Chapter X: Part 10

As the way of travel, _viâ_ the Underground Rail Road, under the most favorable circumstances, even for the sterner sex, was hard enough to test the strongest nerves, and to try the faith of the bravest of the brave, every woman, who won her freedom, by this perilous undertaking, deserves commemoration. It is, therefore, a pleasure to thus transfer from the old Record book the names of Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley, who fled from Maryland in 1857. Their lives, however, had not been in any way very remarkable. Ann was tall, and of a dark chestnut color, with an intelligent countenance, and about twenty-four years of age. She had filled various situations as a Slave. Sometimes she was required to serve in the kitchen, at other times she was required to toil in the field, with the plow, hoe, and the like. Samuel Harrington, of Cambridge District, Maryland, was the name of the man for whose benefit Ann labored during her younger days. She had no hesitation in saying, that he was a very "ill-natured man;" he however, was a member of the "old time Methodist Church." In Slave property he had invested only to the extent of some five or six head. About three years previous to Ann's escape, one of her brothers fled and went to Canada. This circumstance so enraged the owner, that he declared he would "sell all" he owned. Accordingly Ann was soon put on the auction block, and was bought by a man who went by the name of William Moore. Moore was a married man, who, with his wife, was addicted to intemperance and carousing. Ann found that she had simply got "out of the fire into the frying-pan." She was really at a loss to tell when her lot was the harder, whether under the "rum drinker," or the old time Methodist. In this state of mind she decided to leave all and go to Canada, the refuge for the fleeing bondman. Lavina, Ann's companion, was the wife of James Woolfley. She and her husband set out together, with six others, and were of the party of eight who were betrayed into Dover jail, as has already been described in these pages. After fighting their way out of the jail, they separated (for prudential reasons). The husband of Lavina, immediately after the conflict at the jail, passed on to Canada, leaving his wife under the protection of friends. Since that time several months had elapsed, but of each other nothing had been known, before she received information on her arrival at Philadelphia. The Committee was glad to inform her, that her husband had safely passed on to Canada, and that she would be aided on also, where they could enjoy freedom in a free country.

* * * * *

CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK.

TWENTY-ONE PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A BOAT. NOVEMBER, 1855.

CAPTAIN F. was certainly no ordinary man. Although he had been living a sea-faring life for many years, and the marks of this calling were plainly enough visible in his manners and speech, he was, nevertheless, unlike the great mass of this class of men, not addicted to intemperance and profanity. On the contrary, he was a man of thought, and possessed, in a large measure, those humane traits of character which lead men to sympathize with suffering humanity wherever met with.

It must be admitted, however, that the first impressions gathered from a hasty survey of his rough and rugged appearance, his large head, large mouth, large eyes, and heavy eye-brows, with a natural gift at keeping concealed the inner-workings of his mind and feelings, were not calculated to inspire the belief, that he was fitted to be entrusted with the lives of unprotected females, and helpless children; that he could take pleasure in risking his own life to rescue them from the hell of Slavery; that he could deliberately enter the enemy's domain, and with the faith of a martyr, face the dread slave-holder, with his Bowie-knives and revolvers--Slave-hunters, and blood-hounds, lynchings, and penitentiaries, for humanity's sake. But his deeds proved him to be a true friend of the Slave; whilst his skill, bravery, and success stamped him as one of the most daring and heroic Captains ever connected with the Underground Rail Road cause.

At the time he was doing most for humanity in rescuing bondsmen from Slavery, Slave-laws were actually being the most rigidly executed. To show mercy, in any sense, to man or woman, who might be caught assisting a poor Slave to flee from the prison-house, was a matter not to be thought of in Virginia. This was perfectly well understood by Captain F.; indeed he did not hesitate to say, that his hazardous operations might any day result in the "sacrifice" of his life. But on this point he seemed to give himself no more concern than he would have done to know which way the wind would blow the next day. He had his own convictions about dying and the future, and he declared, that he had "no fear of death," however it might come. Still, he was not disposed to be reckless or needlessly to imperil his life, or the lives of those he undertook to aid. Nor was he averse to receiving compensation for his services. In Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, and other places where he traded, many slaves were fully awake to their condition. The great slave sales were the agencies that served to awaken a large number. Then the various mechanical trades were necessarily given to the Slaves, for the master had no taste for "greasy, northern mechanics." Then, again, the stores had to be supplied with porters, draymen, etc., from the slave population. In the hearts of many of the more intelligent amongst the slaves, the men, as mechanics, etc., the women, as dress-makers, chamber-maids, etc., notwithstanding all the opposition and hard laws, the spirit of Freedom was steadily burning. Many of the slaves were half brothers, and sisters, cousins, nephews, and nieces to their owners, and of course "blood would tell."

It was only necessary for the fact to be made known to a single reliable and intelligent slave, that a man with a boat running North had the love of Freedom for all mankind in his bosom to make that man an object of the greatest interest. If an angel had appeared amongst them doubtless his presence would not have inspired greater anxiety and hope than did the presence of Captain F. The class most anxious to obtain freedom could generally manage to acquire some means which they would willingly offer to captains or conductors in the South for such assistance as was indispensable to their escape. Many of the slaves learned if they could manage to cross Mason and Dixon's line, even though they might be utterly destitute and penniless, that they would then receive aid and protection from the Vigilance Committee. Here it may be well to state that, whilst the Committee gladly received and aided all who might come or be brought to them, they never employed agents or captains to go into the South with a view of enticing or running off slaves. So when captains operated, they did so with the full understanding that they alone were responsible for any failures attending their movements.

The way is now clear to present Captain F. with his schooner lying at the wharf in Norfolk, loading with wheat, and at the same time with twenty-one fugitives secreted therein. While the boat was thus lying at her mooring, the rumor was flying all over town that a number of slaves had escaped, which created a general excitement a degree less, perhaps, than if the citizens had been visited by an earthquake. The mayor of the city with a posse of officers with axes and long spears repaired to Captain F.'s boat. The fearless commander received his Honor very coolly, and as gracefully as the circumstances would admit. The mayor gave him to understand who he was, and by what authority he appeared on the boat, and what he meant to do. "Very well," replied Captain F., "here I am and this is my boat, go ahead and search." His Honor with his deputies looked quickly around, and then an order went forth from the mayor to "spear the wheat thoroughly." The deputies obeyed the command with alacrity. But the spears brought neither blood nor groans, and the sagacious mayor obviously concluded that he was "barking up the wrong tree." But the mayor was not there for nothing. "Take the axes and go to work," was the next order; and the axe was used with terrible effect by one of the deputies. The deck and other parts of the boat were chopped and split; no greater judgment being exercised when using the axe than when spearing the wheat; Captain F. all the while wearing an air of utter indifference or rather of entire composure. Indeed every step they took proved conclusively that they were wholly ignorant with regard to boat searching. At this point, with remarkable shrewdness, Captain F. saw wherein he could still further confuse them by a bold strategical move. As though about out of patience with the mayor's blunders, the captain instantly reminded his Honor that he had "stood still long enough" while his boat was being "damaged, chopped up," &c. "Now if you want to search," continued he, "give me the axe, and then point out the spot you want opened and I will open it for you very quick." While uttering these words he presented, as he was capable of doing, an indignant and defiant countenance, and intimated that it mattered not where or when a man died provided he was in the right, and as though he wished to give particularly strong emphasis to what he was saying, he raised the axe, and brought it down edge foremost on the deck with startling effect, at the same time causing the splinters to fly from the boards. The mayor and his posse seemed, if not dreadfully frightened, completely confounded, and by the time Captain F. had again brought down his axe with increased power, demanding where they would have him open, they looked as though it was time for them to retire, and in a few minutes after they actually gave up the search and left the boat without finding a soul. Daniel in the lions' den was not safer than were the twenty-one passengers secreted on Captain F.'s boat. The law had been carried out with a vengeance, but did not avail with this skilled captain. The "five dollars" were paid for being searched, the amount which was lawfully required of every captain sailing from Virginia. And the captain steered direct for the City of Brotherly Love. The wind of heaven favoring the good cause, he arrived safely in due time, and delivered his precious freight in the vicinity of Philadelphia within the reach of the Vigilance Committee. The names of the passengers were as follows:

ALAN TATUM, DANIEL CARR, MICHAEL VAUGHN, THOMAS NIXON, FREDERICK NIXON, PETER PETTY, NATHANIEL GARDENER, JOHN BROWN, THOMAS FREEMAN, JAMES FOSTER, GODFREY SCOTT, WILLIS WILSON, NANCY LITTLE, JOHN SMITH, FRANCIS HAINES, DAVID JOHNSON, PHILLIS GAULT, ALICE JONES, NED WILSON, and SARAH C. WILSON, and one other, who subsequently passed on, having been detained on account of sickness. These passengers were most "likely-looking articles;" a number of them, doubtless, would have commanded the very highest prices in the Richmond market. Among them were some good mechanics--one excellent dress-maker, some "prime" waiters and chambermaids;--men and women with brains, some of them evincing remarkable intelligence and decided bravery, just the kind of passengers that gave the greatest satisfaction to the Vigilance Committee. The interview with these passengers was extremely interesting. Each one gave his or her experience of Slavery, the escape, etc., in his or her own way, deeply impressing those who had the privilege of seeing and hearing them, with the fact of the growing spirit of Liberty, and the wonderful perception and intelligence possessed by some of the sons of toil in the South. While all the names of these passengers were duly entered on the Underground Rail Road records, the number was too large, and the time they spent with the attempts to escape were made by Daniel, after being sold to North Carolina; for this offence, he was on one occasion stripped naked, and flogged severely. This did not cure him. Prior to his joining Captain F.'s party, he had fled to the swamps, and dwelt there for three months, surrounded with wild animals and reptiles, and it was this state of solitude that he left directly before finding Captain F. Daniel had a wife in Portsmouth, to whom he succeeded in paying a private visit, when, to his unspeakable joy, he made the acquaintance of the noble Captain F., whose big heart was delighted to give him a passage North. Daniel, after being sold, had been allowed, within the two years, only one opportunity of visiting his wife; being thus debarred he resolved to escape. His wife, whose name was Hannah, had three children--slaves--their names were Sam, Dan, and "baby." The name of the latter was unknown to him.

MICHAEL VAUGHN. Michael was about thirty-one years of age, with superior physical proportions, and no lack of common sense. His color was without paleness--dark and unfading, and his manly appearance was quite striking. Michael belonged to a lady, whom he described as a "very disagreeable woman." "For all my life I have belonged to her, but for the last eight years I have hired my time. I paid my mistress $120 a year; a part of the time I had to find my board and all my clothing." This was the direct, and unequivocal testimony that Michael gave of his slave life, which was the foundation for alleging that his mistress was a "very disagreeable woman."

Michael left a wife and one child in Slavery; but they were not owned by his mistress. Before escaping, he felt afraid to lead his companion into the secret of his contemplated movements, as he felt, that there was no possible way for him to do anything for her deliverance; on the other hand, any revelation of the matter might prove too exciting for the poor soul;--her name was Esther. That he did not lose his affection for her whom he was obliged to leave so unceremoniously, is shown by the appended letter:

NEW BEDFORD, August 22d, 1855.

DEAR SIR:--I send you this to inform you that I expect my wife
to come that way. If she should, you will direct her to me. When
I came through your city last Fall, you took my name in your
office, which was then given you, Michael Vaughn; since then my
name is William Brown, No. 130 Kempton street. Please give my
wife and child's name to Dr. Lundy, and tell him to attend to it
for me. Her name is Esther, and the child's name Louisa.

Truly yours,

WILLIAM BROWN.

Michael worked in a foundry. In church fellowship he was connected with the Methodists--his mistress with the Baptists.

THOMAS NIXON was about nineteen years of age, of a dark hue, and quite intelligent. He had not much excuse to make for leaving, except, that he was "tired of staying" with his "owner," as he "feared he might be sold some day," so he "thought" that he might as well save him the trouble. Thomas belonged to a Mr. Bockover, a wholesale grocer, No. 12 Brewer street. Thomas left behind him his mother and three brothers. His father was sold away when he was an infant, consequently he never saw him. Thomas was a member of the Methodist Church; his master was of the same persuasion.

FREDERICK NIXON was about thirty-three years of age, and belonged truly to the wide-awake class of slaves, as his marked physical and mental appearance indicated. He had a more urgent excuse for escaping than Thomas; he declared that he fled because, his owner wanted "to work him hard without allowing him any chance, and had treated him rough." Frederick was also one of Mr. Bockover's chattels; he left his wife, Elizabeth, with four children in bondage. They were living in Eatontown, North Carolina. It had been almost one year since he had seen them. Had he remained in Norfolk he had not the slightest prospect of being reunited to his wife and children, as he had been already separated from them for about three years. This painful state of affairs only increased his desire to leave those who were brutal enough to make such havoc in his domestic relations.

PETER PETTY was about twenty-four years of age, and wore a happy countenance; he was a person of agreeable manners, and withal pretty smart. He acknowledged, that he had been owned by Joseph Boukley, Hair Inspector. Peter did not give Mr. Boukley a very good character, however; he said, that Mr. B. was "rowdyish in his habits, was deceitful and sly, and would sell his slaves any time. Hard bondage--something like the children of Israel," was his simple excuse for fleeing. He hired his time of his master, for which he was compelled to pay $156 a year. When he lost time by sickness or rainy weather, he was required to make up the deficiency, also find his clothing. He left a wife--Lavinia--and one child, Eliza, both slaves. Peter communicated to his wife his secret intention to leave, and she acquiesced in his going. He left his parents also. All his sisters and brothers had been sold. Peter would have been sold too, but his owner was under the impression, that he was "too good a Christian" to violate the laws by running away. Peter's master was quite a devoted Methodist, and was attached to the same Church with Peter. While on the subject of religion, Peter was asked about the kind and character of preaching that he had been accustomed to hear; whereupon he gave the following graphic specimen: "Servants obey your masters; good servants make good masters; when your mistress speaks to you don't pout out your mouths; when you want to go to church ask your mistress and master," etc., etc. Peter declared, that he had never heard but one preacher speak against slavery, and that "one was obliged to leave suddenly for the North." He said, that a Quaker lady spoke in meeting against Slavery one day, which resulted in an outbreak, and final breaking up of the meeting.

PHILLIS GAULT. Phillis was a widow, about thirty years of age; the blood of two races flowed in about equal proportions through her veins. Such was her personal appearance, refinement, manners, and intelligence, that had the facts of her slave life been unknown, she would have readily passed for one who had possessed superior advantages. But the facts in her history proved, that she had been made to feel very keenly the horrifying effects of Slavery; not in the field, for she had never worked there; nor as a common drudge, for she had always been required to fill higher spheres; she was a dress-maker--but not without fear of the auction block. This dreaded destiny was the motive which constrained her to escape with the twenty others; secreted in the hold of a vessel expressly arranged for bringing away slaves. Death had robbed her of her husband at the time that the fever raged so fearfully in Norfolk. This sad event deprived her of the hope she had of being purchased by her husband, as he had intended. She was haunted by the constant thought of again being sold, as she had once been, and as she had witnessed the sale of her sister's four children after the death of their mother.

Phillis was, to use her own striking expression in a state of "great horror;" she felt, that nothing would relieve her but freedom. After having fully pondered the prospect of her freedom and the only mode offered by which she could escape, she consented to endure bravely whatever of suffering and trial might fall to her lot in the undertaking--and as was the case with thousands of others, she succeeded. She remained several days in the family of a member of the Committee in Philadelphia, favorably impressing all who saw her. As she had formed a very high opinion of Boston, from having heard it so thoroughly reviled in Norfolk, she desired to go there. The Committee made no objections, gave her a free ticket, etc. From that time to the present, she has ever sustained a good Christian character, and as an industrious, upright, and intelligent woman, she has been and is highly respected by all who know her. The following letter is characteristic of her:

BOSTON, March 22, 1858.

MY DEAR SIR--I received your photograph by Mr Cooper and it
afforded me much pleasure to do so i hope that these few lines
may find you and your family well as it leaves me and little
Dicky at present i have no interesting news to tell you more
than there is a great revival of religion through the land i all
most forgoten to thank you for your kindness and our little Dick
he is very wild and goes to school and it is my desire and
prayer for him to grow up a useful man i wish you would try to
gain some information from Norfolk and write me word how the
times are there for i am afraid to write. i wish yoo would see
the Doctor for me and ask him if he could carefully find out any
way that we could steal little Johny for i think to raise nine
or ten hundred dollars for such a child is outraigust. just at
this time i feel as if i would rather steal him than to buy him.
give my kinde regards to the Dr and his family tell Miss Margret
and Mrs Landy that i would like to see them out here this summer
again to have a nice time in Cambridge Miss Walker that spent
the evening with me in Cambridge sens much love to yoo and Mrs.
Landy give my kindes regards to Mrs Still and children and
receive a portion for yoo self. i have no more to say at present
but remain yoor respectfully.

FLARECE P. GAULT.

When you write direct yoo letters Mrs. Flarece P. Gault, No 62
Pinkney St.

* * * * *

ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.

MATILDA MAHONEY,--DR. J.W. PENNINGTON'S BROTHER AND SONS CAPTURED AND CARRIED BACK.

While many sympathized with the slave in his chains, and freely wept over his destiny, or gave money to help buy his freedom, but few could be found who were willing to take the risk of going into the South, and standing face to face with Slavery, in order to conduct a panting slave to freedom. The undertaking was too fearful to think of in most cases. But there were instances when men and women too, moved by the love of freedom, would take their lives in their hands, beard the lion in his den, and nobly rescue the oppressed. Such an instance is found in the case of Matilda Mahoney, in Baltimore.

The story of Matilda must be very brief, although it is full of thrilling interest. She was twenty-one years of age in 1854, when she escaped and came to Philadelphia, a handsome young woman, of a light complexion, quite refined in her manners, and in short, possessing great personal attractions. But her situation as a slave was critical, as will be seen.

Her claimant was Wm. Rigard, of Frederick, Md., who hired her to a Mr. Reese, in Baltimore; in this situation her duties were general housework and nursing. With these labors, she was not, however, so much dissatisfied as she was with other circumstances of a more alarming nature: her old master was tottering on the verge of the grave, and his son, a trader in New Orleans. These facts kept Matilda in extreme anxiety. For two years prior to her escape, the young trader had been trying to influence his father to let him have her for the Southern market; but the old man had not consented. Of course the trader knew quite well, that an "article" of her appearance would command readily a very high price in the New Orleans market. But Matilda's attractions had won the heart of a young man in the North, one who had known her in Baltimore in earlier days, and this lover was willing to make desperate efforts to rescue her from her perilous situation. Whether or not he had nerve enough to venture down to Baltimore to accompany his intended away on the Underground Rail Road, his presence would not have aided in the case. He had, however, a friend who consented to go to Baltimore on this desperate mission. The friend was James Jefferson, of Providence, R.I. With the strategy of a skilled soldier, Mr. Jefferson hurried to the Monumental City, and almost under the eyes of the slave-holders, and slave-catchers, despite of pro slavery breastworks, seized his prize and speeded her away on the Underground Railway, before her owner was made acquainted with the fact of her intended escape. On Matilda's arrival at the station in Philadelphia, several other passengers from different points, happened to come to hand just at that time, and gave great solicitude and anxiety to the Committee. Among these were a man and his wife and their four children, (noticed elsewhere), from Maryland. Likewise an interesting and intelligent young girl who had been almost miraculously rescued from the prison-house at Norfolk, and in addition to these, the brother of J.W. Pennington, D.D., with his two sons.

While it was a great gratification to have travelers coming along so fast, and especially to observe in every countenance, determination, rare manly and womanly bearing, with remarkable intelligence, it must be admitted, that the acting committee felt at the same time, a very lively dread of the slave-hunters, and were on their guard. Arrangements were made to send the fugitives on by different trains, and in various directions. Matilda and all the others with the exception of the father and two sons (relatives of Dr. Pennington) successfully escaped and reached their longed-for haven in a free land. The Penningtons, however, although pains had been taken to apprize the Doctor of the good news of the coming of his kin, whom he had not seen for many, many years, were captured after being in New York some twenty-four hours. In answer to an advisory letter from the secretary of the Committee the following from the Doctor is explicit, relative to his wishes and feelings with regard to their being sent on to New York.

29 6th AVENUE, NEW YORK, May 24th, 1854.

MY DEAR MR. STILL:--Your kind letter of the 22d inst has come to
hand and I have to thank you for your offices of benevolence to
my bone and my flesh, I have had the pleasure of doing a little
for your brother Peter, but I do not think it an offset. My
burden has been great about these brethren. I hope they have
started on to me. Many thanks, my good friend.

Yours Truly.

J.W.C. PENNINGTON.

This letter only served to intensify the deep interest which had already been awakened for the safety of all concerned. At the same time also it made the duty of the Committee clear with regard to forwarding them to N.Y. Immediately, therefore, the Doctor's brother and sons were furnished with free tickets and were as carefully cautioned as possible with regard to slave-hunters, if encountered on the road. In company with several other Underground Rail Road passengers, under the care of an intelligent guide, all were sent off in due order, looking quite as well as the most respectable of their race from any part of the country. The Committee in New York, with the Doctor, were on the look out of course; thus without difficulty all arrived safely in the Empire City.

It would seem that the coming of his brother and sons so overpowered the Doctor that he forgot how imminent their danger was. The meeting and interview was doubtless very joyous. Few perhaps could realize, even in imagination, the feelings that filled their hearts, as the Doctor and his brother reverted to their boyhood, when they were both slaves together in Maryland; the separation--the escape of the former many years previous--the contrast, one elevated to the dignity of a Doctor of Divinity, a scholar and noted clergyman, and as such well known in the United States, and Great Britain, whilst, at the same time, his brother and kin were held in chains, compelled to do unrequited labor, to come and go at the bidding of another. Were not these reflections enough to incapacitate the Doctor for the time being, for cool thought as to how he should best guard against the enemy? Indeed, in view of Slavery and its horrid features, the wonder is, not that more was not done, but that any thing was done, that the victims were not driven almost out of their senses. But time rolled on until nearly twenty-four hours had passed, and while reposing their fatigued and weary limbs in bed, just before day-break, hyena-like the slave-hunters pounced upon all three of them, and soon had them hand-cuffed and hurried off to a United States' Commissioner's office. Armed with the Fugitive Law, and a strong guard of officers to carry it out, resistance would have been simply useless. Ere the morning sun arose the sad news was borne by the telegraph wires to all parts of the country of this awful calamity on the Underground Rail Road.

Scarcely less painful to the Committee was the news of this accident, than the news of a disaster, resulting in the loss of several lives, on the Camden and Amboy Road, would have been to its managers. This was the first accident that had ever taken place on the road after passengers had reached the Philadelphia Committee, although, in various instances, slave-hunters had been within a hair's breadth of their prey.

All that was reported respecting the arrest and return of the Doctor's kin, so disgraceful to Christianity and civilization, is taken from the Liberator, as follows:

THREE FUGITIVE SLAVES ARRESTED IN NEW YORK, AND GIVEN UP TO
THEIR OWNERS.

NEW YORK, May 25th.

About three o'clock this morning, three colored men, father and
two sons, known as Jake, Bob, and Stephen Pennington, were
arrested at the instance of David Smith and Jacob Grove, of
Washington Co., Md., who claimed them as their slaves. They were
taken before Commissioner Morton, of the United States Court,
and it was understood that they would be examined at 11 o'clock;
instead of that, however, the case was heard at once, no persons
being present, when the claimnants testified that they were the
owners of said slaves and that they escaped from their service
at Baltimore, on Sunday last.

From what we can gather of the proceedings, the fugitives
acknowledged themselves to be slaves of Smith and Grove. The
commissioner considering the testimony sufficient, ordered their
surrender, and they were accordingly given up to their
claimants, who hurried them off at once, and they are now on
their way to Baltimore. A telegraph despatch has been sent to
Philadelphia, as it is understood an attempt will be made to
rescue the parties, when the cars arrive. There was no
excitement around the commissioner's office, owing to a
misunderstanding as to the time of examination. The men were
traced to this city by the claimants, who made application to
the United States Court, when officers Horton and De Angeles
were deputied by the marshal to effect their arrest, and those
officers, with deputy Marshal Thompson scoured the city, and
finally found them secreted in a house in Broome St. They were
brought before Commissioner Morton this morning. No counsel
appeared for the fugitives. The case being made out, the usual
affidavits of fear of rescue were made, and the warrants
thereupon issued, and the three fugitives were delivered over to
the U.S. Marshal, and hurried off to Maryland. They were a
father and his two sons, father about forty-five and sons
eighteen or nineteen. The evidence shows them to have recently
escaped. The father is the brother of the Rev. Dr. Pennington, a
highly respected colored preacher of this city.

NEW YORK, May 28.

Last evening the church at the corner of Prince and Marion
streets was filled with an intelligent audience of white and
colored people, to hear Dr. Pennington relate the circumstance
connected with the arrest of his brother and nephews. He showed,
that he attempted to afford his brother the assistance of
counsel, but was unable to do so, the officers at the Marshal's
office having deceived him in relation to the time the trial was
to take place before the Commissioners. Hon. E.F. Culver next
addressed the audience, showing, that a great injustice had been
done to the brother of Dr. Pennington, and though he, up to that
time, had advocated peace, he now had the spirit to tear down
the building over the Marshal's head. Intense interest was
manifested during the proceedings, and much sympathy in behalf
of Dr. Pennington.

THE FUGITIVE SLAVES IN BALTIMORE.

The U.S. Marshal, A.T. Hillyer, Esq., received a dispatch this
morning from officers Horton and Dellugelis, at Baltimore,
stating, that they had arrived there with the three slaves,
arrested here yesterday (the Penningtons), the owners
accompanying them. The officers will return to New York, this
evening.--_N.Y. Express_, 27_th_.

NEW YORK, May 30.

The Rev. Dr. Pennington has received a letter from Mr. Grove,
the claimant of his brother, who was recently taken back from
this city, offering to sell him to Dr. Pennington, should he
wish to buy him, and stating, that he would await a reply,
before "selling him to the slave-drivers." Mr. Groce, who
accompanied his "sweet heart," Matilda, in the same train which
conveyed the Penningtons to New York, had reason to apprehend
danger to all the Underground Rail Road passengers, as will
appear from his subjoined letter:

ELMIRA, May 28th.

DEAR LUKE:--I arrived home safe with my precious charge,
and found all well. I have just learned, that the
Penningtons are taken. Had he done as I wished him he
would never have been taken. Last night our tall friend
from Baltimore came, and caused great excitement here by
his information. The lady is perfectly safe now in
Canada. I will write you and Mr. Still as soon as I get
over the excitement. This letter was first intended for
Mr. Gains, but I now send it to you. Please let me hear
their movements.

Yours truly,

C.L. GROCE.

But sadly as this blow was felt by the Vigilance Committee, it did not cause them to relax their efforts in the least. Indeed it only served to stir them up to renewed diligence and watchfulness, although for a length of time afterwards the Committee felt disposed, when sending, to avoid New York as much as possible, and in lieu thereof, to send _viâ_ Elmira, where there was a depot under the agency of John W. Jones. Mr. Jones was a true and prompt friend of the fugitive, and wide-awake with regard to Slavery and slave-holders, and slave hunters, for he had known from sad experience in Virginia every trait of character belonging to these classes.

In the midst of the Doctor's grief, friends of the slave soon raised money to purchase his brother, about $1,000; but the unfortunate sons were doomed to the auction block and the far South, where, the writer has never exactly learned.

"FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN," IN MALE ATTIRE.

PROFESSORS H. AND T. OFFER THEIR SERVICES--CAPTAINS B. ALSO ARE ENLISTED--SLAVE-TRADER GRASPING TIGHTLY HIS PREY, BUT SHE IS RESCUED--LONG CONFLICT, BUT GREAT TRIUMPH--ARRIVAL ON THANKSGIVING DAY, NOV. 25, 1855. It was the business of the Vigilance Committee, as it was clearly understood by the friends of the Slave, to assist all needy fugitives, who might in any way manage to reach Philadelphia, but, for various reasons, not to send agents South to incite slaves to run away, or to assist them in so doing. Sometimes, however, this rule could not altogether be conformed to. Cases, in some instances, would appeal so loudly and forcibly to humanity, civilization, and Christianity, that it would really seem as if the very stones would cry out, unless something was done. As an illustration of this point, the story of the young girl, which is now to be related, will afford the most striking proof. At the same time it may be seen how much anxiety, care, hazard, delay and material aid, were required in order to effect the deliverance of some who were in close places, and difficult of access. It will be necessary to present a considerable amount of correspondence in this case, to bring to light the hidden mysteries of this narrative. The first letter, in explanation, is the following:

LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, D.C., June 27, 1854.

MR. WM. STILL--_Dear Sir_:--I have to thank you for the prompt
answer you had the kindness to give to my note of 22d inst.
Having found a correspondence so quick and easy, and withal so
very flattering, I address you again more fully.

The liberal appropriation for _transportation_ has been made
chiefly on account of a female child of ten or eleven years old,
for whose purchase I have been authorized to offer $700
(refused), and for whose sister I have paid $1,600, and some
$1,000 for their mother, &c.

This child sleeps in the same apartment with its master and
mistress, which adds to the difficulty of removal. She is some
ten or twelve miles from the city, so that really the chief
hazard will be in bringing her safely to town, and in secreting
her until a few days of _storm_ shall have abated. All this, I
think, is now provided for with entire safety.

The child has two cousins in the immediate vicinity; a young man
of some twenty-two years of age, and his sister, of perhaps
seventeen--_both Slaves_, but bright and clear-headed as
anybody. The young man I have seen often--the services of _both_
seem indispensable to the main object suggested; but having once
rendered the service, they cannot, and ought not return to
Slavery. They look for _freedom_ as the reward of what they
shall now do.

Out of the $300, cheerfully offered for the whole enterprise, I
must pay some reasonable sum for transportation to the city and
sustenance while here. It cannot be much; for the balance, I
shall give a draft, which will be _promptly paid_ on their
arrival in New York.

If I have been understood to offer the whole $300, _it shall be
paid_, though I have meant as above stated. Among the various
ways that have been suggested, has been that of taking _all of
them_ into the cars here; that, I think, will be found
impracticable. I find so much vigilance at the depot, that I
would not deem it safe, though, in any kind of carriage they
might leave in safety at any time.

All the rest I leave to the experience and sagacity of the
gentleman who maps out the enterprise.

Now I will thank you to reply to this and let me know that it
reaches you in safety, and is not put in a careless place,
whereby I may be endangered; and state also, whether all my
propositions are understood and acceptable, and whether, (pretty
quickly after I shall inform you that _all things are ready_),
the gentleman will make his appearance?

I live alone. My office and bed-room, &c., are at the corner of
E. and 7th streets, opposite the east end of the General Post
Office, where any one may call upon me.

It would, of course, be imprudent, that this letter, or any
other _written_ particulars, be in his pockets for fear of
accident.

Yours very respectfully,

J. BIGELOW.

While this letter clearly brought to light the situation of things, its author, however, had scarcely begun to conceive of the numberless difficulties which stood in the way of success before the work could be accomplished. The information which Mr. Bigelow's letter contained of the painful situation of this young girl was submitted to different parties who could be trusted, with a view of finding a person who might possess sufficient courage to undertake to bring her away. Amongst those consulted were two or three captains who had on former occasions done good service in the cause. One of these captains was known in Underground Rail-Road circles as the "powder boy."[A] He was willing to undertake the work, and immediately concluded to make a visit to Washington, to see how the "land lay." Accordingly in company with another Underground Rail Road captain, he reported himself one day to Mr. Bigelow with as much assurance as if he were on an errand for an office under the government. The impression made on Mr. Bigelow's mind may be seen from the following letter; it may also be seen that he was fully alive to the necessity of precautionary measures.

[Footnote A: He had been engaged at different times in carrying powder in his boat from a powder magazine, and from this circumstance, was familiarly called the "Powder Boy."]

SECOND LETTER FROM LAWYER BIGELOW.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 9th, 1855.

MR. WM. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I strongly hope the little matter of
business so long pending and about which I have written you so
many times, will take a move now. I have the promise that the
merchandize shall be delivered in this city to-night. Like so
many other promises, this also may prove a failure, though I
have reason to believe that it will not. I shall, however, know
before I mail this note. In case the goods arrive here I shall
hope to see your long-talked of "Professional gentleman" in
Washington, as soon as possible. He will find me by the enclosed
card, which shall be a satisfactory introduction for him. You
have never given me his name, nor am I anxious to know it. But
on a pleasant visit made last fall to friend Wm. Wright, in
Adams Co., I suppose I accidentally learned it to be a certain
Dr. H----. Well, let him come.

I had an interesting call a week ago from two gentlemen, masters
of vessels, and brothers, one of whom, I understand, you know as
the "powder boy." I had a little light freight for them; but not
finding enough other freight to ballast their craft, they went
down the river looking for wheat, and promising to return soon.
I hope to see them often.

I hope this may find you returned from your northern trip,[A] as
your time proposed was out two or three days ago.

[Footnote A: Mr. Bigelow's correspondent had been on a visit to
the fugitives to Canada.]

I hope if the whole particulars of Jane Johnson's case[B] are
printed, you will send me the copy as proposed.

[Footnote B: Jane Johnson of the Passmore Williamson Slave
Case.]

I forwarded some of her things to Boston a few days ago, and had
I known its importance in court, I could have sent you one or
two witnesses who would prove that her freedom was intended by
her before she left Washington, and that a man was _engaged_
here to go on to Philadelphia the same day with her to give
notice there of her case, though I think he failed to do so. It
was beyond all question her purpose, _before leaving Washington
and provable too_, that if Wheeler should make her a free woman
by taking her to a free state "_to use it rather_."

Tuesday, 11th September. The attempt was made on Sunday to
forward the merchandize, but failed through no fault of any of
the parties that I now know of. It will be repeated soon, and
you shall know the result.

"Whorra for Judge Kane." I feel so indignant at the man, that it
is not easy to write the foregoing sentence, and yet who is
helping our cause like Kane and Douglas, not forgetting
Stringfellow. I hope soon to know that this reaches you in
safety.

It often happens that light freight would be offered to Captain
B., but the owners cannot by possibility _advance_ the amount of
freight. I wish it were possible in some such extreme cases,
that after advancing _all they have_, some public fund should be
found to pay the balance or at least lend it.

[I wish here to caution you against the supposition that I would
do any act, or say a word towards helping servants to escape.
Although I hate slavery so much, I keep my hands clear of any
such wicked or illegal act.]

Yours, very truly,

J.B.

Will you recollect, hereafter, that in any of my future letters,
in which I may use [] whatever words may be within the brackets
are intended to have no signification whatever to you, only to
blind the eyes of the uninitiated. You will find an example at
the close of my letter.

Up to this time the chances seemed favorable of procuring the ready services of either of the above mentioned captains who visited Lawyer Bigelow for the removal of the merchandize to Philadelphia, providing the shipping master could have it in readiness to suit their convenience. But as these captains had a number of engagements at Richmond, Petersburg, &c., it was not deemed altogether safe to rely upon either of them, consequently in order to be prepared in case of an emergency, the matter was laid before two professional gentlemen who were each occupying chairs in one of the medical colleges of Philadelphia. They were known to be true friends of the slave, and had possessed withal some experience in Underground Rail Road matters. Either of these professors was willing to undertake the operation, provided arrangements could be completed in time to be carried out during the vacation. In this hopeful, although painfully indefinite position the matter remained for more than a year; but the correspondence and anxiety increased, and with them disappointments and difficulties multiplied. The hope of Freedom, however, buoyed up the heart of the young slave girl during the long months of anxious waiting and daily expectation for the hour of deliverance to come. Equally true and faithful also did Mr. Bigelow prove to the last; but at times he had some painfully dark seasons to encounter, as may be seen from the subjoined letter:

WASHINGTON, D.C., October 6th, 1855.

MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:--I regret exceedingly to learn by your
favor of 4th instant, that all things are not ready. Although I
cannot speak of any immediate and positive danger. [_Yet it is
well known that the city is full of incendiaries_.]

Perhaps you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any
hour of day or night without any show of authority to have his
house ransacked by constables, and if others do it and commit
the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can
convict them. Such outrages are always common here, and no kind
of property exposed to colored protection only, can be
considered safe. [I don't say that _much liberty_ should not be
given to constables on account of numerous runaways, but it
don't always work for good.] Before advertising they go round
and offer rewards to sharp colored men of perhaps _one or two
hundred dollars_, to betray runaways, and having discovered
their hiding-place, seize them and then cheat their informers
out of the money.

[_Although a law-abiding man_,] I am anxious in this case of
_innocence_ to raise no conflict or suspicion. [_Be sure that
the manumission is full and legal_.] And as I am _powerless_
without your aid, _I pray you_ don't lose a moment in giving me
relief. The idea of waiting yet for weeks seems dreadful; do
reduce it to days if possible, and give me notice of the
_earliest possible time_.

The property is not yet advertised, but will be, [and if we
delay too long, may be sold and lost.]

It was a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so
much delay would be necessary. [I repeat again that I must have
the thing done legally, therefore, please get a good lawyer to
draw up the deed of manumission.]

Yours Truly,

J. BIGELOW.

Great was the anxiety felt in Washington. It is certainly not too much to say, that an equal amount of anxiety existed in Philadelphia respecting the safety of the merchandise. At this juncture Mr. Bigelow had come to the conclusion that it was no longer safe to write over his own name, but that he would do well to henceforth adopt the name of the renowned Quaker, Wm. Penn, (he was worthy of it) as in the case of the following letter.

WASHINGTON, D.C., November 10th, 1855.

DEAR SIR:--Doctor T. presented my card last night about half
past eight which I instantly recognized. I, however, soon became
suspicious, and afterwards confounded, to find the doctor using
your name and the well known names of Mr. McK. and Mr. W. and
yet, neither he nor I, could conjecture the object of his visit.

The doctor is agreeable and sensible, and doubtless a
true-hearted man. He seemed to see the whole matter as I did,
and was embarrassed. He had nothing to propose, no information
to give of the "P. Boy," or of any substitute, and seemed to
want no particular information from me concerning my anxieties
and perils, though I stated them to him, but found him as
powerless as myself to give me relief. I had an agreeable
interview with the doctor till after ten, when he left,
intending to take the cars at six, as I suppose he did do, this
morning.

This morning after eight, I got your letter of the 9th, but it
gives me but little enlightenment or satisfaction. You simply
say that the doctor is a _true man_, which I cannot doubt, that
you thought it best we should have an interview, and that you
supposed I would meet the expenses. You informed me also that
the "P. Boy" left for Richmond, on Friday, the 2d, to be gone
_the length of time named in your last_, I must infer that to be
_ten days_ though in your last _you assured me_ that the "P.
Boy" would certainly start for _this place_ (not Richmond) in
two or three days, though the difficulty about freight might
cause delay, and the whole enterprise might not be accomplished
under ten days, &c., &c. That time having elapsed and I having
agreed to an extra fifty dollars to ensure promptness. I have
scarcely left my office since, except for my hasty meals,
awaiting his arrival. You now inform me he has gone to Richmond,
to be gone ten days, which will expire tomorrow, but you do not
say he will return here or to Phila, or where, at the expiration
of that time, and Dr. T. could tell me nothing whatever about
him. Had he been able to tell me that this _best plan_, which I
have so long rested upon, would fail, or was abandoned, I could
then understand it, but he says no such thing, and you say, as
you have twice before said, "ten days more."

Now, my dear sir, after this recapitulation, can you not see
that I have reason for great embarrassment? I have given
assurances, both here and in New York, founded on your
assurances to me, and caused my friends in the latter place
great anxiety, so much that I have had no way to explain my own
letters but by sending your last two to Mr. Tappan.

I cannot doubt, I do not, but that you wish to help me, and the
cause too, for which both of us have made many and large
sacrifices with no hope of reward in this world. If in this case
I have been very urgent since September Dr. T. can give you some
of my reasons, they have not been selfish.

The whole matter is in a nutshell. Can I, in your opinion,
depend on the "P. Boy," and when?

If he promises to come here next trip, will he come, or go to
Richmond? This I think is the best way. Can I depend on it?

Dr. T. promised to write me some explanation and give some
advice, and at first I thought to await his letter, but on
second thought concluded to tell you how I feel, as I have done.

Will you answer my questions with some explicitness, and without
delay?

I forgot to inquire of Dr. T. who is the head of your Vigilance
Committee, whom I may address concerning other and further
operations?

Yours very truly,

WM. PENN.

P.S. I ought to say, that I have no doubt but there were good
reasons for the P. Boy's going to Richmond instead of W.; _but
what can they be_?