Chapter XXVII: Part 27

"I was owned by High Holser, a hide sorter, a man said to be rich, a good Catholic, though very disagreeable; he was not cruel, but was very driving and abusive in his language towards colored people. I have been held in bondage about eighteen years by Holser, but have failed, so far, to find any good traits in his character. I purchased my mother for one hundred dollars, when she was old and past labor, too old to earn her hire and find herself; but she was taken away by death, before I had finished paying for her; twenty-five dollars only remained to be paid to finish the agreement. Owing to her unexpected death, I got rid of that much, which was of some consequence, as I was a slave myself, and had hard work to raise the money to purchase her."

Thus, finding the usages of Slavery so cruel and outlandish, he resolved to leave "old Virginny" and "took out," via the Underground Rail Road. He appeared to be of a religious turn of mind and felt that he had "a call to preach."

After his arrival in Canada, the following letter was received from him:

ST. CATHARINES, C.W., May 6th, 1858.

MY DEAR FRIEND:--WM. STILL:--Mr. Orlando J. Hunt, who has just
arrived here from Richmond, Va., desires me to address to you a
line in his behalf. Mr. Hunt is expecting his clothing to come
from Richmond to your care, and if you have received them, he
desires you to forward them immediately to St. Catharines, in my
care, in the safest and most expeditious way in your power. Mr.
Hunt is much pleased with this land of freedom, and I hope he
may do well for himself and much good to others. He preached
here in the Baptist church, last evening.

He sends his kind regards and sincere thanks to you and your
family, and such friends as have favored him on his way. Very
respectfully yours,

HIRAM WILSON, for ORLANDO HUNT.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1858.

WILLIAM MACKEY.

William made no complaint against his master of a serious nature touching himself. True, he said his "master was a frolicker, and fond of drink," but he was not particularly unkind to him. His name was Tunis; he was a military man, and young; consequently William had not been in his hands long. Prior to his being owned by the young master, he had lived with old mistress Tunis. Concerning her the following is one of William's statements:

"My sister about the first of this month, three weeks after her confinement, had word sent to her by her mistress, Mrs. Tunis, that she thought it was time for her to come out and go to work, as she had been laying by long enough." In reply to this message, William said that "his sister sent word to her mistress, that she was not well enough, and begged that her mistress would please send her some tea and sugar, until she got well enough to go to work. The mistress' answer was to the effect that she did not intend to give her anything until she went to work, and at the same time she sent word to her, that she had better take her baby down to the back of the garden and throw it away, adding 'I will sell her, etc.'"

It was owing to the cruelty of Mrs. Tunis that William was moved to flee. According to his statement, which looked reasonable and appeared truthful, he had been willed free by his master, who died at the time that the plague was raging in Norfolk. At the same time his mistress also had the fever, and was dreadfully frightened, but recovered. Not long after this event it was William's belief that the will was made away with through the agency of a lawyer, and in consequence thereof the slaves were retained in bondage.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858.

HENRY TUCKER.

Henry fled from Baltimore county; disagreement between him and his so-called master was the cause of his flight. Elias Sneveley, a farmer, known on the Arabella Creek Place as a "hard swearer," an "old bachelor," and a common tormentor of all around him, was the name of the man that Harry said he fled from. Not willing to be run over at the pleasure of Sneveley, on two occasions just before his escape serious encounters had arisen between master and slave.

Henry being spirited and hungering for freedom, while his master was old and hardened in his habits, very grave results had well nigh happened; it was evident, therefore, in Harry's opinion that the sooner he took his departure for Canada the better. His father's example was ever present to encourage him, for he had escaped when Henry was a little boy; (his name was Benjamin Tucker). A still greater incentive, however, moved him, which was that his mother had been sold South five years prior to his escape, since which time he had heard of her but once, and that vaguely.

Although education was denied him, Henry had too much natural ability to content himself under the heel of Slavery. He saw and understood the extent of the wrongs under which he suffered, and resolved not to abide in such a condition, if, by struggling and perseverance, he could avoid it. In his resolute attempt he succeeded without any very severe suffering. He was not large, rather below the ordinary size, of a brown color, and very plucky.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

PETER NELSON. (RESEMBLED AN IRISHMAN.)

The coming of this strange-looking individual caused much surprise, representing, as he did, if not a full-blooded Irishman, a man of Irish descent. He was sufficiently fair to pass for white anywhere, with his hat on--with it off, his hair would have betrayed him; it was light, but quite woolly. Nor was he likely to be called handsome; he was interesting, nevertheless. It was evident, that the "white man's party" had damaged him seriously. He represented that he had been in the bonds of one James Ford, of Stafford county, Virginia, and that this "Ford was a right tough old fellow, who owned about two dozen head." "How does he treat them?" he was asked. "He don't treat them well no way," replied the passenger. "Why did you leave?" was the next question. "Because of his fighting, knocking and carrying on so," was the prompt answer. The Committee fully interviewed him, and perceived that he had really worn the fetters of Slavery, and that he was justified in breaking his bonds and fleeing for refuge to Canada, and was entitled to aid and sympathy. Peter was about twenty-four years of age. He left nine brothers and sisters in bondage.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.

MARY JONES AND SUSAN BELL.

These "weaker vessels" came from the seat of government. Mary confessed that she had been held to service as the property of Mrs. Henry Harding, who resided at Rockville, some miles out of Washington. Both Mr. and Mrs Harding she considered "bad enough," but added, "if it had not been for the young set I could get along with them; they can't be pleased." Yet Mary had not fared half so hard under the Hardings as many slaves had under their claimants. Intellectually, she was quite above the average; she was tall, and her appearance was such as to awaken sympathy. Through the permission of her claimant she had been in the habit of hiring her time for three dollars per month and find herself; she was also allowed to live in Washington. Such privileges, with wages at so low a rate, were thought to be extra, and could only be obtained in exceptional cases.

"In nine years," said Mary, "I have not even as much as received an apron from them," (her owners). The meanness of the system under which she had been required to live, hourly appeared clearer and clearer to her, as she was brought into contact with sympathizing spirits such as she had never known before.

Susan, who was in Mary's charge, was an invalid child of four years of age, who never walked, and whose mother had escaped to Canada about three years before under circumstances which obliged her to leave this child, then only a year old.

Susan had been a great sufferer, and so had her mother, who had been a long time anxiously looking and praying for her coming, as she had left her in charge of friends who were to take care of her until the way might open for her safe delivery to her mother. Many letters, fitted to awaken very deep feelings came from the mother about this child. It was a satisfaction to the Committee to feel that they could be the medium in aiding in the reunion of mother and child.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

WILLIAM CARPENTER.

Escaped from the Father of the Fugitive Slave Law--Senator Mason.

It was highly pleasing to have a visit from a "chattel" belonging to the leading advocate of the infamous Fugitive Slave Bill. He was hurriedly interviewed for the sake of reliable information.

That William possessed a fair knowledge of slave life under the Senator there was no room to doubt, although incidents of extreme cruelty might not have been so common on Mason's place as on some others. While the verbal interchange of views was quite full, the hour for the starting of the Underground Rail Road train arrived too soon to admit of a full report for the record book. From the original record, however, the following statement is taken as made by William, and believed to be strictly true. We give it as it stands on the old Underground Rail Road book: "I belonged to Senator Mason. The Senator was down on colored people. He owned about eighty head--was very rich and a big man, rich enough to lose all of them. He kept terrible overseers; they would beat you with a stick the same as a dog. The overseers were poor white trash; he would give them about sixty dollars a year."

The Fugitive Slave Law and its Father are both numbered with the "Lost Cause," and the "Year of Jubilee has come."

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION.

NINE VERY FINE "ARTICLES." LEW JONES, OSCAR PAYNE, MOSE WOOD, DAVE DIGGS, JACK, HEN, AND BILL DADE, AND JOE BALL.

The coming of this interesting party was as gratifying, as their departure must have been disagreeable to those who had been enjoying the fruits of their unpaid labor. Stockholders of the Underground Rail Road, conductors, etc., about this time were well pleased with the wonderful success of the road, especially as business was daily increasing.

Upon inquiry of these passengers individually, the following results were obtained:

Lewis was about fifty-two years of age, a man of superior stature, six feet high, with prominent features, and about one third of Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins. The apparent solidity of the man both with respect to body and mind was calculated to inspire the idea that he would be a first-rate man to manage a farm in Canada.

Of his bondage and escape the following statement was obtained from him: "I was owned by a man named Thomas Sydan, a Catholic, and a farmer. He was not a very hard man, but was very much opposed to black folks having their liberty. He owned six young slaves not grown up. It was owing to Sydan's mother's estate that I came into his hands; before her death I had hoped to be free for a long time as soon as she died. My old mistress' name was Nancy Sydan; she was lame for twenty years, and couldn't walk a step without crutches, and I was her main support. I was foreman on the farm; sometimes no body but me would work, and I was looked up to for support. A good deal of the time I would have to attend to her. If she was going to ride, I would have to pick her up in my arms and put her in the carriage, and many times I would have to lift her in her sick room. No body couldn't wait upon her but me. She had a husband, and he had a master, and that was rum; he drank very hard, he killed himself drinking. He was poor support. When he died, fifteen years ago, he left three sons, Thomas, James, and Stephen, they were all together then, only common livers. After his death about six years mistress died. I felt sure then I would be free, but was very badly disappointed. I went to my young masters and asked them about my freedom; they laughed at me and said, no such thought had entered their heads, that I was to be free. The neighbors said it was a shame that they should keep me out of my freedom, after I had been the making of the family, and had behaved myself so faithful. One gentleman asked master John what he would take for me, and offered a thousand dollars; that was three months before I ran away, and massa John said a thousand dollars wouldn't buy one leg. I hadn't anything to hope for from them. I served them all my life, and they didn't thank me for it. A short time before I come away my aunt died, all the kin I had, and they wouldn't let me go to the funeral. They said 'the time couldn't be spared.'" This was the last straw on the camel's back.

In Lewis' grief and disappointment he decided that he would run away the first chance that he could get, and seek a home in Canada. He held counsel with others in whom he could confide, and they fixed on a time to start, and resolved that they would suffer anything else but Slavery. Lewis was delighted that he had managed so cunningly to leave master Tom and mistress Margaret, and their six children to work for their own living. He had an idea that they would want Lew for many things; the only regret he felt was that he had served them so long, that they had received his substance and strength for half a century. Fortunately Lewis' wife escaped three days in advance of him, in accordance with a mutual understanding. They had no children. The suffering on the road cost Lewis a little less than death, but the joy of success came soon to chase away the effects of the pain and hardship which had been endured.

Oscar, the next passenger, was advertised as follows:

$200 REWARD.--Ran away from the service of the Rev. J.P.
McGuire, Episcopal High School, Fairfax county, Va., on
Saturday, 10th inst, Negro Man, Oscar Payne aged 30 years, 5
feet 4 inches in height, square built, mulatto color, thick,
bushy suit of hair, round, full face, and when spoken to has a
pleasant manner--clothes not recollected.

I will give $200 for his recovery if taken out of the State, or
$150 if taken in the State, and secured that I can get him.

T.D. FENDALL.

jyl7-6t.

Such announcements never frightened the Underground Rail Road Committee; indeed, the Committee rather preferred seeing the names of their passengers in the papers, as, in that case, they could all the more cautiously provide against Messrs. slave-hunters. Oscar was a "prime, first-class article," worth $1800. The above description of him is endorsed. His story ran thus:

"I have served under Miss Mary Dade, of Alexandria--Miss Dade was a very clever mistress, she hired me out. When I left I was hired at the school--High School of Virginia. With me times had been very well. No privilege was allowed me to study books. I cannot say that I left for any other cause than to get my freedom, as I believe I have been used as well as any slave in the District. I left no relatives but two cousins; my two brothers ran away, Brooks and Lawrence, but where they went I can't tell, but would be pleased to know. Three brothers and one sister have been sold South, can't tell where they are." Such was Oscar's brief narrative; that he was truthful there was no room to doubt.

The next passenger was MOSES or "Mose," who looked as though he had been exceedingly well-cared for, being plump, fat, and extra-smart. He declared that General Briscoe, of Georgetown, D.C., had been defrauding him out of thirteen dollars per month, this being the amount for which he was hired, and, instead of being allowed to draw it for himself, the general pocketed it. For this "kind treatment" he summed up what seemed to be a true bill for ten years against the general. But he made another charge of a still graver character: he said that the general professed to own him. But as he (Moses) was thoroughly tired, and believed that Slavery was no more justifiable than murder, he made up his mind to leave and join the union party for Canada. He stated that the general owned a large number of slaves, which he hired out principally. Moses had no special fault to find with his master, except such as have been alluded to, but as to mistress Briscoe, he said, that she was pretty rough. Moses left four sisters in bondage.

David, the next member of this freedom-loving band, was an intelligent man; his manners and movements were decidedly prepossessing. He was about thirty-seven years of age, dark, tall, and rather of a slender stature, possessing very large hopes. He charged Dr. Josiah Harding of Rockville, Montgomery county, with having enslaved him contrary to his wish or will.

As a slave, David had been required at one time to work on a farm, and at another time to drive carriage, of course, without pay. Again he had been bound as a waiter on the no pay system, and again he had been called into the kitchen to cook, all for the benefit of the Doctor--the hire going into the Dr.'s pocket. This business David protested against in secret, but when on the Underground Rail Road his protestations were "over and above board."

Of the Doctor, David said, that "he was clever, but a Catholic;" he also said, that he thought his wife was "tolerable clever," although he had never been placed under her where he would have had an opportunity of learning her bad traits if she had any.

The Doctor had generously bargained with David, that he could have himself by paying $1000; he had likewise figured up how the money might be paid, and intimated what a nice thing it would be for "Dave" to wake up some morning and find himself his own man. This was how it was to be accomplished: Dave was to pay eighty-five dollars annually, and in about twelve years he would have the thousand, and a little over, all made up. On this principle and suggestion Dave had been digging faithfully and hard, and with the aid of friends he had nearly succeeded. Just when he was within sight of the grand prize, and just as the last payment was about to be made, to Dave's utter surprise the Doctor got very angry one day about some trifling matter (all pretension) and in his pretended rage he said there were too many "free niggers" going about, and he thought that Dave would do better as a slave, etc.

After that, all the satisfaction that he was able to get out of the Doctor, was simply to the effect, that he had hired him to Mr. Morrison for one hundred and fifty dollars a year. After his "lying and cheating" in this way, David resolved that he would take his chances on the Underground Rail Road. Not a spark of faith did he have in the Doctor. For a time, however, before the opportunity to escape offered, he went to Mr. Morrison as a waiter, where it was his province to wait on six of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States. In the meantime his party matured arrangements for their trip, so Dave "took out" and left the Judges without a waiter. The more he reflected over the nature of the wrongs he had suffered under, the less he thought of the Doctor.

Joe, who also came with this band, was half Anglo-Saxon; an able-bodied man, thirty-four years of age. He said, that "Miss Elizabeth Gordon, a white woman living in Alexandria," claimed him. He did not find much fault with her. She permitted him to hire his time, find his own clothing, etc., by which regulation Joe got along smoothly. Nevertheless he declared, that he was tired of wearing the yoke, and felt constrained to throw it off as soon as possible. Miss Gordon was getting old, and Joe noticed that the young tribe of nephews and nieces was multiplying in large numbers. This he regarded as a very bad sign; he therefore, gave the matter of the Underground Rail Road his serious attention, and it was not long ere he was fully persuaded that it would be wisdom for him to tarry no longer in the prison-house. Joe had a wife and four children, which were as heavy weights to hold him in Virginia, but the spirit of liberty prevailed. Joe, also, left two sisters, one free, the other a slave. His wife belonged to the widow Irwin. She had assured her slaves, that she had "provided for them in her will," and that at her death all would be freed. They were daily living on the faith thus created, and obviously thought the sooner the Lord relieved the old mistress of her earthly troubles the better.

Although Joe left his wife and children, he did not forget them, but had strong faith they would be reunited. After going to Canada, he addressed several letters to the Secretary of the Committee concerning his family, and as will be seen by the following, he looked with ardent hopes for their arrival:

TORONTO, Nov. 7th, 1857.

DEAR MR. STILL:--As I must again send you a letter fealing
myself oblidge to you for all you have done and your kindness.
Dear Sir my wife will be on to Philadelphia on the 8th 7th, and
I would you to look out for her and get her an ticket and send
her to me Toronto. Her name are May Ball with five children.
Please send her as soon as you can.

Yours very truly,

JOSEPH BALL.

Will you please to telegrape to me, No. 31 Dummer st.

Jake, another member of the company of nine, was twenty-two years of age, of dark hue, round-made, keen eyes, and apparently a man of superior intelligence. Unfortunately his lot had been of such a nature that no helping opportunity had been afforded for the cultivation of his mind.

He condemned in very strong terms a man by the name of Benjamin B. Chambers, who lived near Elkton, but did not there require the services of Jake, hiring Jake out just as he would have hired a horse, and likewise keeping his pay. Jake thought that if justice could have been awarded him, Chambers would either have had to restore that of which he had wronged him, or expiate the wrong in prison.

Jake, however, stood more in awe of a young master, who was soon likely to come into power, than he did of the old master. This son had already given Jake to understand that once in his hands it "wouldn't be long before he would have him jingling in his pocket," signifying, that he would sell him as soon as his father was gone.

The manner of the son stirred Jake's very blood to boiling heat it seemed. His suffering, and the suffering of his fellow-bondsmen had never before appeared so hard. The idea that he must work, and be sold at the pleasure of another, made him decide to "pull up stakes," and seek refuge elsewhere. Such a spirit as he possessed could not rest in servitude.

Mary Ann, the wife of Jake, who accompanied him, was a pleasant-looking bride. She said that she was owned by "Elias Rhoads, a farmer, and a pretty fair kind of a man." She had been treated very well.

John and Henry Dade, ages twenty and twenty-five years, were from Washington. They belonged to the class of well-cared for slaves; at least they said that their mistress had not dealt severely with them, and they never would have consented to pass through the severe sufferings encountered on their journey, but for the strong desire they had to be free. From Canada John wrote back as follows:

ST. CATHARINES, Canada.

MR. STILL, SIR:--I ar rivd on Friday evenen bot I had rite smart
troble for my mony gave out at the bridge and I had to fot et to
St. Catherin tho I went rite to worke at the willard house for 8
dolor month bargend for to stae all the wentor bot I havent eny
clouse nor money please send my tronke if et has come. Derate et
to St. Catharines to the willard house to John Dade and if et
ant come plice rite for et soon as posable deract your letter to
Rosenen Dade Washington send your deraction please tend to this
rite a way for I haf made a good start I think that I can gate a
longe en this plase. If my brother as well send him on for I haf
a plase for him ef he ant well please don't send him for this as
no plase for a sik possan. The way I got this plase I went to
see a fran of myen from Washington. Dan al well and he gave me
werke. Pleas ancer this as soon as you gat et you must excues
this bad riting for my chance wars bot small to line this mouch,

JOHN H. DADE.

If yon haf to send for my tronke to Washington send the name of
John Trowharte. Sir please rite as soon as you gat this for et
as enporten.

JOHN H. DADE.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

GEORGE LAWS AND COMRADE--TIED AND HOISTED WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE, TO BE COWHIDED.

George represented the ordinary young slave men of Delaware. He was of unmixed blood, medium size and of humble appearance. He was destitute of the knowledge of spelling, to say nothing of reading. Slavery had stamped him unmistakably for life. To be scantily fed and clothed, and compelled to work without hire, George did not admire, but had to submit without murmuring; indeed, he knew that his so-called master, whose name was Denny, would not be likely to hear complaints from a slave; he therefore dragged his chain and yielded to his daily task.

One day, while hauling dirt with a fractious horse, the animal manifested an unwillingness to perform his duty satisfactorily. At this procedure the master charged George with provoking the beast to do wickedly, and in a rage he collared George and bade him accompany him "up stairs" (of the soap house). Not daring to resist, George went along with him. Ropes being tied around both his wrists, the block and tackle were fastened thereto, and George soon found himself hoisted on tip-toe with his feet almost clear of the floor.

The "kind-hearted master" then tore all the poor fellow's old shirt off his back, and addressed him thus: "You son of a b----h, I will give you pouting around me; stay there till I go up town for my cowhide."

George begged piteously, but in vain. The fracas caused some excitement, and it so happened that a show was to be exhibited that day in the town, which, as is usual in the country, brought a great many people from a distance; so, to his surprise, when the master returned with his cowhide, he found that a large number of curiosity-seekers had been attracted to the soap house to see Mr. Denny perform with his cowhide on George's back, as he was stretched up by his hands. Many had evidently made up their minds that it would be more amusing to see the cowhiding than the circus.

The spectators numbered about three hundred. This was a larger number than Mr. Denny had been accustomed to perform before, consequently he was seized with embarrassment; looking confused he left the soap house and went to his office, to await the dispersion of the crowd.

The throng finally retired, and left George hanging in mortal agony. Human nature here made a death-struggle; the cords which bound his wrists were unloosed, and George was then prepared to strike for freedom at the mouth of the cannon or point of the bayonet. How Denny regarded the matter when he found that George had not only cheated him out of the anticipated delight of cowhiding him, but had also cheated him out of himself is left for the imagination to picture.

George fled from Kent; he was accompanied by a comrade whose name inadvertently was not recorded; he, however, was described as a dark, round, and full-faced, stout-built man, with bow legs, and bore the appearance of having been used hard and kept down, and in ignorance, &c. Hard usage constrained him to flee from his sore oppression.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

JOHN WEEMS, ALIAS JACK HERRING.

Although Jack was but twenty-three years of age, he had tasted the bitter cup of Slavery pretty thoroughly under Kendall B. Herring, who was a member of the Methodist Church, and in Jack's opinion a "mere pretender, and a man of a very bad disposition." Jack thought that he had worked full long enough for this Herring for nothing. When a boy twelve years of age, his mother was sold South; from that day, until the hour that he fled he had not heard a word from her. In making up his mind to leave Slavery, the outrage inflicted upon his mother only tended to increase his resolution.

In speaking of his mistress, he said that "she was a right fine woman." Notwithstanding all his sufferings in the Kendall family, he seemed willing to do justice to his master and mistress individually. He left one sister free and one brother in the hands of Herring. Jack was described as a man of dark color, stout, and well-made.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.

RUTH HARPER, GEORGE ROBINSON, PRISCILLA GARDENER, AND JOSHUA JOHN ANDERSON.

Ruthie's course in seeking her freedom left John McPherson a woman less to work for him, and to whip, sell, or degrade at his pleasure. It is due to candor, however, to say that she admitted that she had not been used very roughly by Mr. McPherson. Ruth was rather a nice-looking young woman, tall, and polite in her manners. She came from Frederick, Maryland.

George Robinson stated that he came from a place about one and a half miles from the Chesapeake Bay, one mile from Old town, and five miles from Elkton, and was owned by Samuel Smith, a farmer, who was "pretty cross and an ill man." George's excuse for withdrawing his valuable services from Mr. Smith at the time that he did, was attributable to the fact, that he entertained fears that they were about to sell him. Having cautiousness largely developed he determined to reach Canada and keep out of danger. George was only twenty-one, passable-looking in appearance, and of a brown color, and when speaking, stammered considerably.

Priscilla Gardener fled from the widow Hilliard. Her master departed to his long home not a great while before she left. Priscilla was a young woman of about thirty years of age, ordinary size, and of a ginger-bread color; modest in demeanor. She first commenced her bondage in Richmond, under the late Benjamin Hilliard, of whom she said that he was "a very bad man, who could never be pleased by a servant," and was constantly addicted to fighting not only with others, but also with herself. So cruelly had Priscilla been treated, that when he died she did not hesitate to say that she was glad. Soon after this event, sick of Slavery and unwilling to serve the widow any longer, she determined to escape, and succeeded.

Joshua John Anderson fled from a farmer who was said to be a poor man, by the name of Skelton Price, residing in Baltimore county, near a little village called Alexandria, on the Harford county turn-pike road. Price, not able to own a farm and slaves too, rented one, and was trying to "get up in the world." Price had a wife and family, but in the way of treatment, Joshua did not say anything very hard against him. As his excuse for leaving them, he said, coolly, that he had made up his mind that he could get along better in freedom than he could in Slavery, and that no man had a right to his labor without paying him for it. He left his mother and also three brothers and two sisters owned by Price. Joshua was about twenty-two years of age, of a coarse make, and a dark hue; he had evidently held but little intercourse with any class, save such as he found in the corn-field and barn-yard.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE.

"DICK BEESLY",MURRAY YOUNG AND CHARLES ANDREW BOLDEN.

Physically, Dick was hardly up to the ordinary stature of slaves, but mentally he had the advantage of the masses; he was too sharp to be kept in Slavery. His hue was perfect, no sign of white about him, if that were any advantage.

From Dick's story, it appeared that he had seen hard times in North Carolina, under a man he designated by the name of Richard Smallwood. He was a farmer, living near Wheldon. One of the faults that he found with Smallwood was, that he was a "tough, drinking man"--he also charged him with holding "two hundred and sixty slaves in bonds," the most of whom he came in possession of through his wife. "She," Dick thought "was pretty fair." He said that no slave had any reason to look for any other than hard times under his master, according to what he had seen and known since he had been in the "institution," and he fancied that his chances for observation had been equally as good as the great majority of slaves. Young as he was, Dick had been sold three times already, and didn't know how much oftener he might have to submit to the same fate if he remained; so, in order to avoid further trouble, he applied his entire skill to the grand idea of making his way to Canada.

Manfully did he wrestle with difficulty after difficulty, until he finally happily triumphed and reached Philadelphia in a good condition--that is, he was not sick, but he was without money--home--education or friends, except as he found them among strangers. He was hopeful, nevertheless.

Murray Young was also of the unmixed-blood class, and only twenty-one years of age. The spirit of liberty in him was pretty largely developed. He entertained naught against Dr. Lober, of Newcastle, but rather against the Doctor's wife. He said that he could get along pretty well with the Doctor, but, he could not get along with Mrs. Lober. But the very idea of Slavery was enough for him. He did not mean to work for any body for nothing.

Andrew Bolden was still younger than Charles Murray, being only eighteen years of age, but he was very well grown, and on the auction-block he would, doubtless, have brought a large price. He fled from Newark. His story contained nothing of marked importance.

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

JOHN JANNEY, TALBOT JOHNSON, SAM GROSS, PETER GROSS, JAMES HENRY JACKSON, AND SAM SMITH.

$1.000 REWARD.--Ran away from the subscriber, August 14th, two
negro men, viz:

BILL HUTTON,

aged 48 or 50 years, dark brown, round face, 5 feet 7 or 8
inches high, rather stout, has a waddling walk, and small bald
spot on the top of his head.

TALBOT JOHNSON,

aged about 35, is black, spare, and lean-visaged, about 5 feet
10 inches high, has lost some of his front teeth, leans forward
as he walks.

If taken in a slave State I will give $200 each for their
recovery. For their recovery from a free State I will give
one-half their value.

B.D. BOND,

Port Republic, Md.

Ran away at the same time and in company, negro man

SAM GROSS,

aged about 33, is 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, black color, rather
bad teeth. For his recovery, if taken in a slave State, I will
give $200. For his recovery from a free State, I will give half
his value.

GEO. IRELAND,

Port Republic, Md.

Ran away at the same time and in company, two negro men, viz:>

PETER GROSS,

aged 33, is light-brown color, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a
small scar over his right eyebrow, usually wears a goatee, has a
pleasant countenance.

JOHN JANNEY, aged 22, light-brown color, 5 feet 6 or seven
inches high, broad across the shoulders, has one of his front
upper teeth broken, has a scar upon one of his great toes from
the cut of an axe. For their recovery, if taken in a slave
State, I will give $200 each. For their recovery from a free
State I will give half their value.

JOS. GRIFFISS,

St. Leonards, Calvert county, Md.

Refer to N.E. BERRY, No. 63 Pratt street, Baltimore.

So far as Messrs. Bond, Ireland, and Griffiss may be concerned (if they are still living), they may not care to have the reward kept in view, or to hear anything about the "ungrateful" fellows. It may be different, however, with other parties concerned. This company, some of whom bore names agreeing with those in the above advertisement, are found described in the record book as follows:

Sept. 10th, 1858. John Janney is a fine specimen of the peculiar
institution; color brown, well-formed, self-possessed and
intelligent. He says that he fled from master Joseph Griffiss of
Culbert county, Maryland; that he has been used to "tight work,"
"allowed no chances," and but "half fed." His reason for leaving
was partly "hard treatment," and partly because he could "get
along better in freedom than in slavery." He found fault with
his master for not permitting him to "learn to read," etc. He
referred to his master as a man of "fifty years of age, with a
wife and three children." John said that "she was a large,
portly woman, with an evil disposition, always wanted to be
quarreling and fighting, and was stingy." He said, however, that
his "master's children, Ann Rebecca, Dorcas, and Joe were not
allowed to meddle with the slaves on the farm." Thirty head of
slaves belonged on the place.

Peter Gross says that he too was owned by Joseph Griffiss. Peter
is, he thinks, thirty-nine years of age,--tall, of a dark
chestnut color, and in intellect mediocre. He left his wife and
five children behind. He could not bring them with him,
therefore he did not tell them that he was about to leave. He
was much dissatisfied with Slavery and felt that he had been
badly dealt with, and that he could do better for himself in
Canada.

Talbot Johnson, is thirty-five years of age, quite dark, and
substantially built. He says that he has been treated very
badly, and that Duke Bond was the name of the "tyrant" who held
him. He pictured his master as "a lean-faced man--not stout--of
thirty-eight or thirty-nine years of age, a member of the
Episcopal Church." "He had a wife and two children; his last
wife was right pleasant--he was a farmer, and was rich, had sold
slaves, and was severe when he flogged." Talbot had been
promised a terrible beating on the return of his master from the
Springs, whither he had gone to recruit his health, "as he was
poorly." This was the sole cause of Talbot's flight.

Sam Gross is about forty, a man of apparent vigor physically,
and wide awake mentally. He confesses that he fled from George
Island, near Port Republic, Md. He thought that times with him
had been bad enough all his life, and he would try to get away
where he could do better. In referring to his master and
mistress, he says that "they are both Episcopalians, hard to
please, and had as bad dispositions as could be,--would try to
knock the slaves in the head sometimes." This spirit Sam
condemned in strong terms, and averred that it was on account of
such treatment that he was moved to seek out the Underground
Rail Road. Sam left his wife, Mary Ann, and four children, all
under bonds. His children, he said, were treated horribly. They
were owned by Joseph Griffiss spoken of above.

James Henry Jackson is seventeen years of age; he testifies that
he fled from Frederica, Delaware, where he had been owned by
Joseph Brown. Jim does not make any serious complaint against
his master, except that he had him in the market for sale. To
avert this fate, Jim was moved to flee. His mother, Ann Jackson,
lived nine miles from Milford, and was owned by Jim Loflin, and
lived on his place. Of the going of her son she had no
knowledge.

These narratives have been copied from the book as they were hastily recorded at the time. During their sojourn at the station, the subjoined letter came to hand from Thomas Garrett, which may have caused anxiety and haste:

WILMINGTON, 9th mo. 6th, 1858.

ESTEEMED FRIENDS, J.M. McKIM AND WM. STILL:--I have a mixture of
good and bad news for you. Good in having passed five of God's
poor safely to Jersey, and Chester county, last week; and this
day sent on four more, that have caused me much anxiety. They
were within twenty miles of here on sixth day last, and by
agreement I had a man out all seventh day night watching for
them, to pilot them safely, as 1,000 dollars reward was offered
for four of the five; and I went several miles yesterday in the
country to try to learn what had become of them, but could not
hear of them. A man of tried integrity just called to say that
they arrived at his house last night, about midnight, and I
employed him to pilot them to a place of safety in Pennsylvania,
to-night, after which I trust they will be out of reach of their
pursuers. Now for the bad news. That old scoundrel, who applied
to me some three weeks since, pretending that he wished me to
assist him in getting his seven slaves into a free state, to
avoid the sheriff, and which I agreed to do, if he would bring
them here; but positively refused to send for them. Ten days
since I received another letter from him, saying that the
sheriff had been there, and taken away two of the children,
which he wished me to raise money to purchase and set free, and
then closed by saying that his other slaves, a man, his wife,
and three children had left the same evening and he had no doubt
I would find them at a colored man's house, he named, here, and
wished me to ascertain at once and let him know. I at once was
convinced he wished to know so as to have them arrested and
taken back. I found the man had arrived; but the woman and
children had given out, and he left them with a colored family
in Cecil. I wrote him word the family had not got here, but said
nothing of the man being here. On seventh day evening I saw a
colored woman from the neighborhood; she told me that the owner
and sheriff were out hunting five days for them before they
found them, and says there is not a greater hypocrite in that
part of the world. I wrote him a letter yesterday letting him
know just what I thought of him.

Your Friend,

THOS. GARRETT.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

BIRTH-DAY PRESENT FROM THOMAS GARRETT.

WILMINGTON, 8th mo. 21st, 1858.

ESTEEMED FRIEND:--WILLIAM STILL:--This is my 69th birth-day, and
I do not know any better way to celebrate it in a way to accord
with my feelings, than to send to thee two fugitives, man and
wife; the man has been here a week waiting for his wife, who is
expected in time to leave at 9 this evening in the cars for thy
house with a pilot, who knows where thee lives, but I cannot
help but feel some anxiety about the woman, as there is great
commotion just now in the neighborhood where she resides. There
were 4 slaves betrayed near the Maryland line by a colored man
named Jesse Perry a few nights since. One of them made a
confidant of him, and he agreed to pilot them on their way, and
had several white men secreted to take them as soon as they got
in his house; he is the scoundrel that was to have charge of the
7 I wrote you about two weeks since; their master was to take or
send them there, and he wanted me to send for them. I have since
been confirmed it was a trap set to catch one of our colored men
and me likewise, but it was no go. I suspected him from the
first, but afterwards was fully confirmed in my suspicions. We
have found the two Rust boys, John and Elsey Bradley, who the
villain of a Bust took out of jail and sold to a trader of the
name of Morris, who sold them to a trader who took them to
Richmond, Virginia, where they were sold at public sale two days
before we found them, for $2600, but fortunately the man had not
paid for them; our Attorney had them by habeas corpus before a
Judge, who detained them till we can prove their identity and
freedom; they are to have a hearing on 2d day next, when we hope
to have a person on there to prove them. In haste, thine,

THOS. GARRETT.

Unfortunately all the notice that the record contains of the two passengers referred to, is in the following words: "Two cases not written out for want of time."

The "boys" alluded to as having been "found" &c., were free-born, but had been kidnapped and carried south and sold.

Three days after the above letter, the watchful Garrett furnished further light touching the hair-breadth escape of the two that he had written about, and at the same time gave an interesting account of the efforts which were made to save the poor kidnapped boys, &c.

SECOND LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT.

WILMINGTON, 8th mo. 25th, 1858.

ESTEEMED FRIEND:--WILLIAM STILL:--Thine was received yesterday.
Those two I wrote about to be with thee last 7th day evening, I
presume thee has seen before this. A. Allen had charge of them;
he had them kept out of sight at the depot here till the cars
should be ready to start, in charge of a friend, while he kept a
lookout and got a ticket. When the Delaware cars arrived, who
should step out but the master of both man and woman, (as they
had belonged to different persons); they knew him, and he knew
them. He left in a different direction from where they were
secreted, and got round to them and hurried them off to a place
of safety, as he was afraid to take them home for fear they
would search the house. On 1st day morning the boat ran to
Chester to take our colored people to the camp at Media; he had
them disguised, and got them in the crowd and went with them;
when he got to Media, he placed them in care of a colored man,
who promised to hand them over to thee on 2d day last; we expect
3 more next 7th day night, but how we shall dispose of them we
have not yet determined; it will depend on circumstances. Judge
Layton has been on with a friend to Richmond, Virginia, and
fully identified the two Bradley boys that were kidnapped by
Clem Rust. He has the assurance of the Judge there that they
will be tried and their case decided by Delaware Laws, by which
they must be declared free and returned here. We hope to be able
to bring such proof against both Rust and the man he sold them
to, who took them out of the State, to teach them a lesson they
will remember.

Thy friend,

THOS. GARRETT.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858.

REBECCA JACKSON AND DAUGHTER, AND ROBERT SHORTER.

The road to Washington was doing about this time a marvellously large business. "William Penn" and other friends in Washington were most vigilant, and knew where to find passengers who were daily thirsting for deliverance.

Rebecca Jackson was a woman of about thirty-seven years of age, of a yellow color, and of bright intellect, prepossessing in her manners. She had pined in bondage in Georgetown under Mrs. Margaret Dick, a lady of wealth and far advanced in life, a firm believer in slavery and the Presbyterian Church, of which she was a member.

Rebecca had been her chief attendant, knew all her whims and ways to perfection. According to Rebecca's idea, "she was a peevish, fretful, ill-natured, but kind-hearted creature." Being very tired of her old mistress and heartily sick of bondage, and withal desiring to save her daughter, she ascertained the doings of the Underground Rail Road,--was told about Canada, &c. She therefore resolved to make a bold adventure. Mrs. Dick had resided a long time in Georgetown, but owned three large plantations in the country, over which she kept three overseers to look after the slaves. Rebecca had a free husband, but she was not free to serve him, as she had to be digging day and night for the "white people." Robert, a son of the mistress lived with his mother. While Rebecca regarded him as "a man with a very evil disposition," she nevertheless believed that he had "sense enough to see that the present generation of slaves would not bear so much as slaves had been made to bear the generation past."

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858.

FRANK CAMPBELL.

Frank was a man of blunt features, rather stout, almost jet black, and about medium height and weight. He was not certain about his age, rather thought that he was between thirty and forty years. He had been deprived of learning to read or write, but with hard treatment he had been made fully acquainted under a man named Henry Campbell, who called himself Frank's master, and without his consent managed to profit by his daily sweat and toil. This Campbell was a farmer, and was said to be the owner of about one hundred head of slaves, besides having large investments in other directions. He did not hesitate to sell slaves if he could get his price. Every now and then one and another would find it his turn to be sold. Frank resolved to try and get out of danger before times were worse. So he struck out resolutely for freedom and succeeded.

* * * * *

ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1858.

RICHARD BAYNE, CARTER DOWLING AND BENJAMIN TAYLOR.

Richard stated that a man named "Rudolph Massey, a merchant tailor, hard rum-drinker, card player, etc." claimed to own him, and had held him, up to the time of his escape, as with bands of brass.

Richard said, "I was hired out for ten dollars a month, but I never suffered like many--didn't leave because I have been abused, but simply to keep from falling into the hands of some heirs that I had been willed to." In case of a division, Richard did not see how he could be divided without being converted into money. Now, as he could have no fore-knowledge as to the place or person into whose hands he might be consigned by the auctioneer, he concluded that he could not venture to risk himself in the hands of the young heirs. Richard began to consider what Slavery was, and his eyes beheld chains, whips, hand-cuffs, auction-blocks, separations and countless sufferings that had partially been overlooked before; he felt the injustice of having to toil hard to support a drunkard and gambler. At the age of twenty-three Richard concluded to "lay down the shovel and the hoe," and look out for himself. His mother was owned by Massey, but his father belonged to the "superior race" or claimed so to do, and if anything could be proved by appearances it was evident that he was the son of a white man. Richard was endowed with a good share of intelligence. He not only left his mother but also one sister to clank their chains together.