Chapter XXXIX: Part 39

To Mr. Garrison, as is stated in one of the letters which has
just been read, to William Lloyd Garrison it has been given, in
a manner not often permitted to those who do great things of
this kind, to see the ripe fruit of his vast labors. Over a
territory large enough to make many realms, he has seen hopeless
toil supplanted by compensated industry; and where the bondman
dragged his chain, there freedom is established for ever. (Loud
cheers.) We now welcome him amongst us as a friend whom some of
us have known long; for I have watched his career with no common
interest, even when I was too young to take much part in public
affairs; and I have kept within my heart his name, and the names
of those who have been associated with him in every step which
he has taken; and in public debate in the halls of peace, and
even on the blood-soiled fields of war, my heart has always been
with those who were the friends of freedom. (Renewed cheering.)
We welcome him then with a cordiality which knows no stint and
no limit for him and for his noble associates, both men and
women.

After this eloquent and able speech by the chairman, the honor of proposing an address to Mr. Garrison devolved upon the Duke of Argyll, who introduced the subject in the following glowing speech:

SPEECH OF THE DUKE OF ARGYLL.

MR. CHAIRMAN, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN:--It is hard to follow an
address of such extraordinary beauty, simplicity and power; but
it now becomes my duty at your command, sir, to move an address
of hearty congratulation to our distinguished guest, William
Lloyd Garrison. (Cheers.) Sir, this country is from time to time
honored by the presence of many distinguished, and of a few
illustrious men; but for the most part we are contented to
receive them with that private cordiality and hospitality with
which, I trust, we shall always receive strangers who visit our
shores. The people of this country are not pre-eminently an
emotional people; they are not naturally fond of public
demonstrations; and it is only upon rare occasions that we give,
or can give, such a reception as that we see here this day.
There must be something peculiar in the cause which a man has
served, in the service which he has rendered, and in our own
relations with the people whom he represents, to justify or to
account for such a reception. (Hear, hear.) As regards the
cause, it is not too much to say that the cause of negro
emancipation in the United States of America has been the
greatest cause which, in ancient or in modern times, has been
pleaded at the bar of the moral judgment of mankind. (Cheers.) I
know that to some this will sound as the language of exaggerated
feeling; but I can only say that I have expressed myself in
language which I believe conveys the literal truth. (Hear,
hear.)

I have, indeed, often heard it said in deprecation of the amount
of interest which was bestowed in this country on the cause of
negro emancipation in America, that we are apt to forget the
forms of suffering which are immediately at our own doors, over
which we have some control, and to express exaggerated feeling
as to the forms of suffering with which we have nothing to do,
and for which we are not responsible. I have never objected to
that language in so far as it might tend to recall us to the
duties which lie immediately around us, and in so far as it
might tend to make us feel the forgetfulness of which we are
sometimes guilty, of the misery and poverty in our own country;
but, on the other hand, I will never admit, for I think it would
be confounding great moral distinctions, that the miseries which
arise by way of natural consequence out of the poverty and the
vices of mankind, are to be compared with those miseries which
are the direct result of positive law and of a positive
institution, giving to man property in man. (Loud cheers.) It is
true, also, that there have been forms of servitude, meaning
thereby compulsory labor, against which we do not entertain the
same feelings of hostility and horror with which we have
regarded slavery in America.

* * * * *

It was a system of which it may be truly said, that it was twice
cursed. It cursed him who served, and it cursed him that owned
the slave. (Hear, hear.) When we recollect the insuperable
temptations which that system held out to maintain in a state of
degradation and ignorance a whole race of mankind; the horrors
of the internal slave-trade, more widely demoralizing, in my
opinion, than the foreign slave-trade itself; the violence which
was done to the sanctities of domestic life; the corrupting
effect which it was having upon the very churches of
Christianity, when we recollect all these things, we can fully
estimate the evil from which my distinguished friend and his
coadjutors have at last redeemed their country. (Cheers.) It was
not only the Slave states which were concerned in the guilt of
slavery; it had struck its roots deep in the free States of
North America. * * *

We honor Mr. Garrison, in the first place, for the immense pluck
and courage he displayed. (Cheers.) Sir, you have truly said
that there is no comparison between the contests in which he had
to fight and the most bitter contests of our own public life. In
looking back, no doubt, to the contest which was maintained in
this country some thirty-five years ago against slavery in our
colonies, we may recollect that Clarkson and Wilberforce were
denounced as fanatics, and had to encounter much opprobrium; but
it must not be forgotten that, so far as regards the entwining
of the roots of slavery into the social system, in the opinions
and interests of mankind, there was no comparison whatever
between the circumstances of that contest here and those which
attended it in America. (Hear, hear.) The number of persons who
in this country were enlisted on the side of slavery by personal
interest was always comparatively few; whilst, in attacking
slavery at its head-quarters in the United States, Mr. Garrison
had to encounter the fiercest passions which could be roused. *
* * *

Thank God, Mr. Garrison appears before us as the representative
of the United States; freedom is now the policy of the
government and the assured policy of the country, and we can
to-day accept and welcome Mr. Garrison, not merely as the
liberator of the slaves, but as the representative also of the
American Government. (Cheers.) * * * *

THE ADDRESS TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, ESQ.

"SIR:--We heartily welcome you to England in the name of
thousands of Englishmen who have watched with admiring sympathy
your labors for the redemption of the negro race from slavery,
and for that which is a higher object than the redemption of any
single race, the vindication of the universal principles of
humanity and justice; and who, having sympathized with you in
the struggle, now rejoice with you in the victory.

"Forty years ago, when you commenced your efforts, slavery
appeared to be rapidly advancing to complete ascendency in
America. Not only was it dominant in the Southern States, but
even in the Free States it had bowed the constituencies,
society, and, in too many instances, even the churches to its
will. Commerce, linked to it by interest, lent it her support. A
great party, compactly organized and vigorously wielded, placed
in its hands the power of the state. It bestowed political
offices and honors, and was thereby enabled to command the
apostate homage of political ambition. Other nations felt the
prevalence in your national councils of its insolent and
domineering spirit. There was a moment, most critical in the
history of America and of the world, when it seemed as though
that continent, with all its resources and all its hopes, was
about to become the heritage of the slave power.

"But Providence interposes to prevent the permanent triumph of
evil. It interposes, not visibly or by the thunderbolt, but by
inspiring and sustaining high moral effort and heroic lives.

"You commenced your crusade against slavery in isolation, in
weakness, and in obscurity. The emissaries of authority with
difficulty found the office of the _Liberator_ in a mean room,
where its editor was aided only by a negro boy, and supported by
a few insignificant persons (so the officers termed them) of all
colors. You were denounced, persecuted, and hunted down by mobs
of wealthy men alarmed for the interests of their class. You
were led out by one of these mobs, and saved from their violence
and the imminent peril of death, almost by a miracle. You were
not turned from your path of devotion to your cause, and to the
highest interests of your country, by denunciation, persecution,
or the fear of death. You have lived to stand victorious and
honored in the very stronghold of slavery; to see the flag of
the republic, now truly free, replace the flag of slavery on
Fort Sumter; and to proclaim the doctrines of the _Liberator_ in
the city, and beside the grave of Calhoun.

"Enemies of war, we most heartily wish, and doubt not that you
wish as heartily as we do, that this deliverance could have been
wrought out by peaceful means. But the fierce passions
engendered by slavery in the slaveowner, determined it
otherwise; and we feel at liberty to rejoice, since the struggle
was inevitable, that its issue has been the preservation, not
the extinction, of all that we hold most dear. We are, however,
not more thankful for the victories of freedom in the field than
for the moderation and mercy shown by the victors, which have
exalted and hallowed their cause and ours in the eyes of all
nations.

"We shall now watch with anxious hope the development, amidst
the difficulties which still beset the regeneration of the
South, of a happier order of things in the States rescued from
slavery, and the growth of free communities, in which your name,
with the names of your fellow-workers in the same cause, will be
held in grateful and lasting remembrance.

"Once more we welcome you to a country in which you will find
many sincere admirers and warm friends."

EARL RUSSELL and JOHN STUART MILL, M.P., at the close of the address, followed with most eloquent speeches, conferring on the honored guest the highest praise for his life-long and successful labors in the cause of freedom. After these gentlemen had taken their seats, the Chairman proposed that the address should be passed unanimously.

The Chairman's call was responded to by the whole assemblage lifting up their hands; and Mr. Garrison, presenting himself in front of the platform, was received with an enthusiastic burst of cheering, hats and handkerchiefs being waved by nearly all present.

SPEECH OF MR. GARRISON.

Mr. Garrison said:--Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,--For
this marked expression of your personal respect, and
appreciation of my labors in the cause of human freedom, and of
your esteem and friendship for the land of my nativity, I offer
you, one and all, my grateful acknowledgments. But I am so
profoundly impressed by the formidable array of rank, genius,
intellect, scholarship, and moral and religious worth which I
see before me, that I fear I shall not be able to address you,
except with a fluttering pulse and a stammering tongue. For me
this is, indeed, an anomalous position. Assuredly, this is
treatment with which I have not been familiar. For more than
thirty years, I had to look the fierce and unrelenting hostility
of my countrymen in the face, with few to cheer me onward. In
all the South I was an outlaw, and could not have gone there,
though an American citizen guiltless of wrong, and though that
flag (here the speaker pointed to the United States ensign) had
been over my head, except at the peril of my life; nay, with the
certainty of finding a bloody grave. (Hear, hear.) In all the
North I was looked upon with hatred and contempt. The whole
nation, subjugated to the awful power of slavery, rose up in
mobocratic tumult against any and every effort to liberate the
millions held in bondage on its soil. And yet I demanded nothing
that was not perfectly just and reasonable, in exact accordance
with the Declaration of American Independence and the Golden
Rule. I was not the enemy of any man living. I cherish no
personal enmities; I know nothing of them in my heart. Even
whilst the Southern slave-holders were seeking my destruction, I
never for a moment entertained any other feeling toward them
than an earnest desire, under God, to deliver them from a deadly
curse and an awful sin. (Hear, hear.) It was neither a sectional
nor a personal matter at all. It had exclusive reference to the
eternal law of justice between man and man, and the rights of
human nature itself.

Sir, I always found in America that a shower of brickbats had a
remarkably tonic effect, materially strengthening to the
back-bone. (Laughter.) But, sir, the shower of compliments and
applause, which has greeted me on this occasion would assuredly
cause my heart to fail me, were it not that this generous
reception is only incidentally personal to myself. (Hear, hear.)
You, ladies and gentlemen, are here mainly to celebrate the
triumph of humanity over its most brutal foes; to rejoice that
universal emancipation has at last been proclaimed throughout
the United States: and to express, as you have already done
through the mouths of the eloquent speakers who have preceded
me, sentiments of peace and of good-will toward the American
Republic. Sure I am that these sentiments will be heartily
reciprocated by my countrymen. (Cheers.)

I must here disclaim, with all sincerity of soul, any special
praise for anything that I have done. I have simply tried to
maintain the integrity of my soul before God, and to do my duty.
(Cheers.) I have refused to go with the multitude to do evil. I
have endeavored to save my country from ruin. I have sought to
liberate such as were held captive in the house of bondage. But
all this I ought to have done.

And now, rejoicing here with you at the marvellous change which
has taken place across the Atlantic, I am unable to express the
satisfaction I feel in believing that, henceforth, my country
will be a mighty power for good in the world. While she held a
seventh portion of her vast population in a state of chattelism,
it was in vain that she boasted of her democratic principles and
her free institutions; ostentatiously holding her Declaration of
Independence in one hand, and brutally wielding her
slave-driving lash in the other. Marvellous inconsistency and
unparalleled assurance. But now, God be praised, she is free,
free to advance the cause of liberty throughout the world. (Loud
cheers.)

Sir, this is not the first time I have been in England. I have
been here three times before on anti-slavery missions; and
wherever I traveled, I was always exultantly told, "Slaves
cannot breathe in England!" Now, at last, I am at liberty to
say, and I came over with the purpose to say it, "Slaves cannot
breathe in America!" (Cheers.) And so England and America stand
side by side in the cause of negro emancipation; and side by
side may they stand in all that is just and noble and good,
leading the way gloriously in the world's redemption. (Loud
cheers.)

I came to this country for the first time in 1833, to undeceive
Wilberforce, Clarkson, and other eminent philanthropists, in
regard to the real character, tendency, and object of the
American Colonization Society. I am happy to say that I quickly
succeeded in doing so. Before leaving, I had the pleasure of
receiving a protest against that Society as an obstruction to
the cause of freedom throughout the world, and, consequently, as
undeserving of British confidence and patronage, signed by
William Wilberforce, Thomas Fowell Buxton, Zachary Macaulay, and
other illustrious philanthropists. On arriving in London I
received a polite invitation by letter from Mr. Buxton to take
breakfast with him. Presenting myself at the appointed time,
when my name was announced, instead of coming forward promptly
to take me by the hand, he scrutinized me from head to foot, and
then inquired, somewhat dubiously, "Have I the pleasure of
addressing Mr. Garrison, of Boston, in the United States?" "Yes,
sir," I replied, "I am he; and I am here in accordance with your
invitation." Lifting up his hands he exclaimed, "Why, my dear
sir, I thought you were a black man. And I have consequently
invited this company of ladies and gentlemen to be present to
welcome Mr. Garrison, the black advocate of emancipation from
the United States of America." (Laughter.) I have often said,
sir, that that is the only compliment I have ever had paid to me
that I care to remember or tell of. For Mr. Buxton had somehow
or other supposed that no white American could plead for those
in bondage as I had done, and therefore I must be black.
(Laughter.)

It is indeed true, sir, that I have had no other rule by which
to be guided than this. I never cared to know precisely how many
stripes were inflicted on the slaves. I never deemed it
necessary to go down into the Southern States, if I could have
gone, for the purpose of taking the exact dimensions of the
slave system. I made it from the start, and always, my own case,
thus: Did I want to be a slave? No. Did God make me to be a
slave? No. But I am only a man, only one of the human race; and
if not created to be a slave, then no other human being was made
for that purpose. My wife and children, dearer to me than my
heart's blood, were they made for the auction-block? Never! And
so it was all very easily settled here (pointing to his breast).
(Great cheering.) I could not help being an uncompromising
abolitionist.

Here allow me to pay a brief tribute to the American
abolitionists. Putting myself entirely out of the question, I
believe that in no land, at any time, was there ever a more
devoted, self-sacrificing, and uncompromising band of men and
women. Nothing can be said to their credit which they do not
deserve. With apostolic zeal, they counted nothing dear to them
for the sake of the slave, and him dehumanized. But whatever has
been achieved through them is all of God, to whom alone is the
glory due. Thankful are we all that we have been permitted to
live to see this day, for our country's sake, and for the sake
of mankind. Of course, we are glad that our reproach is at last
taken away; for it is very desirable, if possible, to have the
good opinions of our fellow-men; but if, to secure these, we
must sell our manhood and sully our souls, then their bad
opinions of us are to be coveted instead.

Sir, my special part in this grand struggle was in first
unfurling the banner of immediate and unconditional
emancipation, and attempting to make a common rally under it.
This I did, not in a free State, but in the city of Baltimore,
in the slave-holding State of Maryland. It was not long before I
was arrested, tried, condemned by a packed jury, and
incarcerated in prison for my anti-slavery sentiments. This was
in 1830. In 1864 I went to Baltimore for the first time since my
imprisonment. I do not think that I could have gone at an
earlier period, except at the peril of my life; and then only
because the American Government was there in force, holding the
rebel elements in subserviency. I was naturally curious to see
the old prison again, and, if possible, to get into my old cell;
but when I went to the spot, behold! the prison had vanished;
and so I was greatly disappointed, (Laughter.) On going to
Washington, I mentioned to President Lincoln, the disappointment
I had met with. With a smiling countenance and a ready wit, he
replied, "So, Mr. Garrison, the difference between 1830 and 1864
appears to be this: in 1830 you could not get out, and in 1864
you could not get in!" (Great laughter.) This was not only
wittily said, but it truthfully indicated the wonderful
revolution that had taken place in Maryland; for she had adopted
the very doctrine for which she imprisoned me, and given
immediate and unconditional emancipation to her eighty thousand
slaves. (Cheers.)

I commenced the publication of the "_Liberator_" in Boston, on
the 1st of January, 1831. At that time I was very little known,
without allies, without means, without subscribers; yet no
sooner did that little sheet make its appearance, than the South
was thrown into convulsions, as if it had suddenly been invaded
by an army with banners! Notwithstanding, the whole country was
on the side of the slave power--the Church, the State, all
parties, all denominations, ready to do its bidding! O the
potency of truth, and the inherent weakness and conscious
insecurity of great wrong! Immediately a reward of five thousand
dollars was offered for my apprehension, by the State of
Georgia. When General Sherman was making his victorious march
through that State, it occurred to me, but too late, that I
ought to have accompanied him, and in person claimed the
reward--(laughter)--but I remembered, that, had I done so, I
should have had to take my pay in Confederate currency, and
therefore it would not have paid traveling expenses. (Renewed
laughter.) Where is Southern Slavery now? (Cheers.) Henceforth,
through all coming time, advocates of justice and friends of
reform, be not discouraged; for you will, and you must succeed,
if you have a righteous cause. No matter at the outset how few
may be disposed to rally round the standard you have raised--if
you battle unflinchingly and without compromise--if yours be a
faith that cannot be shaken, because it is linked to the Eternal
Throne--it is only a question of time when victory shall come to
reward your toils. Seemingly, no system of iniquity was ever
more strongly intrenched, or more sure and absolute in its sway,
than that of American Slavery; yet it has perished.

"In the earthquake God has spoken;
He has smitten with His thunder
The iron walls asunder,
And the gates of brass are broken."

So it has been, so it is, so it ever will be throughout the
earth, in every conflict for the right. (Great cheering.) * *
* * *

Ladies and gentlemen, I began my advocacy of the Anti-slavery
cause at the North in the midst of brickbats and rotten eggs. I
ended it on the soil of South Carolina, almost literally buried
beneath the wreaths and flowers which were heaped upon me by her
liberal bondmen. (Cheers.)

LEWIS TAPPAN

Was one of the warmest friends of the slave and of the colored
man. He was very solicitous for their welfare, and that the
colored people who were free should be enlightened and educated.
He opened a Sunday-school for colored adults, which was
numerously attended, in West Broadway, New York, and with a few
others, devoted the most of the Sabbath to their teaching. When
he and his brother Arthur, assembled the seventy anti-slavery
agents, who were thereafter, like "firebrands," scattered all
over the land, they held their meetings in this room. These
agents were entertained by abolitionists in the city, and many
of us had two or three of them in each of our families for a
couple of weeks. They went out all over the land, and were
instrumental in diffusing more truth, perhaps, about the
dreadful system of American Slavery, than was accomplished in
any other way. He also aided in establishing several
periodicals, brimful of anti-slavery truth; among which, were
the "_Anti-Slavery Record_," the "_Emancipator_," the "_Slave's
Friend;_" the latter, to indoctrinate the children in
Anti-slavery. The American Missionary Society, originally begun
for the support of a mission in Africa, on the occasion of the
return of the Amistad captors to their native land, and now
doing so much for the freedmen of the South, was almost entirely
established by his efforts. During the continuance of Slavery,
much was done by this Society for the diffusion of an
anti-slavery gospel.

The "Vigilance Committee," for aiding and befriending fugitives,
of which I was treasurer for many years, had no better or warmer
friend than he. He was almost always at their meetings, which
were known only to "the elect," for we dared not hold them too
publicly, as we almost always had some of the travelers toward
the "north star" present, whose masters or their agents were
frequently in the city, in hot pursuit. At first, we sent them
to Canada, but after a while, sent them only to Syracuse, and
the centre of the State.

In 1834, I think, was the first rioting, the sacking of Mr.
Tappan's house, in Rose Street. The mob brought all his
furniture out, and piling it up in the street, set it on fire.
The family were absent at the time. Soon after, they stoned Rev.
Mr. Ludlow's, and Dr. Cox's church, and the house of the latter.
They threatened Arthur Tappan & Co's, store, in Pearl Street,
but hearing that there were a few loaded muskets there, they
_took it out in threats_. But their mercantile establishment was
almost ostracised at this time, by the dry goods merchants; and
country merchants in all parts of the country, north as well as
south, did not dare to have it known that they bought goods of
them; and when they did so, requested particularly, that the
bundles or boxes, should not be marked "from A. Tappan & Co.,"
as was customary. Southern merchants especially, avoided them,
and when, two or three years later, there was a general
insolvency among them, occasionally large losses to New York
merchants, and in some cases failure; _the Tappans were saved by
having no Southern debts_!

Through Mr. Tappan's influence and extensive correspondence
abroad, many remittances came for the help of the "Vigilance
Committee," from England and Scotland, and at one time, an
extensive invoice of useful and fancy articles, in several large
boxes, was received from the Glasgow ladies, sufficient to
furnish a large bazaar or fair, which was held in Brooklyn, for
the benefit of the Committee.

Although lately afflicted by disease, Mr. Tappan still lives in
the enjoyment of all his faculties, and a good measure of
health, and in his advanced years, sees now some of the great
results of his life-long efforts for the restoration and
maintenance of human rights.

Although still suffering under many of the evils which Slavery
has inflicted upon him, the _American slave_ no longer exists!
Instead stands up in all our Southern States the _freedman_,
knowing his rights, and, as a rule, enjoying them. Original
American abolitionists, who met the scorn and odium, the imputed
shame and obloquy, the frowns and cold-shoulders which they bore
through all the dark days of Slavery, now see and feel their
reward in some measure; to be completed only, when they shall
hear the plaudit: "Inasmuch as ye have done it to the least of
these my brethren, ye have done it unto me."

ANTHONY LANE.

New York, Nov. 8, 1871.

Mr. Lane, Mr. Tappan's personal friend who labored with him in the Anti-Slavery Cause, and especially in the Vigilance Committee for many years, from serious affection of his eyes was not prepared to furnish as full a sketch of his (Mr. T.'s) labors as was desirable. Mr. Tappan was, therefore, requested to furnish a few reminiscences from his own store-house, which he kindly did as follows:

WILLIAM STILL, ESQ., My dear Sir:--In answer to your request,
that I would furnish, an article for your forthcoming book,
giving incidents within my personal knowledge, relating to the
Underground Rail Road; I have already apprized you of my illness
and my consequent inability to write such an article as would be
worthy of your publication. However, feeling somewhat relieved
to-day, from my paralysis, owing to the cheering sunshine and
the favor of my Almighty Preserver, I will try to do what I can,
in dictating a few anecdotes to my amanuensis, which may afford
you and your readers some gratification.

These facts I must give without reference to date, as I will not
tax my memory with perhaps a vain attempt to narrate them in
order.

As mentioned in my "Life of Arthur Tappan," some abolitionists
(myself among the number), doubted the propriety of engaging in
such measures as were contemplated by the conductors of the
"Underground Rail Road," fearing that they would not be
justified in aiding slaves to escape from their masters; but
reflection convinced them that it was not only right to assist
men in efforts to obtain their liberty, when unjustly held in
bondage, but a DUTY.

Abolitionists, white and colored, both in slave and free States,
entered into extensive correspondence, set their wits at work to
devise various expedients for the relief from bondage and
transmission to the free States and to Canada, of many of the
most enterprising bondmen and bondwomen. They vied with each
other in devising means for the accomplishment of this object.
Those who had money contributed it freely, and those who were
destitute of money, gave their time, saying with the Apostle:
"Silver and gold have I none; but such as I have, give I thee."

1. I recollect that one morning on reaching my office (that of
the treasurer of the American Missionary Association), my
assistant told me that in the inner room were eighteen
fugitives, men, women and children, who had arrived that morning
from the South in one company. On going into the room, I saw
them lying about on the bales and boxes of clothing destined for
our various missionary stations, fatigued, as they doubtless
were, after their sleepless and protracted struggle for freedom.

On inquiry, I learned that they had come from a southern city.
After most extraordinary efforts, it seemed that they had while
in Slavery, secretly banded together, and put themselves under
the guidance of an intrepid conductor, whom they had hired to
conduct them without the limits of the city, in the evening,
when the police force was changed. They came through
Pennsylvania and New Jersey to my office. The agent of the
Underground Rail Road in New York, took charge of them, and
forwarded them to Albany, and by different agencies to Canada.

2. I well remember that one morning as I entered the
Sabbath-school,[A] one of the scholars, a Mrs. Mercy Smith,
beckoned to me to come to her class, and there introduced to me
a young girl of about fifteen, as a fugitive, who had arrived
the day before. In answer to my inquiries, this girl told me the
name of the southern city, and the names of the persons who had
held her as a slave, and the mode of her escape, etc. "I was
walking near the water," she said, "when a white sailor spoke to
me, and after a few questions, offered to hide me on board his
vessel and conduct me safely to New York, if I would come to him
in the evening. I did so, and was hid and fed by him, and on
landing at New York, he conducted me to Mrs. Smith's house,
where I am now staying."

[Footnote A: For three years I superintended a Sabbath-school
mostly composed of colored children and adults. Most of the
teachers were warm-hearted abolitionists, and the whole number
taught in this school during this period, was seven or eight
hundred.]

To my inquiry, have you parents living, and also brothers and
sisters, she replied: "There is no child but myself." "Were not
your parents kind to you, and did you not love them?" "Yes I
love them very much."

"How were you treated by your master and mistress?" "They
treated me very well." "How then," said I, "could you put
yourself in the care of that sailor, who was a stranger to you,
and leave your parents?" I shall never forget her heart-felt
reply: "_He told me I should be free_!"

One Sunday morning, I received a letter, informing me that an
officer belonging to Savannah, Ga., had started for New York, in
pursuit of two young men, of nineteen or twenty, who had been
slaves of one of the principal physicians of the place, and who
had escaped and were supposed to be in New York. The letter
requested me to find them and give them warning. As there was no
time to be lost, I concluded to go over to New York,
notwithstanding the doubtfulness of attempting to find them in
so large a city. I wrote notices to be read in the colored
churches and colored Sabbath-schools, which I delivered in
person. I then went to the colored school, superintended by Rev.
C.B. Bay. I stated my errand to him, with a description of the
young men. "Why," said he, "I must have one of them in my
school." He took me to a class where I found one of the young
men, to whom I gave the needful information.

He told me that his father was Dr. ---- of Savannah, and that he
had five children by the young man's mother, who was his slave.
On his marriage to a white woman, he sent his five colored
children and their mother to auction, to be sold for cash to the
highest bidder. On being put upon the auction-block, this young
man addressed the bystanders, and told them the circumstances of
the case; that his mother had long lived in the family of the
doctor, that it was cruel to sell her and her children, and he
warned the people not to bid for him, for he would no longer be
a slave to any man, and if any one bought him, he would lose his
money. He added, "I thought it right to say this." I then spoke
to the crowd. "My father," said I, "has long been one of your
first doctors, and do you think it right for him to sell my
mother and his children in this way?"

"I was sold, and my brother also, and the rest, although my
brother said to the crowd what I had said. We soon made our
escape, and are now both in the city. I am a blacksmith, and
have worked six months in one shop, in New York, with white
journeymen, not one of whom believes, I suppose, that I am a
colored man."

It was not surprising, for so fair was his complexion, that with
the aid of a brown wig, after he had cut off his hair, he was
completely disguised. He soon notified his brother, who lived in
another part of the city, and both put themselves out of harm's
way. They were remarkably fine young men, and it seemed a
special Providence that I should find them in such a large city,
and direct them to escape from their pursuer, within one hour
after I left my house in Brooklyn. I felt it to be an answer to
prayer.

4. One day, when I lived in New York City, a colored man came
running to my house, and in a hurried manner, said: "Is this Mr.
Tappan?" On replying in the affirmative, he said: "I have driven
my master from Baltimore. He has just arrived, and the servants
are taking off the baggage at the Astor House. I inquired of a
person passing by, where you lived. He said, 80, White Street,
and I have run here, to tell you that you may give notice to a
man who has escaped from my master, to this city, that the
object of this journey is to find him and take him back to
Slavery."

The man hurried back, so that he need not be missed by his
master, who believed that this coachman, who had lived years
with him, was his confidential servant, and would be true to his
interest.

I went immediately to the house of a colored friend, to describe
the fugitive and see if we could not concert measures to protect
him. "I think," said he, "that I know the man, by your
description, and that he boards in this house. He will soon come
in from South Street, where he has worked to-day." While we were
consulting together, sure enough, the man came in, and was most
glad to have the opportunity thus afforded, of secreting
himself.

I have not strength to dictate much more, although many other
instances occur to me of most remarkable providential
occurrences, of the escape of fugitives within my knowledge. I
used to say that I was the owner of _half-a-horse_ that was in
active service, near the Susquehanna River. This horse I owned
jointly with another friend of the slave, dedicating the animal
to the service of the Underground Rail Road.

It was customary for the agent at Havre de Grace, bringing a
fugitive to the river, to kindle a fire (as it was generally in
the night), to give notice to a person living on the opposite
side of the river. This person well understood the signal, and
would come across in his boat and receive the fugitive.

An aged colored couple, residing in Brooklyn, came over to my
office, in New York City, and said that they had just heard from
Wilmington, N.C., that their two sons (about twenty-five or
twenty-six years of age), who were slaves, were about to be
sold, for one thousand dollars each; and they hoped I should be
able and willing to assist them in raising the money.

I told them that I had scruples about putting money into the
hands of slave-holders, but I would give them something that
might be of as much value. I then pointed out a way by which
their sons might reach the city.

In about three weeks, one of the young men came to my office.
Give me, said I, some particulars of your escape. "I am," said
he, "a builder, and planned and erected the hotel at Wilmington,
and some other houses. I used to hire my time of my master, and
was accustomed to ride about the country attending to my
business. I borrowed a pass from a man about my size and
complexion. I then went to the rail road office, and asked for a
ticket for Fredericksburg. From there I came on directly to
Washington. I had not been questioned before; but here, I was
taken up and carried before a magistrate. He examined me by the
description in my pass; complexion, height, etc., then read
'_and a scar under his left knee_.' When I heard that, my heart
sank within me; for I had no scar there that I knew. 'Pull up
the boy's trowsers,' said the justice to the constable. He did
so. and said 'here's a scar!' 'All right,' said the justice, 'no
mistake, let him go.' Glad was I. I got a ticket for Baltimore,
and there for another town, and finally reached here."

You asked me to give an account of the sums that I have expended
for the Underground Rail Road, etc. I must be excused from doing
this, as if I could now ascertain, I should not think it worth
while to mention. I must now conclude my narrative, by giving,
with some additions, an account of an interesting escape from
Slavery, which was written by my wife, more than fifteen years
ago, for Frederic Douglass' paper.

[On page 177 the narrative of "The Fleeing Girl of Fifteen" is
so fully written out, that it precludes the necessity of
reproducing a large portion of this story.]

In the evening a friend arrived, bringing with him a bright,
handsome _boy_, whom he called Joe. Most heartily was "Joe"
welcomed, and deep was the thrill which we felt, as we looked
upon him and thought of the perils he had escaped. The next day
was Thanksgiving-day, and my house was thronged with guests. In
an upper room, with a comfortable fire, and the door locked, sat
"Joe," still in boy's clothes, to be able to escape at the first
intimation of danger, but with a smile and look of touching
gratitude, whenever any one of the family who was in the secret,
left the festive group to look in upon the interesting stranger.
Not one of us can ever forget the deep abhorrence of Slavery,
and thanksgiving to Almighty God, that we felt that day as we
moved among the guests, who were wholly ignorant of the occupant
of that upper room. Some curiosity was indeed excited among the
little grandchildren, who saw slices of turkey and plum pudding
sent up stairs. It was "Joe's" first Thanksgiving dinner in a
free State.

As she brought nothing away with her, it was necessary, the next
day, to procure a complete wardrobe for a girl, which was
carefully packed for her to take with her.

The second day after "Joe's" arrival, the Rev. Mr. Freeman,
pastor of a colored church in Brooklyn, agreed to accompany her
to her uncle Brown's in Canada West, and we saw them depart,
knowing the danger that would beset both on the way. The
following is part of a letter from Mr. F., giving an account of
their journey. After stating that they left New York, in the
cars at five o'clock, P.M., and through the providence of God,
went on their way safely and speedily, with none to molest or to
make them afraid, he says:

"On reaching Rochester, I began to ask myself 'how shall
we get over Niagara Falls?' I was not sure that the cars
ran across the Suspension Bridge; besides, I felt that
we were in more danger here, than we had been at any
other place. Knowing that there was a large reward
offered for Joe's apprehension, I feared there might be
some lurking spy ready to pounce upon us. But when we
arrived at the Bridge, the conductor said: 'Sit still;
this car goes across.' You may judge of my joy and
relief of mind, when I looked out and was sure that we
were over! Thank God, I exclaimed, we are safe in
Canada!

Having now a few minutes before the cars would start
again, I sat down and hastily wrote a few lines, to
inform friends at home of our safe arrival. As soon as
possible, I ran to the post-office with my letter, paid
the postage, and while I was waiting for my change, the
car bell rang. I quickly returned, and in a few minutes,
we were on our way to Chatham (200 miles West). That
place we reached between seven and eight o'clock,
Saturday evening. When we got out, we met a gentleman
who asked me if I wanted a boarding-house. I said yes;
and he invited me to go with him. I asked him if there
was any way for us to get to Dresden that night. He
answered, 'No, it is a dark night, and a muddy road, and
no conveyance can be got tonight.' I soon found that we
must stay in Chatham until Monday morning.

On our way to the boarding-house, the gentleman said to
me: 'Is this your son with you?' I answered, no; and
then I asked him, if he knew a man living in D., by the
name of Bradley. He replied that he was very well
acquainted with him, and then inquired if that young man
was Mr. Bradley's brother. I said, no--not exactly a
brother. He must have thought it strange that I did not
give him a more definite answer to his question.

When we reached the house, we found several boarders in
the sitting-room and a few neighbors. I had already told
him my name, but with regard to Joe, I had not yet had a
chance to explain. I, of course, was introduced to those
who were in the room, but Joe--well, Joe took a seat,
and did not seem to be troubled about an introduction.
As the landlord was going out of the room, I asked
permission to speak with him alone. He took me into
another room, and I said to him: 'That young man, as you
call him, is a young woman, and has come dressed in this
manner, all the way from Washington City. She would be
very glad now to be able to change her clothes.'

He was greatly surprised, and would hardly believe that
it was so; but said, 'I will call my wife.' She came,
and I guess all the women in the house came with her.
They soon disappeared, and Joe with them, who, after
being absent a while, returned, and was introduced as
Miss Ann Maria Weems. The whole company were on their
feet, shook hands, laughed, and rejoiced, declaring that
this beat all they had ever seen before. Chatham
contains, I was told, more than three thousand
fugitives. The weather there, is not colder than in New
York.

The next morning was the Sabbath, but this I must pass
and hasten to D., the residence of Mr. Bradley. We
started early Monday morning. As a part of the road was
very bad, we did not reach there till a late hour. As we
were passing along, and getting near to the place, we
met two colored men who were talking together--one on
horseback, and the other on foot. I inquired of them, if
they could tell me how far it was to Mr. Bradley's. The
man on horseback said it was about a mile further, and
then proceeded to give directions. After he had done
this, he said: 'I reckon I am the one that you want to
find, my name is Bradley.' Well, I replied, probably you
are the man. Just then Ann Maria turned her head around.
As soon as he saw her face, he exclaimed: 'My Lord!
Maria, is that you? Is that you? My child, is it you? We
never expected to see you again! We had given you up; O,
what will your aunt say? It will kill her! She will die!
It will kill her.'

I told him, that as I was obliged to leave again soon, I
must proceed. 'Well,' said he, 'you go on; I am just
going over to M., and will be back in a few minutes.' We
started for his house, and he towards M., but we had
only gone a short distance, when he overtook us,
exclaiming: 'I can't go to M.,' and began talking to Ann
Maria, asking her all about her friends and relatives,
whom they had left behind, and about his old master, and
his wife's master, from whom they had run away four
years before. As we approached the house, he said: 'I
will go and open the gate, and have a good fire to warm
you.' When he came up to the gate, he met his wife, who
was returning from a store or neighbor's house, and he
said to her, 'That's Ann Maria coming yonder.' She
stopped until we came to the gate; the tears were
rolling from her eyes, and she exclaimed: 'Ann Maria, is
it you?' The girl leaped from the wagon, and they fell
on each other's necks, weeping and rejoicing. Such a
scene I never before witnessed. She, who had been given
up as lost, was now found! She, who but a short time
before, had been, as they supposed, a slave for life,
was now free.

We soon entered the house, and after the first gush of
feeling had somewhat subsided, they both began a general
inquiry about the friends they had left behind. Every
now and then, the aunt would break out: 'My child, you
are here! Thank God, you are free! We were talking about
you today, and saying, we shall never see you again; and
now here you are with us.' I remained about an hour and
a half with them, took dinner, and then started for
home, rejoicing that I had been to a land where colored
men are free.

This Mr. Bradley, who ran away with himself and wife
about four years ago from the land of whips and chains,
is the owner of two farms, and is said to be worth three
thousand dollars. Can slaves take care of themselves?"

You may well suppose that the receipt of this letter gave us
great pleasure, and called forth heartfelt thanksgiving to Him,
who had watched over this undertaking, and protected all
concerned in it. A bright and promising girl had been rescued
from the untold miseries of a slave woman's life, and found a
good home, where she would have an opportunity to acquire an
education and be trained for a useful and happy life. Mr.
Bradley intended to send for her parents, and hoped to prevail
on them to come and live with him.

Truly yours,

LEWIS TAPPAN

ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER,

Whose name belongs to the history of the Underground Rail Road, owed his peculiarly fine nature to a mother of large physical proportions, and correspondingly liberal mental and spiritual endowments. She was a natural sovereign in the sphere in which she moved, and impressed her son with the qualities which made his Anti-slavery life nothing but an expression of the rules of conduct which governed him in all other particulars. Believing in his inmost soul in principles of rectitude, all men believed in him, his "yea," or "nay," passing current wherever he went. Tall, dignified, and commanding, he had that in his face which inspired immediate confidence. Said one who looked: "If that is not a good man, there is no use in the Lord writing His signature on human countenances." Even in early youth, honors which he never sought, were pressed upon him, as he gave assurance of ability commensurate with his worth. He was sent to the Legislature of Pennsylvania for five sessions, where he became the personal friend of the Governor, Joseph Ritner, and also of Thaddeus Stevens. At the request of the latter, he consented to occupy the position of Secretary to the Board of Canal Commissioners, and two years after, by the wishes of Mr. Ritner, took a seat in the Canal Board, becoming a co-worker with Thaddeus Stevens. Here ripened a friendship, which afterward became of national importance, for although a nature so positive as that of Thaddeus Stevens could scarcely be said to be under the influence of any other mind, still, if there were those who exercised a moral sway, sustaining this courageous republican leader, at a higher level than he might otherwise have attained, Elijah F. Pennypacker was surely amongst them. Almost antipodal as they were in certain respects, each recognized the genuine ring of the other, and admired and respected that which was most true and noble. The purity, simplicity and high-minded honor which distinguished the younger, had its effect on the elder, even while he smiled at the inflexibility which would not swerve one hair's breadth from the line of right. The story is often told, how, when this young man's conscience stood bolt upright in the way of what was deemed a desirable arrangement, Stevens one day exclaimed: "It don't do, Pennypacker, to be so d----d honest." Pennypacker stood his ground, and the life-long respect which Stevens ever after awarded, proved that _he_ at least, thought it _did_ do.

When it became clear to his mind, that a great battle was to be fought between Liberty and Slavery in America, Mr. Pennypacker felt it to be his duty to turn aside from the sunny paths of political preferment, into the shadows of obscure life, and ally himself with the misrepresented, despised and outcast Abolitionists, ever after devoting himself assiduously to the promotion of the cause of Freedom. Notwithstanding his natural modesty, here as elsewhere, he took a conspicuous position. At home, in the local Anti-slavery Society of his neighborhood, he was for many years chosen president, as he was also of the Chester county Anti-slavery Society, and of the Pennsylvania State Anti-slavery Society.

Soon after his retirement from public life, he united himself with the Society of Friends, but was much too radical to be an acceptable addition. For a long time he was endured rather than endorsed, and it was only when such anti-slavery feelings as he cherished became generally diffused throughout the Society, that he found the unity he desired and expected. Whatever may have been his trials here or elsewhere, he found a rich reward for his faithfulness in the intellectual and moral growth which he attained by association with the most advanced minds of the time, and he has often been heard to say that no part of his life has been more fully and generously compensated than that devoted to the Anti-slavery cause.