Chapter IX: Part 9

"Where did you live then?" "In Richmond, Va.; for twenty-two years I have been living out." "How much did your master receive a year for your hire?" "From sixty-five to one hundred and fifty dollars." "Did you have to find yourself?" "The people who hired me found me. The general rule is in Richmond, for a week's board, seventy-five cents is allowed; if he gets any more than that he has got to find it himself." "How about Sunday clothing?" "Find them yourself?" "How about a house to live in?" "Have that to find yourself." "Suppose you have a wife and family." "It makes no difference, they don't allow you anything for that at all." "Suppose you are sick who pays your doctor's bill?" "He (master) pays that." "How do you manage to make a little extra money?" "By getting up before day and carrying out papers and doing other jobs, cleaning up single men's rooms and the like of that." "What have you been employed at in Richmond?" "Been working in tobacco factory in general; this year I was hired at a printing-office. The National American. I carried papers." "Had you a wife?" "I did, but her master was a very bad man and was opposed to me, and was against my coming to his place to see my wife, and he persuaded her to take another husband in preference to me; being in his hands she took his advice." "How long ago was that?" "Very near twelve months; she got married last fall." "Had you any children?" "Yes." "How many?" "Five." "Where are they?" "Three are with Joel Luck, her master, one with his sister Eliza, and the other belongs to Judge Hudgins, of Bowling Green Court House." "Do you ever expect to see them again?" "No, not till the day of the Great I am!" "Did you ever have any chance of schooling?" "Not a day in my life." "Can you read?" "No, sir, nor write my own name." "What do you think of Slavery any how?" "I think it's a great curse, and I think the _Baptists_ in _Richmond_ will go to the deepest hell, if there is any, for they are so wicked they will work you all day and part of the night, and _wear cloaks and long faces_, and try to get all the work out of you they can by telling you about Jesus Christ. All the extra money you make they think you will give to hear talk about Jesus Christ. Out of their extra money they have to pay a white man _Five hundred dollars a year for preaching_." "What kind of preaching does he give them?" "He tells them if they die in their sins they will go to hell; don't tell them any thing about their elevation; he would tell them obey their masters and mistresses, for good servants make good masters." "Did you belong to the Baptist Church?" "Yes, Second Baptist Church." "Did you feel that the preaching you heard was the true Gospel?" "One part of it, and one part burnt me as bad as ever insult did. They would tell us that we must take money out of our pockets to send it to Africa, to enlighten the African race. I think that we were about as blind in Richmond as the African race is in Africa. All they want you to know, is to have sense enough to say master and mistress, and _run_ like lightning, when they speak to you, to do exactly what they want you to do," "When you made up your mind to escape, where did you think you would go to?" "I made up my mind not to stop short of the British protection; to shake hands with the _Lion's_ paw." "Were you not afraid of being captured on the way, of being devoured by the abolitionists, or of freezing and starving in Canada?" "Well, I had often thought that I would be in a bad condition to come here, without money and clothes, but I made up my mind to come, live or die." "What are your impressions from what little you have seen of Freedom?" "I think it is intended for all men, and all men ought to have it." "Suppose your master was to appear before you, and offer you the privilege of returning to Slavery or death on the spot, which would be your choice?" "_Die right there_. I made up my mind before I started." "Do you think that many of the slaves are anxious about their Freedom?" "The third part of them ain't anxious about it, because the white people have _blinded_ them, telling about the North,--they _can't live here_; telling them that the people are worse off than they are there; they say that the 'niggers' in the North have no houses to live in, stand about freezing, dirty, no clothes to wear. They all would be very glad to get their time, but want to stay where they are." Just at this point of the interview, the hour of midnight admonished us that it was time to retire. Accordingly, said Mr. Thompson, "I guess we had better close," adding, if he "could only write, he could give seven volumes!" Also, said he, "give my best respects to Mr. W.W. Hardwicke, and Mr. Perry in the National American office, and tell them _I wish they will pay the two boys who carry the papers for me, for they are as ignorant of this matter as you are_."

Charles was duly forwarded to Canada to shake hands with the Lion's paw, and from the accounts which came from him to the Committee, he was highly delighted. The following letter from him afforded gratifying evidence, that he neither forgot his God nor his friends in freedom:

DETROIT, Sept. 17, 1862.

DEAR BROTHER IN CHRIST--It affords me the greatest pleasure
imaginable in the time I shall occupy in penning these few lines
to you and your dear loving wife, not because I can write them
to you myself, but for the love and regard I have for you, for I
never can forget a man who will show kindness to his neighbor
when in distress. I remember when I was in distress and out of
doors, you took me in; I was hungry, and you fed me; for these
things God will reward you, dear brother. I am getting along as
well as I can expect. Since I have been out here, I have
endeavored to make every day tell for itself, and I can say, no
doubt, what a great many men cannot say, that I have made good
use of all the time that God has given me, and not one week has
been spent in idleness. Brother William, I expect to visit you
some time next summer to sit and have a talk with you and Mrs.
Still. I hope to see that time, if it is God's will. You will
remember me, with my wife, to Mrs. Still. Give my best respects
to all inquiring friends, and believe me to be yours forever.
Well wishes both soul and body. Please write to me sometimes.

C.W. THOMPSON.

* * * * *

BLOOD FLOWED FREELY.

ABRAM GALLOWAY AND RICHARD EDEN, TWO PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A VESSEL LOADED WITH SPIRITS OF TURPENTINE. SHROUDS PREPARED TO PREVENT BEING SMOKED TO DEATH.

The Philadelphia branch of the Underground Rail Road was not fortunate in having very frequent arrivals from North Carolina. Of course such of her slave population as managed to become initiated in the mysteries of traveling North by the Underground Rail Road were sensible enough to find out nearer and safer routes than through Pennsylvania. Nevertheless the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia occasionally had the pleasure of receiving some heroes who were worthy to be classed among the bravest of the brave, no matter who they may be who have claims to this distinction.

In proof of this bold assertion the two individuals whose names stand at the beginning of this chapter are presented. Abram was only twenty-one years of age, mulatto, five feet six inches high, intelligent and the picture of good health. "What was your master's name?" inquired a member of the Committee. "Milton Hawkins," answered Abram. "What business did Milton Hawkins follow?" again queried said member. "He was chief engineer on the Wilmington and Manchester Rail Road" (not a branch of the Underground Rail Road), responded Richard. "Describe him," said the member. "He was a slim built, tall man with whiskers. He was a man of very good disposition. I always belonged to him; he owned three. He always said he would sell before he would use a whip. His wife was a very mean woman; she would whip contrary to his orders." "Who was your father?" was further inquired. "John Wesley Galloway," was the prompt response. "Describe your father?" "He was captain of a government vessel; he recognized me as his son, and protected me as far as he was allowed so to do; he lived at Smithfield, North Carolina. Abram's master, Milton Hawkins, lived at Wilmington, N.C." "What prompted you to escape?" was next asked. "Because times were hard and I could not come up with my wages as I was required to do, so I thought I would try and do better." At this juncture Abram explained substantially in what sense times were hard, &c. In the first place he was not allowed to own himself; he, however, preferred hiring his time to serving in the usual way. This favor was granted Abram; but he was compelled to pay $15 per month for his time, besides finding himself in clothing, food, paying doctor bills, and a head tax of $15 a year.

Even under this master, who was a man of very good disposition, Abram was not contented. In the second place, he "always thought Slavery was wrong," although he had "never suffered any personal abuse." Toiling month after month the year round to support his master and not himself, was the one intolerable thought. Abram and Richard were intimate friends, and lived near each other. Being similarly situated, they could venture to communicate the secret feelings of their hearts to each other. Richard was four years older than Abram, with not quite so much Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins, but was equally as intelligent, and was by trade, a "fashionable barber," well-known to the ladies and gentlemen of Wilmington. Richard owed service to Mrs. Mary Loren, a widow. "She was very kind and tender to all her slaves." "If I was sick," said Richard, "she would treat me the same as a mother would." She was the owner of twenty, men, women and children, who were all hired out, except the children too young for hire. Besides having his food, clothing and doctor's expenses to meet, he had to pay the "very kind and tender-hearted widow" $12.50 per month, and head tax to the State, amounting to twenty-five cents per month. It so happened, that Richard at this time, was involved in a matrimonial difficulty. Contrary to the laws of North Carolina, he had lately married a free girl, which was an indictable offence, and for which the penalty was then in soak for him--said penalty to consist of thirty-nine lashes, and imprisonment at the discretion of the judge.

So Abram and Richard put their heads together, and resolved to try the Underground Rail Road. They concluded that liberty was worth dying for, and that it was their duty to strike for Freedom even if it should cost them their lives. The next thing needed, was information about the Underground Rail Road. Before a great while the captain of a schooner turned up, from Wilmington, Delaware. Learning that his voyage extended to Philadelphia, they sought to find out whether this captain was true to Freedom. To ascertain this fact required no little address. It had to be done in such a way, that even the captain would not really understand what they were up to, should he be found untrue. In this instance, however, he was the right man in the right place, and very well understood his business.

Abram and Richard made arrangements with him to bring them away; they learned when the vessel would start, and that she was loaded with tar, rosin, and spirits of turpentine, amongst which the captain was to secrete them. But here came the difficulty. In order that slaves might not be secreted in vessels, the slave-holders of North Carolina had procured the enactment of a law requiring all vessels coming North to be smoked.

To escape this dilemma, the inventive genius of Abram and Richard soon devised a safe-guard against the smoke. This safe-guard consisted in silk oil cloth shrouds, made large, with drawing strings, which, when pulled over their heads, might be drawn very tightly around their waists, whilst the process of smoking might be in operation. A bladder of water and towels were provided, the latter to be wet and held to their nostrils, should there be need. In this manner they had determined to struggle against death for liberty. The hour approached for being at the wharf. At the appointed time they were on hand ready to go on the boat; the captain secreted them, according to agreement. They were ready to run the risk of being smoked to death; but as good luck would have it, the law was not carried into effect in this instance, so that the "smell of smoke was not upon them." The effect of the turpentine, however, of the nature of which they were totally ignorant, was worse, if possible, than the smoke would have been. The blood was literally drawn from them at every pore in frightful quantities. But as heroes of the bravest type they resolved to continue steadfast as long as a pulse continued to beat, and thus they finally conquered.

The invigorating northern air and the kind treatment of the Vigilance Committee acted like a charm upon them, and they improved very rapidly from their exhaustive and heavy loss of blood. Desiring to retain some memorial of them, a member of the Committee begged one of their silk shrouds, and likewise procured an artist to take the photograph of one of them; which keepsakes have been valued very highly. In the regular order of arrangements the wants of Abram and Richard were duly met by the Committee, financially and otherwise, and they were forwarded to Canada. After their safe arrival in Canada, Richard addressed a member of the Committee thus:

KINGSTON, July 20, 1857.

MR. WILLIAM STILL--_Dear Friend_:--I take the opertunity of
wrighting a few lines to let you no that we air all in good
health hoping thos few lines may find you and your family
engoying the same blessing. We arived in King all saft Canada
West Abram Galway gos to work this morning at $1.75 per day and
John pediford is at work for mr george mink and i will opne a
shop for my self in a few days My wif will send a daugretipe to
your cair whitch you will pleas to send on to me Richard Edons
to the cair of George Mink Kingston C W

Yours with Respect,

RICHARD EDONS.

Abram, his comrade, allied himself faithfully to John Bull until Uncle Sam became involved in the contest with the rebels. In this hour of need Abram hastened back to North Carolina to help fight the battles of Freedom. How well he acted his part, we are not informed. We only know that, after the war was over, in the reconstruction of North Carolina, Abram was promoted to a seat in its Senate. He died in office only a few months since. The portrait is almost a "fac-simile."

* * * * *

JOHN PETTIFOOT.

Anglo-African and Anglo-Saxon were about equally mixed in the organization of Mr. Pettifoot. His education, with regard to books, was quite limited. He had, however, managed to steal the art of reading and writing, to a certain extent. Notwithstanding the Patriarchal Institution of the South, he was to all intents and purposes a rebel at heart, consequently he resolved to take a trip on the Underground Rail Road to Canada. So, greatly to the surprise of those whom he was serving, he was one morning inquired for in vain. No one could tell what had become of Jack no more than if he had vanished like a ghost. Doubtless Messrs. McHenry and McCulloch were under the impression that newspapers and money possessed great power and could, under the circumstances, be used with entire effect. The following advertisement is evidence, that Jack was much needed at the tobacco factory.

$100 REWARD--For the apprehension and delivery to us of a
MULATTO MAN, named John Massenberg, or John Henry Pettifoot, who
has been passing as free, under the name of Sydney. He is about
5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, spare made, bright, with a bushy head
of hair, curled under and a small moustache. Absconded a few
days ago from our Tobacco Factory.

McHENRY & MCCULLOCH.

ju 16 3t.

Jack was aware that a trap of this kind would most likely be set for him, and that the large quantity of Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins would not save him. He was aware, too, that he was the reputed son of a white gentleman, who was a professional dentist, by the name of Dr. Peter Cards. The Doctor, however, had been called away by death, so Jack could see no hope or virtue in having a white father, although a "chivalric gentleman," while living, and a man of high standing amongst slave-holders. Jack was a member of the Baptist church, too, and hoped he was a good Christian; but he could look for no favors from the Church, or sympathy on the score of his being a Christian. He knew very well were it known, that he had the love of freedom in his heart, or the idea of the Underground Rail Road in his head, he would be regarded as having committed the "unpardonable sin." So Jack looked to none of these "broken reeds" in Richmond in the hour of his trial, but to Him above, whom he had not seen, and to the Underground Rail Road. He felt pretty well satisfied, that if Providence would aid him, and he could get a conductor to put him on the right road to Canada, he would be all right. Accordingly, he acted up to his best light, and thus he succeeded admirably, as the sequel shows.

JOHN HENRY PETTIFOOT. John is a likely young man, quite bright in color and in intellect also. He was the son of Peter Cards, a dentist by profession, and a white man by complexion. As a general thing, he had been used 'very well;' had no fault to find, except this year, being hired to McHenry & McCulloch, tobacconists, of Petersburg, Va., whom he found rather more oppressive than he agreed for, and supposing that he had 'no right' to work for any body for nothing, he 'picked up his bed and walked.' His mistress had told him that he was '_willed_ free,' at her death, but John was not willing to wait her "motions to die."

He had a wife in Richmond, but was not allowed to visit her. He left one sister and a step-father in bondage. Mr. Pettifoot reached Philadelphia by the Richmond line of steamers, stowed away among the pots and cooking utensils. On reaching the city, he at once surrendered himself into the hands of the Committee, and was duly looked after by the regular acting members.

* * * * *

EMANUEL T. WHITE.

EMANUEL was about twenty-five years of age, with seven-eighths of white blood in his veins, medium size, and a very smart and likely-looking piece of property generally. He had the good fortune to escape from Edward H. Hubbert, a ship timber merchant of Norfolk, Va. Under Hubbert's yoke he had served only five years, having been bought by him from a certain Aldridge Mandrey, who was described as a "very cruel man," and would "rather fight than eat." "I have licks that will carry me to my grave, and will be there till the flesh rots off my bones," said Emanuel, adding that his master was a "_devil_," though a member of the Reformed Methodist Church. But his mistress, he said, was a "right nice little woman, and kept many licks off me." "If you said you were sick, he would whip it out of you." From Mandrey he once fled, and was gone two months, but was captured at Williamsburg, Va., and received a severe flogging, and carried home. Hubbert finally sold Emanuel to a Mr. Grigway of Norfolk; with Emanuel Mr. G. was pretty well suited, but his wife was not--he had "too much white blood in him" for her. Grigway and his wife were members of the Episcopal Church.

In this unhappy condition Emanuel found a conductor of the Underground Rail Road. A secret passage was secured for him on one of the Richmond steamers, and thus he escaped from his servitude. The Committee attended to his wants, and forwarded him on as usual. From Syracuse, where he was breathing quite freely under the protection of the Rev. J.W. Loguen, he wrote the following letter:

SYRACUSE, July 29, 1857.

MY DEAR FRIEND, MR. STILL:--I got safe through to Syracuse, and
found the house of our friend, Mr. J.W. Loguen. Many thanks to
you for your kindness to me. I wish to say to you, dear sir,
that I expect my clothes will be sent to Dr. Landa, and I wish,
if you please, get them and send them to the care of Mr. Loguen,
at Syracuse, for me He will be in possession of my whereabouts
and will send them to me. Remember me to Mr. Landa and Miss
Millen Jespan, and much to you and your family.

Truly Yours,

MANUAL T. WHITE.

THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD.

There is found the following brief memorandum on the Records of the Underground Rail Road Book, dated July, 1857:

"A little child of fourteen months old was conveyed to its mother, who had been compelled to flee without it nearly nine months ago."

While the circumstances connected with the coming of this slave child were deeply interesting, no further particulars than the simple notice above were at that time recorded. Fortunately, however, letters from the good friends, who plucked this infant from the jaws of Slavery, have been preserved to throw light on this little one, and to show how true-hearted sympathizers with the Slave labored amid dangers and difficulties to save the helpless bondman from oppression. It will be observed, that both these friends wrote from Washington, D.C., the seat of Government, where, if Slavery was not seen in its worst aspects, the Government in its support of Slavery appeared in a most revolting light.

LETTER FROM "J.B."

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 12, 1857.

DEAR SIR:--Some of our citizens, I am told, lately left here for
Philadelphia, three of whom were arrested and brought back.

I beg you will inform me whether two others--(I., whose wife is
in Philadelphia, was one of them), ever reached your city.

To-morrow morning Mrs. Weems, _with her baby_, will start for
Philadelphia and see you probably over night.

Yours Truly,

J.B.

"J.B." was not only a trusty and capable conductor of the Underground Rail Road in Washington, but was also a practical lawyer, at the same time. His lawyer-like letter, in view of the critical nature of the case, contained but few words, and those few naturally enough were susceptible of more than one construction.

Doubtless those styled "our citizens,"--"three of whom were arrested and brought back,"--were causing great anxiety to this correspondent, not knowing how soon he might find himself implicated in the "running off," etc. So, while he felt it to be his duty, to still aid the child, he was determined, if the enemy intercepted his letter, he should not find much comfort or information. The cause was safe in such careful hands. The following letters, bearing on the same case, are also from another good conductor, who was then living in Washington.

LETTERS FROM E.L. STEVENS.

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 8,1857.

MY DEAR SIR:--I write you now to let you know that the children
of E. are yet well, and that Mrs. Arrah Weems will start with
one of them for Philadelphia to-morrow or next day. She will be
with you probably in the day train. She goes for the purpose of
making an effort to redeem her last child, now in Slavery. The
whole amount necessary is raised, except about $300. She will
take her credentials with her, and you can place the most
implicit reliance on her statements. The story in regard to the
Weems' family was published in Frederick Douglass' paper two
years ago. Since then the two middle boys have been redeemed and
there is only one left in Slavery, and he is in Alabama. The
master has agreed to take for him just what he gave, $1100. Mr.
Lewis Tappan has his letter and the money, except the amount
specified. There were about $5000 raised in England to redeem
this family, and they are now all free except this one. And
there never was a more excellent and worthy family than the
Weems' family. I do hope, that Mrs. W. will find friends who can
advance the amount required.

Truly Yours,

E.L. STEVENS.

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 13th, 1857.

MY FRIEND:--Your kind letter in reply to mine about Arrah was
duly received. As she is doubtless with you before this, she
will explain all. I propose that a second journey be made by her
or some one else, in order to take the other. They have been a
great burden to the good folks here and should have been _at
home_ long ere this. Arrah will explain everything. I want,
however, to say a word in her behalf. If there is a person in
the world, that deserves the hearty co-operation of every friend
of humanity, that person is Arrah Weems, who now, after a long
series of self-sacrificing labor to aid others in their struggle
for their God-given rights, solicits a small amount to redeem
the last one of her own children in Slavery. Never have I had my
sympathies so aroused in behalf of any object as in behalf of
this most worthy family. She can tell you what I have done. And
I do hope, that our friends in Philadelphia and New York will
assist her to make up the full amount required for the purchase
of the boy.

After she does what she can in P., will you give her the proper
direction about getting to New York and to Mr. Tappan's? Inform
him of what she has done, &c.

Please write me as soon as you can as to whether she arrived
safely, &c. Give me your opinion, also, as to the proposal about
the other. Had you not better keep the little one in P. till the
other is taken there? Inform me also where E. is, how she is
getting along, &c., who living with, &c.

Yours Truly,

E.L.S.

In this instance, also, as in the case of "J.B.," the care and anxiety of other souls, besides this child, crying for deliverance, weighed heavily on the mind of Mr. Stevens, as may be inferred from certain references in his letters. Mr. Stevens' love of humanity, and impartial freedom, even in those dark days of Slavery, when it was both unpopular and unsafe to allow the cries of the bondman to awaken the feeling of humanity to assist the suffering, was constantly leading him to take sides with the oppressed, and as he appears in this correspondence, so it was his wont daily to aid the helpless, who were all around him. Arrah Weems, who had the care of the child, alluded to so touchingly by Mr. Stevens, had known, to her heart's sorrow, how intensely painful it was to a mother's feelings to have her children torn from her by a cruel master and sold. For Arrah had had a number of children sold, and was at that very time striving diligently to raise money to redeem the last one of them. And through such kind-hearted friends as Mr. Stevens, the peculiar hardships of this interesting family of Weems' were brought to the knowledge of thousands of philanthropists in this country and England, and liberal contributions had already been made by friends of the Slave on both sides of the ocean. It may now be seen, that while this child had not been a conscious sufferer from the wicked system of Slavery, it had been the object of very great anxiety and suffering to several persons, who had individually perilled their own freedom for its redemption. This child, however, was safely brought to the Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia, and was duly forwarded, _viâ_ friends in New York, to its mother, in Syracuse, where she had stopped to work and wait for her little one, left behind at the time she escaped.

* * * * *

ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER.

LEFT HER LITTLE BABY-BOY, LITTLE GIRL AND HUSBAND BEHIND.

She anxiously waits their coming in Syracuse, N.Y. Not until after the foregoing story headed, the "Escape of a Child," etc., had been put into the hands of the printer and was in type, was the story of the mother discovered, although it was among the records preserved. Under changed names, in many instances, it has been found to be no easy matter to cull from a great variety of letters, records and advertisements, just when wanted, all the particulars essential to complete many of these narratives. The case of the child, alluded to above, is a case in point. Thus, however, while it is impossible to introduce the mother's story in its proper place, yet, since it has been found, it is too important and interesting to be left out. It is here given as follows:

$300 REWARD.--RAN AWAY from the subscriber on Saturday, the 30th
of August, 1856, my SERVANT WOMAN, named EMELINE CHAPMAN, about
25 years of age; quite dark, slender built, speaks short, and
stammers some; with two children, one a female about two and a
half years old; the other a male, seven or eight months old,
bright color. I will give the above reward if they are delivered
to me in Washington.

MRS. EMILY THOMPSON,

s23-TU, Th&st&

Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C.

Emeline Chapman, so particularly described in the "Baltimore Sun" of the 23d of September, 1856, arrived by the regular Underground Rail Road train from Washington. In order to escape the responsibility attached to her original name, she adopted the name of Susan Bell. Thus for freedom she was willing to forego her name, her husband, and even her little children. It was a serious sacrifice; but she had been threatened with the auction block, and she well understood what that meant. With regard to usage, having lived away from her owner, Emeline did not complain of any very hard times. True, she had been kept at work very constantly, and her owner had very faithfully received all her hire. Emeline had not even been allowed enough of her hire to find herself in clothing, or anything for the support of her two children--for these non-essentials, her kind mistress allowed her to seek elsewhere, as best she could. Emeline's husband was named John Henry; her little girl she called Margaret Ann, and her babe she had named after its father, all with the brand of Slavery upon them. The love of freedom, in the breast of this spirited young Slave-wife and mother, did not extinguish the love she bore to her husband and children, however otherwise her course, in leaving them, as she did, might appear. For it was just this kind of heroic and self-sacrificing struggle, that appealed to the hearts of men and compelled attention. The letters of Biglow and Stevens, relative to the little child, prove this fact, and additional testimony found in the appended letter from Rev. J.W. Loguen conclusively confirms the same. Indeed, who could close his eyes and ears to the plaintive cries of such a mother? Who could refrain from aiding on to freedom children honored in such a heroic parent?

SYRACUSE, Oct. 5, 1856.

DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I write to you for Mrs. Susan Bell, who was
at your city some time in September last. She is from Washington
city. She left her dear little children behind (two children).
She is stopping in our city, and wants to hear from her children
very much indeed. She wishes to know if you have heard from Mr.
Biglow, of Washington city. She will remain here until she can
hear from you. She feels very anxious about her children, I will
assure you. I should have written before this, but I have been
from home much of the time since she came to our city. She wants
to know if Mr. Biglow has heard anything about her husband. If
you have not written to Mr. Biglow, she wishes you would. She
sends her love to you and your dear family. She says that you
were all kind to her, and she does not forget it. You will
direct your letter to me, dear brother, and I will see that she
gets it.

Miss F.E. Watkins left our house yesterday for Ithaca, and other
places in that part of the State. Frederick Douglass, Wm. J.
Watkins and others were with us last week; Gerritt Smith with
others. Miss Watkins is doing great good in our part of the
State. We think much indeed of her. She is such a good and
glorious speaker, that we are all charmed with her. We have had
thirty-one fugitives in the last twenty-seven days; but you, no
doubt, have had many more than that. I hope the good Lord may
bless you and spare you long to do good to the hunted and
outraged among our brethren.

Yours truly,

J.W. LOGUEN,

Agent of the Underground Rail Road.

* * * * *

SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.

ARRIVAL FROM THE "DAILY DISPATCH" OFFICE.

"Sam" was doing Slave labor at the office of the Richmond "Daily Dispatch," as a carrier of that thoroughly pro-slavery sheet. "Sam" had possessed himself somehow of a knowledge of reading and writing a little, and for the news of the day he had quite an itching ear. Also with regard to his freedom he was quite solicitous. Being of an ambitious turn of mind, he hired his time, for which he paid his master $175 per annum in regular quarterly payments. Besides paying this amount, he had to find himself in board, clothing, and pay doctor's expenses. He had had more than one owner in his life. The last one, however, he spoke of thus: "His name is James B. Foster, of Richmond, a very hard man. He owns three more Slaves besides myself." In escaping, "Sam" was obliged to leave his wife, who was owned by Christian Bourdon. His attachment to her, judging from his frequent warm expressions of affection, was very strong. But, as strong as it was, he felt that he could not consent to remain in slavery any longer. "Sam" had luckily come across a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and in perusing it, all his notions with regard to "Masters and Servants," soon underwent an entire change, and he began to cast his eyes around him to see how he might get his freedom. One who was thoroughly awake as he was to the idea of being free, with a fair share of courage, could now and then meet with the opportunity to escape by the steamers or schooners coming North. Thus Samuel found the way open and on one of the steamers came to Philadelphia. On arriving, he was put at once in the charge of the Committee. While in their hands he seemed filled with astonishment at his own achievements, and such spontaneous expressions as naturally flowed from his heart thrilled and amazed his new found friends, and abundant satisfaction was afforded, that Samuel Washington Johnson would do no discredit to his fugitive comrades in Canada. So the Committee gladly aided him on his journey.

After arriving in Canada, Samuel wrote frequently and intelligently. The subjoined letter to his wife shows how deeply he was attached to her, and, at the same time, what his views were of Slavery. The member of the Committee to whom it was sent with the request, that it should be forwarded to her, did not meet with the opportunity of doing so. A copy of it was preserved with other Underground Rail Road documents.

LETTER FROM SAMUEL W. JOHNSON TO HIS WIFE.

My Dear Wife I now embrace this golden opportunity of writing a
few Lines to inform you that I am well at present engoying good
health and hope that these few lines may find you well also. My
dearest wife I have Left you and now I am in a foreign land
about fourteen hundred miles from you but though my wife my
thoughts are upon you all the time. My dearest Frances I hope
you will remember me now gust as same as you did when I were
there with you because my mind are with you night and day the
Love that I bear for you in my breast is greater than I thought
it was if I had thought I had so much Love for you I dont think
I ever could Left being I have escape I and has fled into a land
of freedom. I can but stop and look over my past Life and say
what a fool I was for staying in bondage as Long. My dear wife I
dont want you to get married before you send me some letters
because I never shall get married until I see you again. My mind
dont deceive and it appears to me as if I shall see you again at
my time of writing this letter I am desitute of money I have not
got in no business yet but when I do get into business I shall
write you and also remember you. Tell my Mother and Brother and
all enquiring friends that I am now safe in free state. I cant
tell where I am at present but Direct your Letters to Mr.
William Still in Philadelphia and I will get them. Answer this
as soon as you can if you please for if you write the same day
you receive it it will take a fortnight to reach me. No more to
relate at present but still remain your affectionate husband.
Mr. Still please defore this piece out if you please

SAMUEL WASHINGTON JOHNSON.

Whether Samuel ever met with the opportunity of communicating with his wife, the writer cannot say. But of all the trials which Slaves had to endure, the separations of husbands and wives were the most difficult to bear up under. Although feeling keenly the loss of his wife, Samuel's breast swelled with the thought of freedom, as will be seen from the letter which he wrote immediately after landing in Canada:

ST. CATHARINE, UPPER CANADA WEST.

MR. WILLIAM STILL:--I am now in safety. I arrived at home safe
on the 11th inst at 12 o'clock M. So I hope that you will now
take it upon yourself to inform me something of that letter I
left at your house that night when I left there and write me
word how you are and how is your wife. I wish you may excuse
this letter for I am so full that I cannot express my mind at
all. I am only got $1.50 and I feel as if I had an independent
fortune but I don't want you to think that I am going to be idle
because I am on free ground and I shall always work though I am
not got nothing to do at present. Direct your letter to the post
office as soon as possible.

SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.

* * * * *

FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE.

STEPHEN AMOS, _alias_ HENRY JOHNSON, HARRIET, _alias_ MARY JANE JOHNSON (man and wife), and their four children, ANN REBECCA, WM. H., ELIZABETH and MARY ELLEN. Doubtless, in the eyes of a Slaveholder, a more "likely-looking" family could not readily be found in Baltimore, than the one to be now briefly noticed. The mother and her children were owned by a young slave-holder, who went by the name of William Giddings, and resided in Prince George's county, Md. Harriet acknowledged, that she had been treated "tolerably well in earlier days" for one in her condition; but, as in so many instances in the experience of Slaves, latterly, times had changed with her and she was compelled to serve under a new master who oft-times treated her "very severely." On one occasion, seven years previously, a brother of her owner for a trifling offence struck and kicked her so brutally, that she was immediately thrown into a fit of sickness, which lasted "all one summer"--from this she finally recovered.

On another occasion, about one year previous to her escape, she was seized by her owner and thrust into prison to be sold. In this instance the interference of the Uncle of Harriet's master saved her from the auction block. The young master, was under age, and at the same time under the guardianship of his Uncle. The young master had early acquired an ardent taste for fast horses, gambling, etc. Harriet felt, that her chances for the future in the hands of such a brutal master could not be other than miserable. Her husband had formerly been owned by John S. Giddings, who was said to have been a "mild man." He had allowed Stephen (her husband) to buy himself, and for eighteen months prior to the flight, he had been what was called a free man. It should also be further stated in justice to Stephen's master, that he was so disgusted with the manner in which Stephen's wife was treated, that he went so far as to counsel Stephen to escape with his wife and children. Here at least is one instance where a Maryland slave-holder lends his influence to the Underground Rail Road cause. The counsel was accepted, and the family started on their perilous flight. And although they necessarily had manifest trials and difficulties to discourage and beset them, they battled bravely with all these odds and reached the Vigilance Committee safely. Harriet was a bright mulatto, with marked features of character, and well made, with good address and quite intelligent. She was about twenty-six years of age. The children also were remarkably fine-looking little creatures, but too young to know the horrors of Slavery. The Committee at once relieved them of their heavy load of anxiety by cheering words and administering to their necessities with regard to food, money, etc. After the family had somewhat recovered from the fatigue and travel-worn condition in which they arrived, and were prepared to resume their journey, the Committee gave them the strictest caution with regard to avoiding slave-hunters, and also in reference to such points on the road where they would be most in danger of going astray from a lack of knowledge of the way. Then, with indescribable feelings of sympathy, free tickets were tendered them, and they having been conducted to the depot, were sent on their way rejoicing.

* * * * *

ELIJAH HILTON.

FROM RICHMOND.

After many years of hard toiling for the support of others, the yoke pressed so heavily upon Elijah's shoulders, that he could not endure Slave life any longer. In the hope of getting rid of his bondage, by dexterous management and a resolute mind, which most determined and thoughtful men exercise when undertaking to accomplish great objects, he set about contriving to gain his freedom. In proof of Elijah's truthfulness, the advertisement of Mr. R.J. Christians is here offered, as taken from a Richmond paper, about the time that Elijah passed through Philadelphia on the Underground Rail Road, in 1857.

RAN AWAY--$500 REWARD.--Left the Tobacco Factory of the
subscriber on the 14th inst., on the pretence of being sick, a
mulatto man, named ELIJAH, the property of Maj. Edward Johnson,
of Chesterfield county. He is about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high,
spare made, bushy hair, and very genteel appearance; he is
supposed to be making his way North. The above reward will be
paid if delivered at my factory.

Ro. J. CHRISTIANS.

jy 21--ts.

From his infancy up to the hour of his escape, not a breath of free air had he ever been permitted to breathe. He was first owned by Mrs. Caroline Johnson, "a stingy widow, the owner of about fifty slaves, and a member of Dr. Plummer's church." Elijah, at her death, was willed to her son, Major Johnson, who was in the United States service. Elijah spoke of him as a "favorable man," but added, "I'd rather be free. I believe I can treat myself better than he can or anybody else." For the last nineteen years he had been hired out, sometimes as waiter, sometimes in a tobacco factory, and for five years in the _Coal Mines_.

At the mines he was treated very brutally, but at Cornelius Hall's Tobacco factory, the suffering he had to endure seems almost incredible. The poor fellow, with the scars upon his person and the unmistakable earnestness of his manner, only needed to be seen and heard to satisfy the most incredulous of the truth of his story. For refusing to be flogged, one time at Hall's Factory, the overseer, in a rage, "took up a hickory club" and laid his head "open on each side." Overpowered and wounded, he was stripped naked and compelled to receive THREE HUNDRED LASHES, by which he was literally excoriated from head to foot. For six months afterwards he was "laid up." Last year he was hired out for "one hundred and eighty dollars," out of which he "received but five dollars." This year he brought "one hundred and ninety dollars." Up to the time he escaped, he had received "two dollars," and the promise of "more at Christmas." Left brothers and sisters, all ignorant of his way of escape. The following pass brought away by Elijah speaks for itself, and will doubtless be interesting to some of our readers who are ignorant of what used to be Republican usages in the "land of the Free."

RICHMOND, July 3d, 1857.

Permit the Bearer _Elijah_ to pass to and from my FACTORY, to
_Frederick Williams, In the Vallie_, for one month, untill 11
o'clock at night.

By _A.B. Wells_,

R.J. CHRISTIAN.

[PINE APPLE FACTORY.]

As usual, the Vigilance Committee tendered aid to Elijah, and forwarded him on to Canada, whence he wrote back as follows:

TORONTO, Canada West, July 28. Dear friend in due respect to
your humanity and nobility I now take my pen in hand to inform
you of my health. I am enjoying a reasonable proportion of
health at this time and hope when these few lines come to hand
they may find you and family the same dear Sir I am in Toronto
and are working at my ole branch of business with meny of my
friends. I want you to send those to toronto to Mr Tueharts on
Edward St what I have been talking about is my Clothes I came
from Richmond Va and expect my things to come to you. So when
they come to you then you will send them to Jesse Tuehart Edward
St no 43.

I must close by saying I have no more at present. I still remain
your brother,

ELIJAH HILTON.

* * * * *

SOLOMON BROWN.

ARRIVED PER CITY OF RICHMOND.

This candidate for Canada managed to secure a private berth on the steamship City of Richmond. He was thus enabled to leave his old mistress, Mary A. Ely, in Norfolk, the place of her abode, and the field of his servitude. Solomon was only twenty-two years of age, rather under the medium size, dark color, and of much natural ability. He viewed Slavery as a great hardship, and for a length of time had been watching for an opportunity to free himself. He had been in the habit of hiring his time of his mistress, for which he paid ten dollars per month. This amount failed to satisfy the mistress, as she was inclined to sell him to North Carolina, where Slave stock, at that time, was commanding high prices. The idea of North Carolina and a new master made Solomon rather nervous, and he was thereby prompted to escape. On reaching the Committee he manifested very high appreciation of the attention paid him, and after duly resting for a day, he was sent on his way rejoicing. Seven days after leaving Philadelphia, he wrote back from Canada as follows:

ST. CATHARINES, Feb. 20th, 1854.

MR. STILL--DEAR SIR:--It is with great pleasure that I have to
inform you, that I have arrived safe in a land of freedom.
Thanks to kind friends that helped me here. Thank God that I am
treading on free soil. I expect to go to work to-morrow in a
steam factory.

I would like to have you, if it is not too much trouble, see Mr.
Minhett, the steward on the boat that I came out on, when he
gets to Norfolk, to go to the place where my clothes are, and
bring them to you, and you direct them to the care of Rev. Hiram
Wilson, St. Catharines, Niagara District, Canada West, by
rail-road via Suspension Bridge. You mentioned if I saw Mr.
Foreman. I was to deliver a message--he is not here. I saw two
yesterday in church, from Norfolk, that I had known there. You
will send my name, James Henry, as you knew me by that name;
direct my things to James Henry. My love to your wife and
children.

Yours Respectfully,

SOLOMON BROWN.

* * * * *

WILLIAM HOGG, ALIAS JOHN SMITH.

TRAVELER FROM MARYLAND.

William fled from Lewis Roberts, who followed farming in Baltimore county, Md. In speaking of him, William gave him the character of being a "fierce and rough man," who owned nine head of slaves. Two of William's sisters were held by Roberts, when he left. His excuse for running away was, "ill-treatment." In traveling North, he walked to Columbia (in Pennsylvania), and there took the cars for Philadelphia. The Committee took charge of him, and having given him the usual aid, sent him hopefully on his way. After safely reaching Canada, the thought of his wife in a land of bondage, pressed so deeply upon his mind, that he was prompted to make an effort to rescue her. The following letter, written on his behalf by the Rev. H. Wilson, indicates his feelings and wishes with regard to her:

ST. CATHARINES, Canada West, 24th July, 1854.

DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--Your encouraging letter, to John
Smith, was duly received by him, and I am requested to write
again on his behalf. His colored friend in Baltimore county, who
would favor his designs, is Thomas Cook, whom he wishes you to
address, Baltimore post-office, care of Mr. Thomas Spicer.

He has received a letter from Thomas Cook, dated the 6th of
June, but it was a long time reaching him. He wishes you to say
to Cook, that he got his letter, and that he would like to have
him call on his wife and make known to her, that he is in good
health, doing well here, and would like to have her come on as
soon as she can.

As she is a free woman, there will, doubtless, be no difficulty
in her coming right through. He is working in the neighborhood
of St. Catharines, but twelve miles from Niagara Falls. You will
please recollect to address Thomas Cook, in the care of Thomas
Spicer, Baltimore Post-office. Smith's wife is at, or near the
place he came from, and, doubtless, Thomas Cook knows all about
her condition and circumstances. Please write again to John
Smith, in my care, if you please, and request Thomas Cook to do
the same.

Very respectfully yours in the cause of philanthropy.

HIRAM WILSON.

* * * * *

TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FEOM MARYLAND.