley, i. no. 1,435, and nos. 1,436-37 for the sequel; also Sabin, iv. 14,538). There were further attacks on the council in _News from Robinson Crusoe’s island_, with attendant criminations (Brinley, i. nos. 1,440-42).

[405] Fac-similes in _The Century_, xxviii. 248; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. p. 132.

[406] In a tract, _Money the Sinews of Trade_, Boston, 1731 (Brinley, i. no. 1,447), there is a wail over the disastrous effect of Rhode Island bills in Massachusetts. Rhode Island, in 1733, issued a large amount of paper money for circulation, chiefly in Massachusetts; and the elder colony suffered from the infliction in spite of all she could do. There is in the _Connecticut Col. Records_, 1726-35, p. 421, a fac-simile of a three-shilling bill of the “New London Society united for trade and commerce in New England.”

[407] _Trade and Commerce inculcated ... with some proposals for the bringing gold and silver into the country._ Boston, 1731. (Brinley, i. no. 1,448.)

[408] Bennett, an English traveller, who was in New England at this time, gives an account of the currency in vogue, and he says that the merchants informed him that “the balance of trade with England is so much against them that they cannot keep any money [coin] amongst them.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1860-62, pp. 123-24.

[409] Cf. description of the notes of the “Silver Scheme” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, pp. 263-64.

[410] P. O. Hutchinson’s _Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 51. _A Dissertation on the Currencies of the British plantations in North America, and Observations on a paper currency_ (Boston, 1740), is ascribed to Hutchinson.

[411] _An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Consequences of the two late Schemes commonly call’d the Land-bank or Manufactory Scheme and the Silver Scheme in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, wherein the Conduct of the late and present G——r during their Ad——ns is occasionally consider’d and compar’d. In a letter [Apr. 9, 1744] from a gentleman in Boston to his friend in London._ 1744. The reader of the life of Sam. Adams remembers how the closing days of his father’s life and the early years of his own were harassed by prosecutions on account of the father’s personal responsibility as a director of the Land-bank Company. (Cf. Wells’ _Life of Sam. Adams_, vol. i. pp. 9, 26; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 262.) The names of the “undertakers” of the Land-bank are given in Drake’s _Boston_, p. 613.

[412] _Historical MSS. Commission’s Report_, v. 229.

[413] Sabin, v. no. 20,725; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 589; _Boston Pub. Lib. Bull._, 1884, p. 138.

[414] Sabin, v. 20,723.

[415] It was reprinted in Boston in 1740; again in London, 1751, with a postscript; and once more, London, 1757. Sabin, v. no. 20,721; Carter-Brown, iii. 608, 660; Brinley, i. no. 1,450; Harvard Col. lib’y, 10352.3. Douglass reiterated his views with not a little feeling in various notes, sometimes uncalled for, through his _Summary_, etc., in 1747. Two rejoinders to Douglass’s views appeared, entitled as follows: _An inquiry into the nature and uses of money, more especially of the bills of public credit, old tenor.... To which is added a Reply to a former Essay on Silver and Paper Currencies_. _As also a Postscript containing remarks on a late Discourse concerning the Currencies_, Boston, 1740. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 659; Boston Pub. Liby. H. 94.53; Brinley, i. 1,451.) _Observations occasioned by reading a pamphlet intituled, A discourse concerning the currencies, etc._, London, 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,453.)

Other tracts in the controversy were these: _A letter to —— ——, a merchant in London concerning a late combination in the Province of Massachusetts Bay to impose or force a private currency called Land-bank money_. [Boston] 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,454.) _A letter to a merchant in London to whom is directed the printed letter_ [as above] _dated Feb. 21, 1740_. [Boston] 1741. (_Boston Pub. Liby. Bull._, 1884, p. 138.) These and other titles can be found in Haven’s Bibliography in Thomas, ii. pp. 444-508; in Carter-Catal., Brown, vol. iii.; in the _Prince Catalogue_, under “Land-bank” and “Letter,” pp. 34, 35; in the _Brinley_ i. pp. 191-192. The general histories like Bancroft (last revision, ii. 263), Hildreth (ii. 380), Palfrey (iv. 547), Williamson (ii. 203), Barry (ii. 132), take but a broad view of the subject. Hutchinson (ii. 352) is an authoritative guide, and W. G. Sumner in his _Hist. of Amer. Currency_, and J. J. Knox in _U. S. Notes_ (1884), have summarized the matter. Cf. a paper on the Land-bank and Silver Scheme read before the Amer. Statistical Association in 1874 by E. H. Derby; and one by Francis Brinley in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 4, 1856. There is a fac-simile of a Mass. three-shillings bill of 1741 and a sixpence of 1744 in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. pp. 131, 134.

[416] In 1749 Douglass said (_Summary_, i. 535), “The parties in Massachusetts Bay at present are not the Loyal and Jacobite, the Governor and Country, Whig and Tory, but the debtors and creditors. The debtor side has had the ascendant ever since 1741, to the almost utter ruin of the country.”

[417] P. O. Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 53) gives a table of depreciation which the governor made:—

_Rates of Silver in_

1714 8½
1715 9⅙
1716-17 12
1721 13
1722 14
1724-25 16
1725-26 15½
1730 18
1731 19
1733 21
1734 25
1737 26½
1738 27
1739 28½
1744 30
1745 36
1746 36, 38, 40, 41
1747 50, 55, 60

Felt (p. 83) begins his table in 1710-1711, at 8; for 1712-13 he gives 8-1/2; and (p. 135) he puts the value in 1746-48 at 37, 38, 40; and in 1749-52 at 60. Cf. table in Judd’s _Hadley_, ch. xxvii.

[418] Admiral Warren was authorized to receive the money. _Mass. Archives_, xx. 500, 508.

[419] See a humorous contemporary ballad on the Death of Old Tenor, in 1750, reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 30. It is ascribed to Joseph Green in the _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,459. Cf. _Some observations relating to the present circumstances of the Province of the Mass. Bay; humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly_, Boston, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 934; Brinley, i. no. 1,457.) Hutchinson’s plan was opposed in _A Word in Season to all true lovers of their liberty and their country, by Mylo Freeman_, Boston, 1748. (Brinley, i. no. 1,456.) Cf. Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. ch. v.

[420] Judge H. B. Staples in his _Province Laws of Mass._, Worcester, 1884 (p. 13, etc.), gives a synopsis of Massachusetts legislation on the subject of paper money during the whole period; but Ames and Goodell’s ed. of the _Laws_ is the prime source.

[421] Stephen Hopkins was the chairman of the committee reporting to the assembly on the paper-money question, Feb. 27, 1749 (_R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 283, and _R. I. Hist. tracts_, viii. 182; and June 17, 1751, _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 130).

[422] Brinley, i. 1,493; ii. 2,655.

[423] Harv. Col. Lib., no. 16352.7; Brinley, ii. 2,656.

[424] Thomas, _Hist. of Printing_, i. 129; Minot, i. 208; Drake’s _Boston_, p. 635; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 404.

[425] Nos. 1,494-95.

[426] Brinley, nos. 1,497-98; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 9. Various other pamphlets on the Excise Bill are noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. pp. 520-21.

[427] The act is printed and a description of the stamps is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1860, p. 267. One of the stamps shows a schooner, another a cod-fish, and a third a pine-tree,—all proper emblems of Massachusetts. The vessel with a schooner rig was a Massachusetts invention, being devised at Gloucester in 1714, and the story goes that her name came from some one exclaiming, “How she schoons!” as she was launched from the ways. Cf. Babson’s _Gloucester,_ p. 251; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 474, and (by Admiral Preble), Feb., 1885, p. 207; and _United Service_ (also by Preble), Jan., 1884, p. 101. The earliest mention of the fish as an emblem I find in Parkman’s statement (_Frontenac_, p. 199, referring to Colden’s _Five Nations_) that one was sent to the Iroquois in 1690 as a token of alliance. A figure of a cod now hangs in the chamber of the Mass. House of Representatives, and the legislative records first note it in 1784, but lead one to infer that it had been used earlier. Cf. _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, Sept., 1866; _Hist. Mag._, x. 197. The pine-tree appeared on the coined shilling piece in 1652, which is known by its name. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, i. 225, iii. 197, 317; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 293; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 354, with references; _Amer. Jour. of Numismatics_; _Coin Collector’s Journal_, etc.

[428] Cf. _post_, ch. vii.

[429] Clarence W. Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iv.; S. E. Baldwin on the “Boundary line between Connecticut and New York,” in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Collections_, iii.; Smith’s _New York_ (1814), p. 275.

[430] Cf. further in Smith’s posthumous second volume, p. 250; and in papers by F. L. Pope in the _Berkshire Courier_, May 13, 20, 27, 1885. Cf. G. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, i. 281.

[431] Cf. _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,464; Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s hist. publications_ (1857), p. 37.

[432] _Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissaries of New York at a Congress with the Commissaries of the Massachusetts Bay, relating to the establishment of a partition line of jurisdiction between the two provinces_, New York, 1767. _Conference between the Commissaries of Massachusetts Bay and the Commissaries of New York_, Boston, 1768. _Statement of the case respecting the controversy between New York and Massachusetts respecting their boundaries_, London, Boston, Philadelphia, 1767.

[433] The form of these charters is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._. 1869, p. 70.

[434] H. Hall in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. pp. 22, 74.

[435] Brinley, ii. no. 2,799; Sabin, x. p. 413.

[436] _Brinley Catal._, nos. 2,510, 2,622; _Sparks’ Catal._, nos. 47, 50. Allen’s argument in this tract was reprinted in 1779 in his _Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the government of New York_ (Dresden, 1779).

[437] John L. Rice, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. p. 1. Cf. _Journals of Prov. Cong. etc._ (Albany, 1842).

[438] Brinley, i. no. 2,511. Cf. for the proclamation, Sabin, xiii. 53, 873.

[439] Printed at Dresden, Vt., 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the Governor and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1877), vol. v. pp. 525-540. Brinley, i. no. 2,512; Boston Pub. Library, 2338.10.

[440] Printed at Dresden, 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the Council of Safety of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1873), vol. i. p. 444. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,513.

[441] Printed at Hartford, 1780, and reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier 1874), vol. ii. p. 223. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,514. Stephen R. Bradley published the same year _Vermont’s appeal to the candid and impartial world_ (Hartford, 1780). Brinley, i. no. 2,515. The _Journals of Congress_ (iii. 462) show how, June 2, 1780, that body denounced the claims of the people of the New Hampshire grants. The same journals (iv. pp. 4, 5) give the Vermont statement of their case, dated Oct. 16, 1781; and New York’s rejoinder, Nov. 15, 1781.

[442] It is reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1874), vol. ii. p. 355. Brinley, i. no. 2,516. It was published anonymously. Cf. under date of March 1, 1782, the Report on the history of the N. H. grants in the _Journals of Congress_, iii. 729-32. The pardon by New York of those who had been engaged in founding Vermont is in Ibid. iv. 31 (April 14, 1782); and a report to Congress acknowledging her autonomy is in Ibid. iv. p. ii. (April 17, 1782).

[443] Documentary sources respecting this prolonged controversy will be found in William Slade, Jr.’s _Vermont State Papers, being a collection of records and documents connected with the assumption and establishment of government by the people of Vermont_ (Middlebury, 1823); in _Documents and Records relating to New Hampshire_, vol. x.; in O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. New York_, vol. iv. pp. 329-625, with a map; in the _Fund Publications_ of the N. Y. Hist. Society, vol. iii., and in the _Historical Magazine_ (1873-74), vol. xxi. Henry Stevens, in the preface (p. vii.) of his _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), refers to a collection of papers formed by his father, Henry Stevens, senior, of Barnet, Vermont. The first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._ had other papers, the editing of which was sharply criticised by H. B. Dawson in the _Historical Magazine_, Jan., 1871; with a reply by Hiland Hall in the July number (p. 49). The controversy was continued in the volume for 1872, Mr. Hall issuing fly leaves of argument and remonstrance to the editor’s statements.

The earliest general survey of the subject, after the difficulties were over, is in Ira Allen’s _Natural and political History of the State of Vermont_ (London, 1798, with a map), which is reprinted in the first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._ (Montpelier, 1870). It is claimed to be “the aim of the writer to lay open the source of contention between Vermont and New York, and the reasons which induced the former to repudiate both the jurisdiction and claims of the latter, before and during the American Revolution, and also to point out the embarrassments the people met with in founding and establishing the independence of the State against the intrigues and claims of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.” The most extensive of the later accounts is in Hiland Hall’s _Early Hist. of Vermont_ (1868), ch. v. and vi., with a part of Mitchell’s map of 1755. Smith’s _History of New York_ (ii. 149) gives the New York side of the controversy. Cf. also Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii. 361; and Philip H. Smith’s _Green-Mountain Boys, or Vermont and the New York land jobbers_ (Pawling, N. Y., 1885).

The controversy enters more or less into local histories, like Holden’s _Queensbury, N. Y._ (p. 393); William Bassett’s _Richmond, N. H._ (ch. iii.); O. E. Randall’s _Chesterfield, N. H._; Saunderson’s _Charlestown, N. H._ All the towns constituting these early grants are included in Abby Maria Hemenway’s _Vermont Historical Gazetteer, a local history of all the towns in the State_ (Burlington and Montpelier, 1867-1882), in four volumes.

The bibliography of Vermont to 1860, showing 250 titles, was printed by B. H. Hall in _Norton’s Lit. Register_, vol. vi.; a more extended list of 6,000 titles by Marcus D. Gilman was printed in the _Argus and Patriot_, of Montpelier, Jan., 1879, to Sept. 15, 1880. (Boston Public Library. 6170.14.)

[444] “Early Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania,” by T. J. Chapman in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1884.

[445] Cf. documents mentioned in Henry Stevens’s _Catal. of books and pamphlets relating to New Hampshire_ (1885, p. 15), which documents were sold by him to the State of New Hampshire. Stevens says regarding these papers: “Dear fussy old Richard Hakluyt, the most learned geographer of his age, but with certain crude and warped notions of the South Sea ‘down the back side of Florida,’ which became worked into many of King James’s and King Charles’s charters, and the many grants that grew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geographical puzzles.... All these are fully illustrated in the numerous papers cited in these cases.” The Thomlinson correspondence (1733-37) in the Belknap papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), which is printed in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 833, etc., relates to the bounds with Massachusetts, and chiefly consists of letters which passed between Theodore Atkinson, of Portsmouth, and Capt. John Thomlinson, the province agent in London. Cf. Hiland Hall’s _Vermont_, ch. iv.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 554; Belknap, Farmer’s ed., p. 219; and the Report of the Committee on the name Kearsarge, in the _N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1876-84, p. 136. The journal of Richard Hazzen (1741), in running the bounds of Mass. and New Hampshire, is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, xxxiii. 323.

[446] _Historical Mag._, 2d ser. vol. ix. 17; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 349. Cf. Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, iii. 349; and Farmer’s ed. of same, p. 245. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 261) points out how inexact knowledge about the variation of the needle complicated the matter of running lines afresh upon old records. Cf. also Ibid., p. 263.

[447] The original MS. award of the commissioners is in the State-paper office in London. The _Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. no. 692, shows a copy of it. The Egerton MSS. in the British Museum have, under no. 993, various papers on the bounds of Massachusetts, 1735-54. Cf. also Douglass, _Summary_, i. 399.

[448] Mr. Waters reports in the British Museum an office copy of the “Bounds between Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut,” attested by Roger Wolcott, 1713; and also a plan of the south bounds of Massachusetts Bay as it is said to have been run by Woodward and Safery in 1642. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 415) has some notes on the bounds of Massachusetts Bay; and on those with Connecticut there are the original acts of that province in the _Conn. Col. Records_, iv. (1707-1740).

[449] Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iii.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 364. The report of the joint committee on the northern boundary of Conn. and Rhode Island, April 4, 1752, is printed in _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 346. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 145.

[450] Bowen, parts ii. and iii., with maps of Connecticut (1720) and Rhode Island (1728); _Rhode Island Col. Records_, iv. 370; Palfrey, iv. 232; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1884, p. 51; and the map in Arnold’s _Rhode Island_, ii. 132, showing the claims of Connecticut. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 144. Since Vol. III. was printed some light has been thrown on the earlier disputes over the Rhode Island and Connecticut bounds through the publication by the Mass. Hist. Soc. of the _Trumbull Papers_, vol. i. (pp. 40, 76), edited by Chas. Deane, who gives references. Rhode Island’s answer to Connecticut about their bounds in 1698, and other papers pertaining, are also printed with references in the _Trumbull Papers_, i. p. 196, etc.

[451] The cuts of this fort have been kindly furnished by the Maine Historical Society.

[452] Cf. “Frontier Garrisons reviewed by order of the Governor, 1711,” in _Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder_, i. p. 113; and “Garrison Houses in Maine,” by E. E. Bourne, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. 109.

[453] Chapters xii. (1688-95), xiv. (1700-1710), xvi. (1713-1725), xxi. (1756-1763). Whittier tells the story of the “Border War of 1708” in his _Prose Works_, ii. p. 100. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 313.

[454] _Sewall Papers_, ii. 182; _Hist. Mag._, viii. 71.

[455] The original edition is called _The Redeemed Captive, returning to Zion_. _A faithful history of remarkable occurrences in the captivity and deliverance of Mr. John Williams, minister of the gospel in Deerfield, who, in the desolation which befel that plantation, by an incursion of the French and Indians, was by them carried away with his family into Canada,_ [with] _a sermon preached by him on his return at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706_. Boston, 1707. (Harv. Col. lib., 4375.12; Brinley, i. no. 494; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 103.) A second edition was issued at Boston in 1720; a third in 1738, with an appendix of details by Stephen Williams and Thomas Prince; a fourth without date [1773]; a fifth in 1774; another at New London without date [1780?]; one at Greenfield in 1793, with an additional appendix by John Taylor,—the same who delivered a _Century Sermon_ in Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1804, printed at Greenfield the same year; what was called a fifth edition at Boston in 1795; sixth at Greenfield, with additions, in 1800; again at New Haven in 1802, following apparently the fifth edition, and containing Taylor’s appendix. United with the narrative of Mrs. Rowlandson’s captivity, it made part of a volume issued at Brookfield in 1811, as _Captivity and Deliverance of Mr. John Williams and of Mrs. Rowlandson, written by themselves_. The latest edition is one published at Northampton in 1853, to which is added a biographical memoir [of John Williams] with appendix and notes by Stephen W. Williams. (Brinley, i. nos. 495-505; Cooke, 2,735-37; Field, _Indian Bibliog., 1672-75_.) The memoir thus mentioned appeared originally as _A Biographical Memoir of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of Deerfield, with papers relating to the early Indian wars in Deerfield_, Greenfield, 1837. The author, Stephen W. Williams, was a son of the captive, and he gives more details of the attack and massacre than his father did. Jeremiah Colburn (_Bibliog. of Mass._) notes an edition dated 1845. This book has an appendix presenting the names of the slain and captured, and Captain Stoddard’s journal of a scout from Deerfield to Onion or French River in 1707. (Field, no. 1,674.) John Williams died in 1729, and a notice of him from the _N. E. Weekly Journal_ is copied in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1854, p. 174; and Isaac Chauncey’s _Sermon_ at his funeral was printed in Boston in 1729. (Brinley, no. 508.) The house in Deerfield in which Williams lived, showing the marks of the tomahawk which beat in the door, stood till near the middle of this century. An unsuccessful effort was made in 1847 to prevent its destruction. (_N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, ii. 110.) There are views of it in Hoyt’s _Antiquarian Researches_, and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. 122. Eleazer Williams, the missionary to the Indians at the west, was supposed to be a great grandson of the captive, through Eunice Williams, one of the captive’s daughters, who adopted the Indian life during her detention in Canada, and married, refusing afterwards to return to her kindred. A claim was set up late in Eleazer Williams’ life that the was the lost dauphin, Louis XVII., and he is said to have told stories to confirm it, some of which gave him a name for questionable veracity. In 1853, a paper in _Putnam’s Magazine_ (vol. i. 194), called “Have we a Bourbon among us?” followed by a longer presentation of the claim by the same writer, the Rev. J. H. Hanson, in a book, _The Lost Prince_, attracted much attention to Williams, who died a few years later in 1858, aged about 73. There is a memoir of Mr. Williams in vol. iii. of the _Memorial Biographies_ of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Society. The question of his descent produced a number of magazine articles (cf. _Poole’s Index_, p. 1411, and appendix to the _Longmeadow Centennial Celebration_), the outcome of which was not favorable to Williams’ pretension, whose truthfulness in other matters has been seriously questioned. Hoyt, the author of the _Antiquarian Researches_, represented on the authority of Williams that there were documents in the convents of Canada showing that the French, in their attack on Deerfield, had secured and had taken to Canada a bell which hung in the belfry of the Deerfield meeting-house, and that this identical bell was placed upon the chapel of St. Regis. Benjamin F. De Costa (_Galaxy_, Jan., 1870, vol. ix. 124) and others have showed that the St. Regis settlement did not exist till long after. This turned the allegation into an attempt to prove that the place of the bell was St. Louis instead, the present Caughnawaga. Geo. T. Davis, who examines this story, and gives some additional details about the attack on the town, has reached the conclusion, in his “Bell of St. Regis,” that Williams deceived Hoyt by a fabrication. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1870), xi. 311; Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, ch. 2.)

There is in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 478 (March, 1867), a contemporary account of the destruction of Deerfield, with a table of losses in persons and property; and a letter by John Schuyler in the _Mass. Archives_, lxxii. 13. Cf. also Penhallow’s _Indian Wars_; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 127, 141; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, ch. 12; Holmes, _Amer. Annals_, with notes; Hoyt, _Antiq. Researches on Indian Wars_, 184; Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, iii. ch. 2; Holland’s _Western Mass._, i. ch. 9; Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 92; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 262; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 251, 261; and on the French side, Charlevoix, ii. 290, and a paper by M. Ethier, “Sur la prise de Deerfield, en 1704,” in _Revue Canadienne_, xi. 458, 542. John Stebbins Lee’s _Sketch of Col. John Hawkes of Deerfield, 1707-1784_, has details of the Indian wars of this region.