Chapter XVI: Part 16

DEAR BR. STILL:--I have just received your letters touching
U.G.R.R. operations. All is right. Jasper and Mrs. Bell got here
on Saturday last, and I think I dropt you a line announcing the
fact. I write again thus soon because two more by name of Smith,
John and Wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to
have me inform you that they are safely landed and free in this
refuge land. They wish me to communicate their kind regards to
you and others who have aided them. They have found employment
and are likely to do well. The 5 of last week have gone over to
Toronto. I gave them letters to a friend there after furnishing
them as well as I could with such clothing as they required. I
am afraid that I am burdening you too much with postage, but
can't help doing so unless I fail to write at all, as my means
are not half equal to the expenses to which I am subject.

Faithfully and truly yours,

HIRAM WILSON.

Elias Jasper, who was also a fellow-passenger with Wm. Nelson and Co., was noticed thus on the Underground Rail Road: Age thirty-two years, color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands. He had worked more or less at the following trades: Rope-making, carpentering, engineering, and photographing. It was in this latter calling that he was engaged when the Underground Rail Road movement first arrested his attention, and so continued until his departure.

For several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he had been required to pay $10 per month. In acquiring the above trades he had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of genius. Occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his over-work. His master, Bayham, was a "retired gentleman."

Elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways, particularly from being flogged. He left his wife, Mary, but no child. Of his intention to leave Elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest she should in some way let the "cat out of the bag." She was owned by a Miss Portlock, and had been treated "tolerably well," having had the privilege of hiring her time. She had $55 to pay for this favor, which amount she raised by washing, etc. Elias was a member of the Methodist Church, as were all of his comrades, and well did they remember the oft-repeated lesson, "Servants obey your masters," etc. They soon understood this kind of preaching after breathing free air. The market value of Elias was placed at $1200.

Arrival, No. 4. Maria Joiner. Captain F. arrived, from Norfolk, with the above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that occasion. This seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for he was usually accustomed to bringing more than one. However, as this arrival was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the same place, the Committee concluded, that they had much reason for rejoicing nevertheless. As in the case of a great number among the oppressed of the South, when simply looking at Maria, no visible marks of ill usage in any way were discernible. Indeed, as she then appeared at the age of thirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto woman, nine out of every ten would have been impressed with the idea, that she had never been subjected to hard treatment; in other words, that she had derived her full share of advantages from the "Patriarchal Institution." The appearance of just such persons in Southern cities had often led Northerners, when traveling in those parts, to regard the lot of slaves as quite comfortable. But the story of Maria, told in an earnest and intelligent manner, was at once calculated to dissipate the idea of a "comfortable" existence in a state of bondage. She frankly admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old master, she was favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortunately, after his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man's daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued abuse, especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor. At such times she was very violent. Being spirited, Maria could not consent to suffer on as a slave in this manner. Consequently she began to cogitate how she might escape from her mistress (Catharine Gordon), and reach a free State. None other than the usual trying and hazardous ways could be devised--which was either to be stowed away in the hold of a schooner, or concealed amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for the time being, the extreme suffering was sure to tax every nerve even of the most valiant-hearted men. The daily darkening prospects constrained her to decide, that she was willing to suffer, not only in adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand, that she had better be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mistress. Maria's husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were naturally formidable barriers in the way of her escape. Notwithstanding her attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free. Immediately she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of concealment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the pool, wait until her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free State. In this place she was obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily suffering in various ways, especially during the winter season. But, with martyr-like faith, she endured to the end, and was eventually saved from the hell of Slavery. Maria was appraised at $800.

Arrival No. 5. Richard Green, alias Wm. Smith, and his brother George. These young brothers fled from George Chambers of Baltimore. The elder brother was twenty-five, the younger twenty-three. Both were tall and well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of natural ability. When desiring to visit their parents, their request was positively refused by their owner. Taking offence at this step, both mutually resolved to run away at the earliest opportunity. Thus in accordance with well premeditated plans, they set out and unobstructedly arrived in Philadelphia. At first it was simply very pleasant to take them by the hand and welcome them; then to listen for a few moments to their intelligent narration of how they escaped, the motives that prompted them, etc. But further inquiries soon brought out incidents of the most thrilling and touching nature--not with regard to hardships which they had personally experienced, but in relation to outrages which had been perpetrated upon their mother. Such simple facts as were then written are substantially as follows: Nearly thirty years prior to the escape of Richard and his brother their mother was in very bad health, so much so that physicians regarded her incurable. Her owner was evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly obviate, while he retained her as a slave. Now there was a way to get out of this dilemma. He could emancipate her and throw the responsibility of her support upon, herself. Accordingly he drew up papers, called for his wife's mother to witness them, then formally put them into the hands of the invalid slave woman (Dinah), assuring her at the same time, that she was free--being fully released as set forth in her papers. "Take notice I have no more claim on you nor you on me from this time." Marvellous liberality! After working the life out of a woman, in order that he should not have her to bury, he becomes hastily in favor of freedom. He is, however, justified by the laws of Maryland. Complaint, therefore, would simply amount to nothing. In the nature of the case Dinah was now free, but she was not wholly alone in the world. She had a husband, named Jacob Green, who was owned by Nathan Childs for a term of years only, at the expiration of which time he was to be free. All lived then in Talbot county, Md. At the appointed time Jacob's bondage ended, and he concluded that he might succeed better by moving to Baltimore. Indeed the health of his wife was so miserable that nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in the way of a livelihood. So off they moved to Baltimore. After a time, under careful and kind treatment, the faithful Jacob was greatly encouraged by perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually improving--signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman. The hopes of husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of time, fully realized. Dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother of another child--a little boy. Everything seemed to be going on happily, and they had no apparent reason to suspect any troubles other than such as might naturally have to be encountered in a state of poverty and toil.

The unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years. That any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared.

The old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved to Baltimore. How, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of this boy.

That he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly approached the house with George. No sooner was the old man within the enclosures than he asked Dinah, "Whose child is that?" pointing to the boy. "Ask Jacob," was the reply of the mother. The question was then put to Jacob, the father of the boy. "I did not think that you would ask such a question, or that you would request anything like that," Jacob remarked, naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, "I have the privilege of having any one I please in my house." "Where is he from?" again demanded the master. The father repeated, "I have a right to have," etc., "I am my own man," etc. "I have found out whose he is," the hunter said. "I am going presently to take him home with me." At this juncture he seized the little fellow, at the same time calling out, "Dinah, put his clothes on." By this time the father too had seized hold of the child. Mustering courage, the father said, "Take notice that you are not in the country, pulling and hauling people about." "I will have him or I will leave my heart's blood in the house," was the savage declaration of the master. In his rage he threatened to shoot the father. In the midst of the excitement George called in two officers to settle the trouble. "What are you doing here?" said the officers to the slave-holder. "I am after my property--this boy," he exclaimed. "Have you ever seen it before?" they inquired. "No," said the slave-holder. "Then how do you know that he belongs to you?" inquired the officers. "I believe he is mine," replied the slave-holder.

All the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an Alderman. The father owned the child but the mother denied it. The Alderman then decided that the child should be given to the father.

The slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to relinquish his grasp. Whereupon he at once claimed the mother. Of course he was under the necessity of resorting to the Courts in order to establish his claim. Fortunately the mother had securely preserved the paper given her by her master so many years before, releasing her. Notwithstanding this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case was decided. Everything was so clear the mother finally gained the suit. This decision was rendered only about two months prior to the escape of Richard and George.

Arrival No. 6. Henry Cromwell. This passenger fled from Baltimore county, Md. The man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of William Roberts, who also owned seven other young slaves. Of his treatment of his slaves nothing was recorded.

Henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age twenty-five. He left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to grieve after him. In making his way North he walked of nights from his home to Harrisburg, Pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a freight car coming to Philadelphia.

Arrival No. 7. Henry Bohm. Henry came from near Norfolk, Va. He was about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man, possessed of more than ordinary physical strength. As to whom he fled from, how he had been treated, or how he reached Philadelphia, the record book is silent. Why this is the case cannot now be accounted for, unless the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note down more of the particulars.

Arrival No. 8. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, and Henry Hodges. A numerous party like this had the appearance of business. They were all young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and promising of their race. They were capable of giving the best of reasons for the endeavors they were making to escape to a free country.

They imparted to the Committee much information respecting their several situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been severally held to service--all of which was listened to with deep interest. But it was not an easy matter, after having been thus entertained, to write out the narratives of eight such persons. Hundreds of pages would hardly have contained a brief account of the most interesting portion of their histories. It was deemed sufficient to enter their names and their forsaken homes, etc., as follows:

"Ralph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark, well made, intelligent, and a member of the Methodist Church. He was claimed by Geo. W. Kemp, Esq., cashier of the Exchange Bank of Norfolk, Va. Ralph gave Mr. Kemp the credit of being a 'moderate man' to his slaves. Ralph was compelled to leave his wife, Lydia, and two children, Anna Eliza, and Cornelius."

"James was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet high, and of prepossessing appearance. He fled from James Saunders, Esq. Nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted James to leave his old situation and master. His parents and two sisters he was obliged to leave in Norfolk."

Two brief letters from James, one concerning his "sweet-heart," whom he left in Norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in Canada and marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest. They are here given as follows:

NIAGARA FALLS, June 5th, 1856. MR. STILL:--Sir--I take my pen in
hand to write you theas few lines to let you know that I am well
at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same. Sir
my object in writing to you is that I expect a young Lady by the
name of Miss Mariah Moore, from Norfolk, Virginia. She will
leave Norfolk on the 13th of this month in the Steamship
Virginia for Philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing
her safely on the train of cars that leaves Philadelphia for the
Suspension Bridge Niagara Falls pleas to tell the Lady to
telegraph to me what time she will leave Philadelphia so i may
know what time to meet her at the Suspension Bridge my Brother
Isaac Porman send his love also his family to you and your
family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to
Mr. Harry Londay, also Miss Margaret Cunigan, no more at
present.

I remain your friend,

JAMES H. FORMAN.

When you telegraph to me direct to the International Hotel,
Niagara Falls, N.Y.

NIAGARA FALLS, July 24th, 1856.

DEAR SIR:--I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to
you hoping that they may find you enjoying good health as these
few lines leave me at present. I thank you for your kindness.
Miss Moore arrived here on the 30th of June and I was down to
the cars to receive her. I thought I would have written to you
before, but I thought I would wait till I got married. I got
married on the 22d of July in the English Church Canada about 11
o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all
enquiring friends please to kiss your two children for her and
she says she is done crying and I am glad to hear she enjoyed
herself so well in Philadelphia give my respects to Miss
Margaret Cuningham and I am glad to hear her sister arrived my
father sends his respects to you no more at present but remain
your friend,

JAMES H. FORMAN.

Direct your letter to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls.

Anthony was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly related to the Anglo-Saxon as the Anglo-African. He was nevertheless, physically a fine specimen of a man. He was about six feet high, and bore evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence considering his opportunities. He had been sold three times. Anthony was decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time, therefore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined he became to seek out an Underground Rail Road agent, and make his way to Canada.

Concluding that Josiah Wells, who claimed him, had received a thousand times too much of his labor already, Anthony was in a fit state of mind to make a resolute effort to gain his freedom. He had a wife, but no children. His father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to him, but all being slaves "one could not help the other," Anthony reasoned, and wisely too. So, at the command of the captain, he was ready to bear his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in the hold of a vessel, where but little air could penetrate.

Arthur was forty-one years of age, six feet high--chestnut color, well made, and possessed good native faculties needing cultivation. He escaped from a farmer, by the name of John Jones, who was classed, as to natural temperament, amongst "moderate slave-holders."

"I wanted my liberty," said Arthur promptly and emphatically, and he declared that was the cause of his escape. He left his mother, two sisters, and three brothers in Slavery.

Isaiah was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a substantially black complexion. He had been subjected to very hard treatment under Samuel Simmons who claimed him, and on this account he was first prompted to leave. His mother and three brothers he left in bondage.

Joseph was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way, "likely-looking." According to the laws of Slavery, he was the property of David Morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more compassionate slave-holders of the South. Yet, Joseph was not satisfied, deprived of his freedom. He had not known hardships as many had, but it was not in him notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave. In leaving, he had to "tear himself away" from his parents, three brothers, and two sisters.

Henry escaped from S. Simmons of Plymouth, North Carolina, and was a fellow-servant with Isaiah. Simmons was particularly distinguished for his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves--so Henry and Isaiah had the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life; Henry being twenty-three.

John was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high, dark color, and well-grown for his years. Before embarking, he had endured seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for an opportunity to escape. It was to keep his master from selling him, that he was thus induced to secrete himself. After he had remained away some months, he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to procure him a passage on the Underground Rail Road. With this determined spirit he did not wait in vain.

Arrival No. 9. Robert Jones and wife:--In the majority of cases, in order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands and wives were unavoidable. Fortunately, it was not so in this case. In journeying from the house of bondage, Robert and his wife were united both in sympathies and in struggles. Robert had experienced "hard times" just in what way, however, was not recorded; his wife had been differently treated, not being under the same taskmaster as her husband. At the time of their arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is as follows--

August 2d, 1855, Robert Jones and wife, arrived from Petersburg, Va. Robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good manners, intelligent, had been owned by Thomas N. Lee, "a very hard man." Robert left because he "wanted his liberty--always had from a boy." Eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color, nice-looking, and well-dressed. She belonged to Eliza H. Richie, who was called a "moderate woman" towards her slaves. Notwithstanding the limited space occupied in noting them on the record book, the Committee regarded them as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing over the Underground Rail Road, and felt well satisfied that such specimens of humanity would do credit in Canada, not only to themselves, but to their race.

Robert had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and had thought much over the condition and wrongs of the race, and seemed to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his fellow-sufferers up to a higher plane of liberty and manhood. After an interview with Robert and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were forwarded on in the usual manner, to Canada. While enjoying the sweets of freedom in Canada, he was not the man to keep his light under a bushel. He seemed to have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen, and a decidedly clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many enterprises with resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to rise equally with other branches of the human family. Some of his letters, embracing his views, plans and suggestions, were so encouraging and sensible, that the Committee was in the habit of showing them to friendly persons, and indeed, extracts of some of his letters were deemed of sufficient importance to publish. One alone, taken from many letters received from him, must here suffice to illustrate his intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in Canada.

Hamilton, C.W., August 9th, 1856.

MR. WM. STILL;--_Dear Friend_:--I take this opportunity of
writing you these few lines to inform you of my health, which is
good at present, &c. * * * *

I was talking to you about going to Liberia, when I saw you
last, and did intend to start this fall, but I since looked at
the condition of the colored people in Canada. I thought I would
try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place
them in the proper position to stand where they ought to stand.
In order to do this, I have undertaken to get up a military
company amongst them. They laughed at me to undertake such a
thing; but I did not relax my energies. I went and had an
interview with Major J.T. Gilepon, told him what my object was,
he encouraged me to go on, saying that he would do all he could
for the accomplishment of my object. He referred to _Sir Allan
McNab, &c._ * * * * I took with me Mr. J.H. Hill to see him--he
told me that it should be done, and required us to write a
petition to the _Governor General_, which has been done. * * * *
The company is already organized. Mr. Howard was elected
Captain; J.H. Hill, 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill, Ensign;
Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant. The company's name is, Queen
Victoria's Rifle Guards. You may, by this, see what I have been
doing since I have been in Canada. When we receive our
appointments by the Government. I will send by express, my
daguerreotype in uniform.

My respects, &c. &c., Robert Jones.

* * * * *

HEAVY REWARD.

Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward--Ran away from the
subscriber, on Saturday night, November 15th, 1856, Josiah and
William Bailey, and Peter Pennington. Joe is about 5 feet 10
inches in height, of a chestnut color, bald head, with a
remarkable scar on one of his cheeks, not positive on which it
is, but think it is on the left, under the eye, has intelligent
countenance, active, and well-made. He is about 28 years old.
Bill is of a darker color, about 5 feet 8 inches in height,
stammers a little when confused, well-made, and older than Joe,
well dressed, but may have pulled kearsey on over their other
clothes. Peter is smaller than either the others, about 25 years
of age, dark chestnut color, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high.

A reward of fifteen hundred dollars will be given to any person
who will apprehend the said Joe Bailey, and lodge him safely in
the jail at Easton, Talbot Co., Md., and $300 for Bill and $800
for Peter.

W.R. Hughlett

John C. Henry,

T. Wright.

When this arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite evident that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts, both physically and mentally. Likewise, taking them individually, their appearance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the spirit of freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves, despite the efforts of the slave-holders to keep them in darkness. In company with the three men, for whom the above large reward was offered, came a woman by the name of Eliza Nokey.

As soon as the opportunity presented itself, the Active Committee feeling an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation by inquiring as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple and homely but earnest answers from each. These answers afforded the best possible means of seeing Slavery in its natural, practical workings--of obtaining such testimony and representations of the vile system, as the most eloquent orator or able pen might labor in vain to make clear and convincing, although this arrival had obviously been owned by men of high standing. The fugitives themselves innocently stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit of flogging adult females, was a "moderate man." Josiah Bailey was the leader of this party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position. He was about twenty-nine years of age, and in no particular physically, did he seem to be deficient. He was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and a man of good common sense. He was held and oppressed by William H. Hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested in slaves to the number of forty head. In his habits he was generally taken for a "moderate" and "fair" man, "though he was in the habit of flogging the slaves--females as well as males," after they had arrived at the age of maturity. This was not considered strange or cruel in Maryland. Josiah was the "foreman" on the place, and was entrusted with the management of hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and busy seasons was required to lead in the fields. He was regarded as one of the most valuable hands in that part of the country, being valued at $2,000. Three weeks before he escaped, Joe was "stripped naked," and "flogged" very cruelly by his master, simply because he had a dispute with one of the fellow-servants, who had stolen, as Joe alleged, seven dollars of his hard earnings. This flogging, produced in Joe's mind, an unswerving determination to leave Slavery or die: to try his luck on the Underground Rail Road at all hazards. The very name of Slavery, made the fire fairly burn in his bones. Although a married man, having a wife and three children (owned by Hughlett), he was not prepared to let his affection for them keep him in chains--so Anna Maria, his wife, and his children Ellen, Anna Maria, and Isabella, were shortly widowed and orphaned by the slave lash.

William Bailey was owned by John C. Henry, a large slave-holder, and a very "hard" one, if what William alleged of him was true. His story certainly had every appearance of truthfulness. A recent brutal flogging had "stiffened his back-bone," and furnished him with his excuse for not being willing to continue in Maryland, working his strength away to enrich his master, or the man who claimed to be such. The memorable flogging, however, which caused him to seek flight on the Underground Rail Road, was not administered by his master or on his master's plantation. He was hired out, and it was in this situation that he was so barbarously treated. Yet he considered his master more in fault than the man to whom he was hired, but redress there was none, save to escape.

The hour for forwarding the party by the Committee, came too soon to allow time for the writing of any account of Peter Pennington and Eliza Nokey. Suffice it to say, that in struggling through their journey, their spirits never flagged; they had determined not to stop short of Canada. They truly had a very high appreciation of freedom, but a very poor opinion of Maryland.

* * * * *

SLAVE TRADER HALL IS FOILED.

ROBERT McCOY _alias_ WILLIAM DONAR.

In October, 1854, the Committee received per steamer, directly from Norfolk, Va., Robert McCoy and Elizabeth Saunders. Robert had constantly been in the clutches of the negro-trader Hall, for the last sixteen years, previous to his leaving, being owned by him. He had, therefore, possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and experience relative to the trader's conduct in his nefarious business, as well as for witnessing the effects of the auction-block upon all ages--rending asunder the dearest ties, despite the piteous wails of childhood or womanhood, parental or conjugal relations. But no attempt will be made to chronicle the deeds of this dealer in human flesh. Those stories fresh from the lips of one who had just escaped, were painful in the extreme, but in the very nature of things some of the statements are too revolting to be published. In lieu of this fact, except the above allusions to the trader's business, this sketch will only refer to Robert's condition as a slave, and finally as a traveler on the Underground Rail Road.

Robert was a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary intelligence. His duties had been confined to the house, and not to the slave pen. As a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much shrewdness, to avoid very severe outrages from the trader. On the whole, he had fared "about as well" as the generality of slaves.

Yet, in order to free himself from his "miserable" life, he was willing, as he declared, to suffer almost any sacrifice. Indeed, his conduct proved the sincerity of this declaration, as he had actually been concealed five months in a place in the city, where he could not possibly avoid daily suffering of the most trying kind. His resolve to be free was all this while maturing. The trader had threatened to sell Robert, and to prevent it Robert (thus) "took out." Successfully did he elude the keen scent and grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts to recapture him. Although a young man--only about twenty-eight years of age, his health was by no means good. His system had evidently been considerably shattered by Slavery, and symptoms of consumption, together with chronic rheumatism, were making rapid headway against the physical man. Under his various ills, he declared, as did many others from the land of bondage, that his faith in God afforded him comfort and hope. He was obliged to leave his wife, Eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they should ever meet again on earth, but he was somewhat hopeful that the way would open for her escape also.

After reaching Philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipated by the Vigilance Committee, his immediate wants were met, and in due order he was forwarded to New Bedford, where, he was led to feel, he would be happy in freedom.

Scarcely had he been in New Bedford one month, before his prayers and hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife. On hearing of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows--

NEW BEDFORD, Nov. 3, 1859.

DEAR SIR:--i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i
received your letter with pleasure, i am enjoying good health
and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying the same
blessing. i rejoise to hear from you i feel very much indetted
to you for not writing before but i have been so bissy that is
the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival of my wife, and
hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is
not, pleas to send her on here Monday with a six baral warlian
and a rifall to gard her up to my residance i thank you kindly
for the good that you have don for me. Give my respects to Mrs.
Still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would
come but i am afraid yet to venture, i received your letter the
second, but about the first of spring i hope to pay you a visit
or next summer. i am getting something to do every day. i will
write on her arrivall and tell you more. Mr. R. White sends his
love to you and your famerly and says that he is very much
indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to
know wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are
please to express them on to him or if at preasant by Mrs.
Donar. Not any more at preasent. i remain your affectionate
brother,

WILLIAM DONAR.

By the same arrival, and similarly secreted, Elizabeth Frances, alias Ellen Saunders, had the good luck to reach Philadelphia. She was a single young woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as one would wish to see. Her manners were equally agreeable. Perhaps her joy over her achieved victory added somewhat to her personal appearance. She had, however, belonged to the more favored class of slaves. She had neither been over-worked nor badly abused. Elizabeth was the property of a lady a few shades lighter than herself, (Elizabeth was a mulatto) by the name of Sarah Shephard, of Norfolk. In order the more effectually to profit by Elizabeth's labor, the mistress resorted to the plan of hiring her out for a given sum per month. Against this usage Elizabeth urged no complaint. Indeed the only very serious charge she brought was to the effect, that her mistress sold her mother away from her far South, when she was a child only ten years old. She had also sold a brother and sister to a foreign southern market. The reflections consequent upon the course that her mistress had thus pursued, awakened Elizabeth to much study relative to freedom, and by the time that she had reached womanhood she had very decided convictions touching her duty with regard to escaping. Thus growing to hate slavery in every way and manner, she was prepared to make a desperate effort to be free. Having saved thirty-five dollars by rigid economy, she was willing to give every cent of it (although it was all she possessed), to be aided from Norfolk to Philadelphia. After reaching the city, having suffered severely while coming, she was invited to remain until somewhat recruited. In the healthy air of freedom she was soon fully restored, and ready to take her departure for New Bedford, which place she reached without difficulty and was cordially welcomed. The following letter, expressive of her obligations for aid received, was forwarded soon after her arrival in New Bedford:

NEW BEDFORD, Mass., October 16th, 1854.

MR. STILL:--Dear Sir--I now take my pen in my hand to inform you
of my health which is good at present all except a cold I have
got but I hope when these few lines reach you you may be
enjoying good health. I arrived in New Bedford Thursday morning
safely and what little I have seen of the city I like it very
much my friends were very glad to see me. I found my sister very
well. Give my love to Mrs. Still and also your dear little
children. I am now out at service. I do not think of going to
Canada now. I think I shall remain in this city this winter.
Please tell Mrs. Still I have not met any person who has treated
me any kinder than she did since I left. I consider you both to
have been true friends to me. I hope you will think me the same
to you. I feel very thankful to you indeed. It might been
supposed, out of sight out of mind, but it is not so. I never
forget my friends. Give my love to Florence. If you come to this
city I would be very happy to see you. Kiss your dear little
children for me. Please to answer this as soon as possible, so
that I may know you received this. No more at present. I still
remain your friend,

ELLEN SAUNDERS.

ELIZA MCCOY--the wife of Robert McCoy, whose narrative has just been given--and who was left to wait in hope when her husband escaped--soon followed him to freedom. It is a source of great satisfaction to be able to present her narrative in so close proximity to her husband's. He arrived about the first of October--she about the first of November, following. From her lips testimony of much weight and interest was listened to by several friends relative to her sufferings as a slave--on the auction-block, and in a place of concealment seven months, waiting and praying for an opportunity to escape. But it was thought sufficient to record merely a very brief outline of her active slave life, which consisted of the following noticeable features.

Eliza had been owned by Andrew Sigany, of Norfolk--age about thirty-eight--mulatto, and a woman whose appearance would readily command attention and respect anywhere outside of the barbarism of Slavery. She stated that her experience as a sufferer in cruel hands had been very trying, and that in fretting under hardships, she had "always wanted to be free." Her language was unmistakable on this point. Neither mistress nor servant was satisfied with each other; the mistress was so "queer" and "hard to please," that Eliza became heartily sick of trying to please her--an angel would have failed with such a woman. So, while matters were getting no better, but, on the contrary, were growing worse and worse, Eliza thought she would seek a more pleasant atmosphere in the North. In fact she felt that it would afford her no little relief to allow her place to be occupied by another. When she went into close quarters of concealment, she fully understood what was meant and all the liabilities thereto. She had pluck enough to endure unto the end without murmuring. The martyrs in olden times who dwelt in "dens and caves of the earth," could hardly have fared worse than some of these way-worn travelers.

After the rest, needed by one who had suffered so severely until her arrival in Philadelphia, she was forwarded to her anxiously waiting husband in New Bedford, where she was gladly received.

From the frequent arrivals from Virginia, especially in steamers, it may be thought that no very stringent laws or regulations existed by which offenders, who might aid the Underground Rail Road, could be severely punished--that the slave-holders were lenient, indifferent and unguarded as to how this property took wings and escaped. In order to enlighten the reader with regard to this subject, it seems necessary, in this connection, to publish at least one of the many statutes from the slave laws of the South bearing directly on the aid and escape of slaves by vessels. The following enactment is given as passed by the Legislature of Virginia in 1856:

THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA.

A BILL PROVIDING ADDITIONAL PROTECTION FOR THE SLAVE PROPERTY OF
CITIZENS OF THIS COMMONWEALTH.

(1.) Be it enacted, by the General Assembly, that it shall not
be lawful for any vessel, of any size or description, whatever,
owned in whole, or in part, by any citizen or resident of
another State, and about to sail or steam for any port or place
in this State, for any port or place north of and beyond the
capes of Virginia, to depart from the waters of this
commonwealth, until said vessel has undergone the inspection
hereinafter provided for in this act, and received a certificate
to that effect. If any such vessel shall depart from the State
without such certificate of inspection, the captain or owner
thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars,
to be recovered by any person who will sue for the same, in any
court of record in this State, in the name of the Governor of
the Commonwealth. Pending said suit, the vessel of said captain
or owner shall not leave the State until bond be given by the
captain or owner, or other person for him, payable to the
Governor, with two or three sureties satisfactory to the court,
in the penalty of one thousand dollars, for the payment of the
forfeit or fine, together with the cost and expenses incurred in
enforcing the same; and in default of such bond, the vessel
shall be held liable. Provided that nothing contained in this
section, shall apply to vessels belonging to the United States
Government, or vessels, American or foreign, bound direct to any
foreign country other than the British American Provinces.

(2.) The pilots licensed under the laws of Virginia, and while
attached to a vessel regularly employed as a pilot boat, are
hereby constituted inspectors to execute this act, so far as the
same may be applicable to the Chesapeake Bay, and the waters
tributary thereto, within the jurisdiction of this State,
together with such other inspectors as may be appointed by
virtue of this act.

(3.) The branch or license issued to a pilot according to the
provisions of the 92d chapter of Code, shall be sufficient
evidence that he is authorized and empowered to act as inspector
as aforesaid.

(4.) It shall be the duty of the inspector, or other person
authorized to act under this law, to examine and search all
vessels hereinbefore described, to see that no slave or person
held to service or labor in this State, or person charged with
the commission of any crime within the State, shall be concealed
on board said vessel. Such inspection shall be made within
twelve hours of the time of departure of such vessel from the
waters of Virginia, and may be made in any bay, river, creek, or
other water-course of the State, provided, however, that
steamers plying as regular packets, between ports in Virginia
and those north of, and outside of the capes of Virginia, shall
be inspected at the port of departure nearest Old Point Comfort.

(5.) A vessel so inspected and getting under way, with intent to
leave the waters of the State, if she returns to an anchorage
above Back River Point, or within Old Point Comfort, shall be
again inspected and charged as if an original case. If such
vessel be driven back by stress of weather to seek a harbor, she
shall be exempt from payment of a second fee, unless she holds
intercourse with the shore.

(6.) If, after searching the vessel, the inspector see no just
cause to detain her, he shall give to the captain a certificate
to that effect. If, however, upon such inspection, or in any
other manner, any slave or person held to service or labor, or
any person charged with any crime, be found on board of any
vessel whatever, for the purpose aforesaid, or said vessel be
detected in the act of leaving this commonwealth with any such
slave or person on board, or otherwise violating the provisions
of this act, he shall attach said vessel, and arrest all persons
on board, to be delivered up to the sergeant or sheriff of the
nearest port in this commonwealth, to be dealt with according to
law.

(7.) If any inspector or other officer be opposed, or shall have
reason to suspect that he will be opposed or obstructed in the
discharge of any duty required of him under this act, he shall
have power to summon and command the force of any county or
corporation to aid him in the discharge of such duty, and every
person who shall resist, obstruct, or refuse to aid any
inspector or other officer in the discharge of such duty, shall
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof,
shall be fined and imprisoned as in other cases of misdemeanor.

(8.) For every inspection of a vessel under this law, the
inspector, or other officer shall be entitled to demand and
receive the sum of five dollars; for the payment of which such
vessel shall be liable, and the inspector or other officer may
seize and hold her until the same is paid, together with all
charges incurred in taking care of the vessel, as well as in
enforcing the payment of the same. Provided, that steam packets
trading regularly between the waters of Virginia and ports north
of and beyond the capes of Virginia, shall pay not more than
five dollars for each inspection under the provisions of this
act; provided, however, that for every inspection of a vessel
engaged in the coal trade, the inspector shall not receive a
greater sum than two dollars.

(9.) Any inspector or other person apprehending a slave in the
act of escaping from the state, on board a vessel trading to or
belonging to a non-slave-holding state, or who shall give
information that will lead to the recovery of any slave, as
aforesaid, shall be entitled to a reward of One Hundred Dollars,
to be paid by the owner of such slave, or by the fiduciary
having charge of the estate to which such slave belongs; and if
the vessel be forfeited under the provisions of this act, he
shall be entitled to one-half of the proceeds arising from the
sale of the vessel; and if the same amounts to one hundred
dollars, he shall not receive from the owner the above reward of
one hundred dollars.

(10.) An inspector permitting a slave to escape for the want of
proper exertion, or by neglect in the discharge of his duty,
shall be fined One Hundred Dollars; or if for like causes he
permit a vessel, which the law requires him to inspect, to leave
the state without inspection, he shall be fined not less than
twenty, nor more than fifty dollars, to be recovered by warrant
by any person who will proceed against him.

(11.) No pilot acting under the authority of the laws of the
state, shall pilot out of the jurisdiction of this state any
such vessel as is described in this act, which has not obtained
and exhibited to him the certificate of inspection hereby
required; and if any pilot shall so offend, he shall forfeit and
pay not less than twenty, or more than fifty dollars, to be
recovered in the mode prescribed in the next preceding section
of this act.

(12.) The courts of the several counties or corporations
situated on the Chesapeake Bay, or its tributaries, by an order
entered on record, may appoint one or more inspectors, at such
place or places within their respective districts as they may
deem necessary, to prevent the escape or for the recapture of
slaves attempting to escape beyond the limits of the state, and
to search or otherwise examine all vessels trading to such
counties or corporations. The expenses in such cases to be
provided for by a levy on negroes now taxed by law; but no
inspection by county or corporation officers thus appointed,
shall supersede the inspection of such vessels by pilots and
other inspectors, as specially provided for in this act.

(13.) It shall be lawful for the county court of any county,
upon the application of five or more slave-holders, residents of
the counties where the application is made, by an order of
record, to designate one or more police stations in their
respective counties, and a captain and three or more other
persons as a police patrol on each station, for the recapture of
fugitive slaves; which patrol shall be in service at such times,
and such stations as the court shall direct by their order
aforesaid; and the said court shall allow a reasonable
compensation, to be paid to the members of such patrol; and for
that purpose, the said court may from time to time direct a levy
on negroes now taxed by law, at such rate per capita as the
court may think sufficient, to be collected and accounted for by
the sheriff as other county levies, and to be called, "The
fugitive slave tax." The owner of each fugitive slave in the act
of escaping beyond the limits of the commonwealth, to a
non-slave-holding state, and captured by the patrol aforesaid,
shall pay for each slave over fifteen, and under forty-five
years old, a reward of One Hundred dollars; for each slave over
five, and under fifteen years old, the sum of sixty dollars; and
for all others, the sum of forty dollars. Which reward shall be
divided equally among the members of the patrol retaking the
slave and actually on duty at the time; and to secure the
payment of said reward, the said patrol may retain possession
and use of the slave until the reward is paid or secured to
them.

(14.) The executive of this State may appoint one or more
inspectors for the Rappahannock and Potomac rivers, if he shall
deem it expedient, for the due execution of this act. The
inspectors so appointed to perform the same duties, and to be
invested with the same powers in their respective districts, and
receive the same fees, as pilots acting as inspectors in other
parts of the State. A vessel subject to inspection under this
law, departing from any of the above-named counties or rivers on
her voyage to sea, shall be exempted from the payment of a fee
for a second inspection by another officer, if provided with a
certificate from the proper inspecting officer of that district;
but if, after proceeding on her voyage, she returns to the port
or place of departure, or enters any other port, river, or
roadstead in the State, the said vessel shall be again
inspected, and pay a fee of five dollars, as if she had
undergone no previous examination and received no previous
certificate.

If driven by stress of weather to seek a harbor, and she has no
intercourse with the shore, then, and in that case, no second
fee shall be paid by said vessel.