Chapter V: Part 5

Maria, the heroine of the party, was about forty years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and possessed of a good share of common sense. She was owned by George Parker. As was a common thing with slave-holders, Maria had found her owners hard to please, and quite often, without the slightest reason, they would threaten to "sell or make a change." These threats only made matters worse, or rather it only served to nerve Maria for the conflict. The party walked almost the entire distance from Washington to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

In the meantime George Parker, the so-called owner of Daniel and Maria, hurriedly rushed their good names into the "Baltimore Sun," after the following manner--

"FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from my house on Saturday
night, August 30, my negro man 'Daniel,' twenty-five years of
age, bright yellow mulatto, thick set and stout made.

Also, my negro woman, 'Maria,' forty years of age, bright
mulatto. The above reward will be paid if delivered in
Washington city. GEORGE PARKER."

While this advertisement was in the Baltimore papers, doubtless these noble passengers were enjoying the hospitalities of the Vigilance Committee, and finally a warm reception in Canada, by which they were greatly pleased. Of Benjamin and Daniel, the subjoined letter from Rev. H. Wilson is of importance in the way of throwing light upon their whereabouts in Canada:

ST. CATHARINE, C.W., Sept. 15th, 1856.

MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_--Two young men arrived here on
Friday evening last from Washington, viz: Benjamin R. Fletcher
and Daniel Neall. Mr. Neall (or Neale) desires to have his box
of clothing forwarded on to him. It is at Washington in the care
of John Dade, a colored man, who lives at Doct. W.H. Gilman's,
who keeps an Apothecary store on the corner of 4-1/2 and
Pennsylvania Avenue. Mr. Dade is a slave, but a free dealer. You
will please write to John Dade, in the care of Doct. W.H.
Gilman, on behalf of Daniel Neale, but make use of the name of
George Harrison, instead of Neale, and Dade will understand it.
Please have John Dade direct the box by express to you in
Philadelphia; he has the means of paying the charges on it in
advance, as far as Philadelphia; and as soon as it comes, you
will please forward it on to my care at St. Catherine. Say to
John Dade, that George Harrison sends his love to his sister and
Uncle Allen Sims, and all inquiring friends. Mr. Fletcher and
Mr. Neale both send their respects to you, and I may add mine.

Yours truly,

HIRAM WILSON.

P.S.--Mr. Benjamin R. Fletcher wishes to have Mr. Dade call on
his brother James, and communicate to him his affectionate
regards, and make known to him that he is safe, and cheerful and
happy. He desires his friends to know, through Dade, that he
found Mrs. Starke here, his brother Alfred's wife's sister; that
she is well, and living in St. Catharine, C.W., near Niagara
Palls. H.W.

* * * * *

HENRY BOX BROWN.

ARRIVED BY ADAMS' EXPRESS.

Although the name of Henry Box Brown has been echoed over the land for a number of years, and the simple facts connected with his marvelous escape from slavery in a box published widely through the medium of anti-slavery papers, nevertheless it is not unreasonable to suppose that very little is generally known in relation to this case.

Briefly, the facts are these, which doubtless have never before been fully published--

Brown was a man of invention as well as a hero. In point of interest, however, his case is no more remarkable than many others. Indeed, neither before nor after escaping did he suffer one-half what many others have experienced.

He was decidedly an unhappy piece of property in the city of Richmond, Va. In the condition of a slave he felt that it would be impossible for him to remain. Full well did he know, however, that it was no holiday task to escape the vigilance of Virginia slave-hunters, or the wrath of an enraged master for committing the unpardonable sin of attempting to escape to a land of liberty. So Brown counted well the cost before venturing upon this hazardous undertaking. Ordinary modes of travel he concluded might prove disastrous to his hopes; he, therefore, hit upon a new invention altogether, which was to have himself boxed up and forwarded to Philadelphia direct by express. The size of the box and how it was to be made to fit him most comfortably, was of his own ordering. Two feet eight inches deep, two feet wide, and three feet long were the exact dimensions of the box, lined with baize. His resources with regard to food and water consisted of the following: One bladder of water and a few small biscuits. His mechanical implement to meet the death-struggle for fresh air, all told, was one large gimlet. Satisfied that it would be far better to peril his life for freedom in this way than to remain under the galling yoke of Slavery, he entered his box, which was safely nailed up and hooped with five hickory hoops, and was then addressed by his next friend, James A. Smith, a shoe dealer, to Wm. H. Johnson, Arch street, Philadelphia, marked, "This side up with care." In this condition he was sent to Adams' Express office in a dray, and thence by overland express to Philadelphia. It was twenty-six hours from the time he left Richmond until his arrival in the City of Brotherly Love. The notice, "This side up, &c.," did not avail with the different expressmen, who hesitated not to handle the box in the usual rough manner common to this class of men. For a while they actually had the box upside down, and had him on his head for miles. A few days before he was expected, certain intimation was conveyed to a member of the Vigilance Committee that a box might be expected by the three o'clock morning train from the South, which might contain a man. One of the most serious walks he ever took--and they had not been a few--to meet and accompany passengers, he took at half past two o'clock that morning to the depot. Not once, but for more than a score of times, he fancied the slave would be dead. He anxiously looked while the freight was being unloaded from the cars, to see if he could recognize a box that might contain a man; one alone had that appearance, and he confessed it really seemed as if there was the scent of death about it. But on inquiry, he soon learned that it was not the one he was looking after, and he was free to say he experienced a marked sense of relief. That same afternoon, however, he received from Richmond a telegram, which read thus, "Your case of goods is shipped and will arrive to-morrow morning."

At this exciting juncture of affairs, Mr. McKim, who had been engineering this important undertaking, deemed it expedient to change the programme slightly in one particular at least to insure greater safety. Instead of having a member of the Committee go again to the depot for the box, which might excite suspicion, it was decided that it would be safest to have the express bring it direct to the Anti-Slavery Office.

But all apprehension of danger did not now disappear, for there was no room to suppose that Adams' Express office had any sympathy with the Abolitionist or the fugitive, consequently for Mr. McKim to appear personally at the express office to give directions with reference to the coming of a box from Richmond which would be directed to Arch street, and yet not intended for that street, but for the Anti-Slavery office at 107 North Fifth street, it needed of course no great discernment to foresee that a step of this kind was wholly impracticable and that a more indirect and covert method would have to be adopted. In this dreadful crisis Mr. McKim, with his usual good judgment and remarkably quick, strategical mind, especially in matters pertaining to the U.G.R.R., hit upon the following plan, namely, to go to his friend, E.M. Davis,[A] who was then extensively engaged in mercantile business, and relate the circumstances. Having daily intercourse with said Adams' Express office, and being well acquainted with the firm and some of the drivers, Mr. Davis could, as Mr. McKim thought, talk about "boxes, freight, etc.," from any part of the country without risk. Mr. Davis heard Mr. McKim's plan and instantly approved of it, and was heartily at his service.

[Footnote A: E.M. Davis was a member of the Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society and a long-tried Abolitionist, son-in-law of James and Lucretia Mott.]

"Dan, an Irishman, one of Adams' Express drivers, is just the fellow to go to the depot after the box," said Davis. "He drinks a little too much whiskey sometimes, but he will do anything I ask him to do, promptly and obligingly. I'll trust Dan, for I believe he is the very man." The difficulty which Mr. McKim had been so anxious to overcome was thus pretty well settled. It was agreed that Dan should go after the box next morning before daylight and bring it to the Anti-Slavery office direct, and to make it all the more agreeable for Dan to get up out of his warm bed and go on this errand before day, it was decided that he should have a five dollar gold piece for himself. Thus these preliminaries having been satisfactorily arranged, it only remained for Mr. Davis to see Dan and give him instructions accordingly, etc.

Next morning, according to arrangement, the box was at the Anti-Slavery office in due time. The witnesses present to behold the resurrection were J.M. McKim, Professor C.D. Cleveland, Lewis Thompson, and the writer.

Mr. McKim was deeply interested; but having been long identified with the Anti-Slavery cause as one of its oldest and ablest advocates in the darkest days of slavery and mobs, and always found by the side of the fugitive to counsel and succor, he was on this occasion perfectly composed.

Professor Cleveland, however, was greatly moved. His zeal and earnestness in the cause of freedom, especially in rendering aid to passengers, knew no limit. Ordinarily he could not too often visit these travelers, shake them too warmly by the hand, or impart to them too freely of his substance to aid them on their journey. But now his emotion was overpowering.

Mr. Thompson, of the firm of Merrihew & Thompson--about the only printers in the city who for many years dared to print such incendiary documents as anti-slavery papers and pamphlets--one of the truest friends of the slave, was composed and prepared to witness the scene.

All was quiet. The door had been safely locked. The proceedings commenced. Mr. McKim rapped quietly on the lid of the box and called out, "All right!" Instantly came the answer from within, "All right, sir!"

The witnesses will never forget that moment. Saw and hatchet quickly had the five hickory hoops cut and the lid off, and the marvellous resurrection of Brown ensued. Rising up in his box, he reached out his hand, saying, "How do you do, gentlemen?" The little assemblage hardly knew what to think or do at the moment. He was about as wet as if he had come up out of the Delaware. Very soon he remarked that, before leaving Richmond he had selected for his arrival-hymn (if he lived) the Psalm beginning with these words: "_I waited patiently for the Lord, and He heard my prayer_." And most touchingly did he sing the psalm, much to his own relief, as well as to the delight of his small audience.

He was then christened Henry Box Brown, and soon afterwards was sent to the hospitable residence of James Mott and E.M. Davis, on Ninth street, where, it is needless to say, he met a most cordial reception from Mrs. Lucretia Mott and her household. Clothing and creature comforts were furnished in abundance, and delight and joy filled all hearts in that stronghold of philanthropy.

As he had been so long doubled up in the box he needed to promenade considerably in the fresh air, so James Mott put one of his broad-brim hats on his head and tendered him the hospitalities of his yard as well as his house, and while Brown promenaded the yard flushed with victory, great was the joy of his friends.

After his visit at Mr. Mott's, he spent two days with the writer, and then took his departure for Boston, evidently feeling quite conscious of the wonderful feat he had performed, and at the same time it may be safely said that those who witnessed this strange resurrection were not only elated at his success, but were made to sympathize more deeply than ever before with the slave. Also the noble-hearted Smith who boxed him up was made to rejoice over Brown's victory, and was thereby encouraged to render similar service to two other young bondmen, who appealed to him for deliverance. But, unfortunately, in this attempt the undertaking proved a failure. Two boxes containing the young men alluded to above, after having been duly expressed and some distance on the road, were, through the agency of the telegraph, betrayed, and the heroic young fugitives were captured in their boxes and dragged back to hopeless bondage. Consequently, through this deplorable failure, Samuel A. Smith was arrested, imprisoned, and was called upon to suffer severely, as may be seen from the subjoined correspondence, taken from the New York Tribune soon after his release from the penitentiary.

THE DELIVERER OF BOX BROWN--MEETING OF THE COLORED CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA.

[Correspondence of the N.Y. Tribune.]

PHILADELPHIA, Saturday, July 5, 1856.

Samuel A. Smith, who boxed up Henry Box Brown in Richmond, Va.,
and forwarded him by overland express to Philadelphia, and who
was arrested and convicted, eight years ago, for boxing up two
other slaves, also directed to Philadelphia, having served out
his imprisonment in the Penitentiary, was released on the 18th
ultimo, and arrived in this city on the 21st.

Though he lost all his property; though he was refused witnesses
on his trial (no officer could be found, who would serve a
summons on a witness); though for five long months, in hot
weather, he was kept heavily chained in a cell four by eight
feet in dimensions; though he received five dreadful stabs,
aimed at his heart, by a bribed assassin, nevertheless he still
rejoices in the motives which prompted him to "undo the heavy
burdens, and let the oppressed go free." Having resided nearly
all his life in the South, where he had traveled and seen much
of the "peculiar institution," and had witnessed the most horrid
enormities inflicted upon the slave, whose cries were ever
ringing in his ears, and for whom he had the warmest sympathy,
Mr. Smith could not refrain from believing that the black man,
as well as the white, had God-given rights. Consequently, he was
not accustomed to shed tears when a poor creature escaped ftom
his "kind master;" nor was he willing to turn a deaf ear to his
appeals and groans, when he knew he was thirsting for freedom.
From 1828 up to the day he was incarcerated, many had sought his
aid and counsel, nor had they sought in vain. In various places
he operated with success. In Richmond, however, it seemed
expedient to invent a new plan for certain emergencies, hence
the Box and Express plan was devised, at the instance of a few
heroic slaves, who had manifested their willingness to die in a
box, on the road to liberty, rather than continue longer under
the yoke. But these heroes fell into the power of their enemies.
Mr. Smith had not been long in the Penitentiary before he had
fully gained the esteem and confidence of the Superintendent and
other officers. Finding him to be humane and
generous-hearted--showing kindness toward all, especially in
buying bread, &c., for the starving prisoners, and by a timely
note of warning, which had saved the life of one of the keepers,
for whose destruction a bold plot had been arranged--the
officers felt disposed to show him such favors as the law would
allow. But their good intentions were soon frustrated. The
Inquisition (commonly called the Legislature), being in session
in Richmond, hearing that the Superintendent had been speaking
well of Smith, and circulating a petition for his pardon,
indignantly demanded to know if the rumor was well founded. Two
weeks were spent by the Inquisition, and many witnesses were
placed upon oath, to solemnly testify in the matter. One of the
keepers swore that his life had been saved by Smith. Col.
Morgan, the Superintendent, frequently testified in writing and
verbally to Smith's good deportment; acknowledging that he had
circulated petitions, &c.; and took the position, that he
sincerely believed, that it would be to the interest of the
institution to pardon him; calling the attention of the
Inquisition, at the same time, to the fact, that not
unfrequently pardons had been granted to criminals, under
sentence of death, for the most cold-blooded murder, to say
nothing of other gross crimes. The effort for pardon was soon
abandoned, for the following reason given by the Governor: "I
can't, and I won't pardon him!"

In view of the unparalleled injustice which Mr. S. had suffered,
as well as on account of the aid he had rendered to the slaves,
on his arrival in this city the colored citizens of Philadelphia
felt that he was entitled to sympathy and aid, and straightway
invited him to remain a few days, until arrangements could be
made for a mass meeting to receive him. Accordingly, on last
Monday evening, a mass meeting convened in the Israel church,
and the Rev. Wm. T. Catto was called to the chair, and Wm. Still
was appointed secretary. The chairman briefly stated the object
of the meeting. Having lived in the South, he claimed to know
something of the workings of the oppressive system of slavery
generally, and declared that, notwithstanding the many exposures
of the evil which came under his own observation, the most vivid
descriptions fell far short of the realities his own eyes had
witnessed. He then introduced Mr. Smith, who arose and in a
plain manner briefly told his story, assuring the audience that
he had always hated slavery, and had taken great pleasure in
helping many out of it, and though he had suffered much
physically and pecuniarily for the cause' sake, yet he murmured
not, but rejoiced in what he had done. After taking his seat,
addresses were made by the Rev. S. Smith, Messrs. Kinnard,
Brunner, Bradway, and others. The following preamble and
resolutions were adopted--

WHEREAS, We, the colored citizens of Philadelphia, have
among us Samuel A. Smith, who was incarcerated over
seven years in the Richmond Penitentiary, for doing an
act that was honorable to his feelings and his sense of
justice and humanity, therefore,

_Resolved_, That we welcome him to this city as a martyr
to the cause of Freedom.

_Resolved_, That we heartily tender him our gratitude
for the good he has done to our suffering race.

_Resolved_, That we sympathize with him in his losses
and sufferings in the cause of the poor, down-trodden
slave.

W.S.

During his stay in Philadelphia, on this occasion, he stopped for about a fortnight with the writer, and it was most gratifying to learn from him that he was no new worker on the U.G.R.R. But that he had long hated slavery thoroughly, and although surrounded with perils on every side, he had not failed to help a poor slave whenever the opportunity was presented.

Pecuniary aid, to some extent, was rendered him in this city, for which he was grateful, and after being united in marriage, by Wm. H. Furness, D.D., to a lady who had remained faithful to him through all his sore trials and sufferings, he took his departure for Western New York, with a good conscience and an unshaken faith in the belief that in aiding his fellow-man to freedom he had but simply obeyed the word of Him who taught man to do unto others as he would be done by.

* * * * *

TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J.H. WHEELER'S SLAVES, JANE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS.

Among other duties devolving on the Vigilance Committee when hearing of slaves brought into the State by their owners, was immediately to inform such persons that as they were not fugitives, but were brought into the State by their masters, they were entitled to their freedom without another moment's service, and that they could have the assistance of the Committee and the advice of counsel without charge, by simply availing themselves of these proffered favors.

Many slave-holders fully understood the law in this particular, and were also equally posted with regard to the vigilance of abolitionists. Consequently they avoided bringing slaves beyond Mason and Dixon's Line in traveling North. But some slave-holders were not thus mindful of the laws, or were too arrogant to take heed, as may be seen in the case of Colonel John H. Wheeler, of North Carolina, the United States Minister to Nicaragua. In passing through Philadelphia from Washington, one very warm July day in 1855, accompanied by three of his slaves, his high official equilibrium, as well as his assumed rights under the Constitution, received a terrible shock at the hands of the Committee. Therefore, for the readers of these pages, and in order to completely illustrate the various phases of the work of the Committee in the days of Slavery, this case, selected from many others, is a fitting one. However, for more than a brief recital of some of the more prominent incidents, it will not be possible to find room in this volume. And, indeed, the necessity of so doing is precluded by the fact that Mr. Williamson in justice to himself and the cause of freedom, with great pains and singular ability, gathered the most important facts bearing on his memorable trial and imprisonment, and published them in a neat volume for historical reference.

In order to bring fully before the reader the beginning of this interesting and exciting case, it seems only necessary to publish the subjoined letter, written by one of the actors in the drama, and addressed to the New York Tribune, and an additional paragraph which may be requisite to throw light on a special point, which Judge Kane decided was concealed in the "obstinate" breast of Passmore Williamson, as said Williamson persistently refused before the said Judge's court, to own that he had a knowledge of the mystery in question. After which, a brief glance at some of the more important points of the case must suffice.

LETTER COPIED FROM THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.

[Correspondence of The N.Y. Tribune.]

PHILADELPHIA, Monday, July 30, 1855.

As the public have not been made acquainted with the facts and
particulars respecting the agency of Mr. Passmore Williamson and
others, in relation to the slave case now agitating this city,
and especially as the poor slave mother and her two sons have
been so grossly misrepresented, I deem it my duty to lay the
facts before you, for publication or otherwise, as you may think
proper.

On Wednesday afternoon, week, at 4-1/2 o'clock, the following
note was placed in my hands by a colored boy whom I had never
before seen, to my recollection:

"MR. STILL--_Sir_: Will you come down to Bloodgood's Hotel as
soon as possible--as there are three fugitive slaves here and
they want liberty. Their master is here with them, on his way to
New York."

The note was without date, and the signature so indistinctly
written as not to be understood by me, having evidently been
penned in a moment of haste.

Without delay I ran with the note to Mr. P. Williamson's office,
Seventh and Arch, found him at his desk, and gave it to him, and
after reading it, he remarked that he could not go down, as he
had to go to Harrisburg that night on business--but he advised
me to go, and to get the names of the slave-holder and the
slaves, in order to telegraph to New York to have them arrested
there, as no time remained to procure a writ of habeas corpus
here.

I could not have been two minutes in Mr. W.'s office before
starting in haste for the wharf. To my surprise, however, when I
reached the wharf, there I found Mr. W., his mind having
undergone a sudden change; he was soon on the spot.

I saw three or four colored persons in the hall at Bloodgood's,
none of whom I recognized except the boy who brought me the
note. Before having time for making inquiry some one said they
had gone on board the boat. "Get their description," said Mr. W.
I instantly inquired of one of the colored persons for the
desired description, and was told that she was "a tall, dark
woman, with two little boys."

Mr. W. and myself ran on board of the boat, looked among the
passengers on the first deck, but saw them not. "They are up on
the second deck," an unknown voice uttered. In a second we were
in their presence. We approached the anxious-looking
slave-mother with her two boys on her left-hand; close on her
right sat an ill-favored white man having a cane in his hand
which I took to be a sword-cane. (As to its being a sword-cane,
however, I might have been mistaken.)

The first words to the mother were: "Are you traveling?" "Yes,"
was the prompt answer. "With whom?" She nodded her head toward
the ill-favored man, signifying with him. Fidgeting on his seat,
he said something, exactly what I do not now recollect. In reply
I remarked: "Do they belong to you, Sir?" "Yes, they are in my
charge," was his answer. Turning from him to the mother and her
sons, in substance, and word for word, as near as I can
remember, the following remarks were earnestly though calmly
addressed by the individuals who rejoiced to meet them on free
soil, and who felt unmistakably assured that they were justified
by the laws of Pennsylvania as well as the Law of God, in
informing them of their rights:

"You are entitled to your freedom according to the laws of
Pennsylvania, having been brought into the State by your owner.
If you prefer freedom to slavery, as we suppose everybody does,
you have the chance to accept it now. Act calmly--don't be
frightened by your master--you are as much entitled to your
freedom as we are, or as he is--be determined and you need have
no fears but that you will be protected by the law. Judges have
time and again decided cases in this city and State similar to
yours in favor of freedom! Of course, if you want to remain a
slave with your master, we cannot force you to leave; we only
want to make you sensible of your rights. _Remember, if you lose
this chance you may never get such another," etc_.

This advice to the woman was made in the hearing of a number of
persons present, white and colored; and one elderly white
gentleman of genteel address, who seemed to take much interest
in what was going on, remarked that they would have the same
chance for their freedom in New Jersey and New York as they then
had--seeming to sympathize with the woman, etc.

During the few moments in which the above remarks were made, the
slaveholder frequently interrupted--said she understood all
about the laws making her free, and her right to leave if she
wanted to; but contended that she did not want to leave--that
she was on a visit to New York to see her friends--afterward
_wished to return to her three children whom she left in
Virginia, from whom it would be_ HARD _to separate her_.
Furthermore, he diligently tried to constrain her to say that
she did not want to be interfered with--that she wanted to go
with him--that she was on a visit to New York--had children in
the South, etc.; but the woman's desire to be free was
altogether too strong to allow her to make a single
acknowledgment favorable to his wishes in the matter. On the
contrary, she repeatedly said, distinctly and firmly, "_I am not
free, but I want my freedom_--ALWAYS _wanted to be free!! but he
holds me_."

While the slaveholder claimed that she belonged to him, he said
_that she was free_! Again he said that he was _going to give
her her freedom_, etc. When his eyes would be off of hers, such
eagerness as her looks expressed, indicative of her entreaty
that we would not forsake her and her little ones in their
weakness, it had never been my lot to witness before, under any
circumstances.

The last bell tolled! The last moment for further delay passed!
The arm of the woman being slightly touched, accompanied with
the word, "Come!" she instantly arose. "Go along--go along!"
said some, who sympathized, to the boys, at the same time taking
hold of their arms. By this time the parties were fairly moving
toward the stairway leading to the deck below. Instantly on
their starting, the slave-holder rushed at the woman and her
children, to prevent their leaving; and, if I am not mistaken,
he simultaneously took hold of the woman and Mr. Williamson,
which resistance on his part caused Mr. W. to take hold of him
and set him aside quickly.

The passengers were looking on all around, but none interfered
in behalf of the slaveholder except one man, whom I took to be
another slaveholder. He said harshly, "Let them alone; they are
his _property_!'" The youngest boy, about 7 years of age--too
young to know what these things meant--cried "Massa John! Massa
John!" The elder boy, 11 years of age, took the matter more
dispassionately, and the mother _quite calmly_. The mother and
her sympathizers all moved down the stairs together in the
presence of quite a number of spectators on the first deck and
on the wharf, all of whom, as far as I was able to discern,
seemed to look upon the whole affair with the greatest
indifference. The woman and children were assisted, but not
forced to leave. Nor were there any violence or threatenings as
I saw or heard. The only words that I heard from any one of an
objectionable character, were: "Knock him down; knock him down!"
but who uttered it or who was meant I knew not, nor have I since
been informed. However, if it was uttered by a colored man, I
regret it, as there was not the slightest cause for such
language, especially as the sympathies of the spectators and
citizens seemed to justify the course pursued.

While passing off of the wharf and down Delaware-avenue to Dock
st., and up Dock to Front, where a carriage was procured, the
slaveholder and one police officer were of the party, if no
more.

The youngest boy on being put in the carriage was told that he
was "a fool for crying so after 'Massa John,' who would sell him
if he ever caught him." Not another whine was heard on the
subject.

The carriage drove down town slowly, the horses being fatigued
and the weather intensely hot; the inmates were put out on Tenth
street--not at any house--after which they soon found hospitable
friends and quietude. The excitement of the moment having passed
by, the mother _seemed very cheerful, and rejoiced greatly that
herself and boys had been, as she thought, so "providentially
delivered from the house of bondage_!" For the first time in her
life she could look upon herself and children and feel free!

Having felt the iron in her heart for the best half of her
days--having been sold with her children on the auction
block--having had one of her children sold far away from her
without hope of her seeing him again--she very naturally and
wisely concluded to go to Canada, fearing if she remained in
this city--as some assured her she could do with entire
safety--that she might again find herself in the clutches of the
tyrant from whom she had fled.

A few items of what she related concerning the character of her
master may be interesting to the reader--

Within the last two years he had sold all his slaves--between
thirty and forty in number--having purchased the present ones in
that space of time. She said that before leaving Washington,
coming on the cars, and at his father-in-law's in this city, a
number of persons had told him that in bringing his slaves into
Pennsylvania they would be free. When told at his
father-in-law's, as she overheard it, that he "could not have
done a worse thing," &c., he replied that "Jane would not leave
him."

As much, however, as he affected to have such implicit
confidence in Jane, he scarcely allowed her to be out of his
presence a moment while in this city. To use Jane's own
language, he was "on her heels every minute," fearing that some
one might get to her ears the sweet music of freedom. By the
way, Jane had it deep in her heart before leaving the South, and
was bent on succeeding in New York, if disappointed in
Philadelphia.

At Bloodgood's, after having been belated and left by the 2
o'clock train, while waiting for the 5 o'clock line, his
appetite tempted her "master" to take a hasty dinner. So after
placing Jane where he thought she would be pretty secure from
"evil communications" from the colored waiters, and after giving
her a double counselling, he made his way to the table; remained
but a little while, however, before leaving to look after Jane;
finding her composed, looking over a bannister near where he
left her, he returned to the table again and finished his meal.

But, alas, for the slave-holder! Jane had her "top eye open,"
and in that brief space had appealed to the sympathies of a
person whom she ventured to trust, saying, "I and my children
are slaves, and we want liberty!" I am not certain, but suppose
that person, in the goodness of his heart, was the cause of the
note being sent to the Anti-Slavery office, and hence the
result.

As to her going on to New York to see her friends, and wishing
to return to her three children in the South, and his going to
free her, &c., Jane declared repeatedly and very positively,
that there was not a particle of truth in what her master said
on these points. The truth is she had not the slightest hope of
freedom through any act of his. She had only left one boy in the
South, who had been sold far away, where she scarcely ever heard
from him, indeed never expected to see him any more.

In appearance Jane is tall and well formed, high and large
forehead, of genteel manners, chestnut color, and seems to
possess, naturally, uncommon good sense, though of course she
has never been allowed to read.

Thus I have given as truthful a report as I am capable of doing,
of Jane and the circumstances connected with her deliverance.

W. STILL.

P.S.--Of the five colored porters who promptly appeared, with
warm hearts throbbing in sympathy with the mother and her
children, too much cannot be said in commendation. In the
present case they acted nobly, whatever may be said of their
general character, of which I know nothing. How human beings,
who have ever tasted oppression, could have acted differently
under the circumstances I cannot conceive.

The mystery alluded to, which the above letter did not contain, and which the court failed to make Mr. Williamson reveal, might have been truthfully explained in these words. The carriage was procured at the wharf, while Col. Wheeler and Mr. Williamson were debating the question relative to the action of the Committee, and at that instant, Jane and her two boys were invited into it and accompanied by the writer, who procured it, were driven down town, and on Tenth Street, below Lombard, the inmates were invited out of it, and the said conductor paid the driver and discharged him. For prudential reasons he took them to a temporary resting-place, where they could tarry until after dark; then they were invited to his own residence, where they were made welcome, and in due time forwarded East. Now, what disposition was made of them after they had left the wharf, while Williamson and Wheeler were discussing matters--(as was clearly sworn to by Passmore, in his answer to the writ of Habeas Corpus)--he Williamson did not know. That evening, before seeing the member of the Committee, with whom he acted in concert on the boat, and who had entire charge of Jane and her boys, he left for Harrisburg, to fulfill business engagements. The next morning his father (Thomas Williamson) brought the writ of Habeas Corpus (which had been served at Passmore's office after he left) to the Anti-Slavery Office. In his calm manner he handed it to the writer, at the same time remarking that "Passmore had gone to Harrisburg," and added, "thee had better attend to it" (the writ). Edward Hopper, Esq., was applied to with the writ, and in the absence of Mr. Williamson, appeared before the court, and stated "that the writ had not been served, as Mr. W. was out of town," etc.

After this statement, the Judge postponed further action until the next day. In the meanwhile, Mr. Williamson returned and found the writ awaiting him, and an agitated state of feeling throughout the city besides. Now it is very certain, that he did not seek to know from those in the secret, where Jane Johnson and her boys were taken after they left the wharf, or as to what disposition had been made of them, in any way; except to ask simply, "are they safe?" (and when told "yes," he smiled) consequently, he might have been examined for a week, by the most skillful lawyer, at the Philadelphia bar, but he could not have answered other than he did in making his return to the writ, before Judge Kane, namely: "_That the persons named in the writ, nor either of them, are now nor was at the time of issuing of the writ, or the original writ, or at any other time in the custody, power, or possession of the respondent, nor by him confined or restrained; wherefore he cannot have the bodies," etc._.

Thus, while Mr. W. was subjected to the severest trial of his devotion to Freedom, his noble bearing throughout, won for him the admiration and sympathy of the friends of humanity and liberty throughout the entire land, and in proof of his fidelity, he most cheerfully submitted to imprisonment rather than desert his principles. But the truth was not wanted in this instance by the enemies of Freedom; obedience to Slavery was demanded to satisfy the South. The opportunity seemed favorable for teaching abolitionists and negroes, that they had no right to interfere with a "chivalrous southern gentleman," while passing through Philadelphia with his slaves. Thus, to make an effective blow, all the pro-slavery elements of Philadelphia were brought into action, and matters looked for a time as though Slavery in this instance would have everything its own way. Passmore was locked up in prison on the flimsy pretext of contempt of court, and true bills were found against him and half a dozen colored men, charging them with "riot," "forcible abduction," and "assault and battery," and there was no lack of hard swearing on the part of Col. Wheeler and his pro-slavery sympathizers in substantiation of these grave charges. But the pro-slaveryites had counted without their host--Passmore would not yield an inch, but stood as firmly by his principles in prison, as he did on the boat. Indeed, it was soon evident, that his resolute course was bringing floods of sympathy from the ablest and best minds throughout the North. On the other hand, the occasion was rapidly awakening thousands daily, who had hitherto manifested little or no interest at all on the subject, to the wrongs of the slave.

It was soon discovered by the "chivalry" that keeping Mr. Williamson in prison would indirectly greatly aid the cause of Freedom--that every day he remained would make numerous converts to the cause of liberty; that Mr. Williamson was doing ten-fold more in prison for the cause of universal liberty than he could possibly do while pursuing his ordinary vocation.

With regard to the colored men under bonds, Col. Wheeler and his satellites felt very confident that there was no room for them to escape. They must have had reason so to think, judging from the hard swearing they did, before the committing magistrate. Consequently, in the order of events, while Passmore was still in prison, receiving visits from hosts of friends, and letters of sympathy from all parts of the North, William Still, William Curtis, James P. Braddock, John Ballard, James Martin and Isaiah Moore, were brought into court for trial. The first name on the list in the proceedings of the court was called up first.

Against this individual, it was pretty well understood by the friends of the slave, that no lack of pains and false swearing would be resorted to on the part of Wheeler and his witnesses, to gain a verdict.

Mr. McKim and other noted abolitionists managing the defense, were equally alive to the importance of overwhelming the enemy in this particular issue. The Hon. Charles Gibbons, was engaged to defend William Still, and William S. Pierce, Esq., and William B. Birney, Esq., the other five colored defendants.

In order to make the victory complete, the anti-slavery friends deemed it of the highest importance to have Jane Johnson in court, to face her master, and under oath to sweep away his "refuge of lies," with regard to her being "abducted," and her unwillingness to "leave her master," etc. So Mr. McKim and the friends very privately arranged to have Jane Johnson on hand at the opening of the defense.

Mrs. Lucretia Mott, Mrs. McKim, Miss Sarah Pugh and Mrs. Plumly, volunteered to accompany this poor slave mother to the court-house and to occupy seats by her side, while she should face her master, and boldly, on oath, contradict all his hard swearing. A better subject for the occasion than Jane, could not have been desired. She entered the court room veiled, and of course was not known by the crowd, as pains had been taken to keep the public in ignorance of the fact, that she was to be brought on to bear witness. So that, at the conclusion of the second witness on the part of the defense, "Jane Johnson" was called for, in a shrill voice. Deliberately, Jane arose and answered, in a lady-like manner to her name, and was then the observed of all observers. Never before had such a scene been witnessed in Philadelphia. It was indescribable. Substantially, her testimony on this occasion, was in keeping with the subjoined affidavit, which was as follows--

"_State of New York, City and County of New York_.

"Jane Johnson being sworn, makes oath and says--

"My name is Jane--Jane Johnson; I was the slave of Mr. Wheeler
of Washington; he bought me and my two children, about two years
ago, of Mr. Cornelius Crew, of Richmond, Va.; my youngest child
is between six and seven years old, the other between ten and
eleven; I have one other child only, and he is in Richmond; I
have not seen him for about two years; never expect to see him
again; Mr. Wheeler brought me and my two children to
Philadelphia, on the way to Nicaragua, to wait on his wife; I
didn't want to go without my two children, and he consented to
take them; we came to Philadelphia by the cars; stopped at Mr.
Sully's, Mr. Wheeler's father-in-law, a few moments; then went
to the steamboat for New York at 2 o'clock, but were too late;
we went into Bloodgood's Hotel; Mr. Wheeler went to dinner; Mr.
Wheeler had told me in Washington to have nothing to say to
colored persons, and if any of them spoke to me, to say I was a
free woman traveling with a minister; we staid at Bloodgood's
till 5 o'clock; Mr. Wheeler kept his eye on me all the time
except when he was at dinner; he left his dinner to come and see
if I was safe, and then went back again; while he was at dinner,
I saw a colored woman and told her I was a slave woman, that my
master had told me not to speak to colored people, and that if
any of them spoke to me to say that I was free; but I am not
free; but I want to be free; she said: 'poor thing, I pity you;'
after that I saw a colored man and said the same thing to him,
he said he would telegraph to New York, and two men would meet
me at 9 o'clock and take me with them; after that we went on
board the boat, Mr. Wheeler sat beside me on the deck; I saw a
colored gentleman come on board, he beckoned to me; I nodded my
head, and could not go; Mr. Wheeler was beside me and I was
afraid; a white gentleman then came and said to Mr. Wheeler, 'I
want to speak to your servant, and tell her of her rights;' Mr.
Wheeler rose and said, 'If you have anything to say, say it to
me--she knows her rights;' the white gentleman asked me if I
wanted to be free; I said 'I do, but I belong to this gentleman
and I can't have it;' he replied, 'Yes, you can, come with us,
you are as free as your master, if you want your freedom come
now; if you go back to Washington you may never get it;' I rose
to go, Mr. Wheeler spoke, and said, 'I will give you your
freedom,' but he had never promised it before, and I knew he
would never give it to me; the white gentleman held out his hand
and I went toward him; I was ready for the word before it was
given me; I took the children by the hands, who both cried, for
they were frightened, but both stopped when they got on shore; a
colored man carried the little one, I led the other by the hand.
We walked down the street till we got to a hack; nobody forced
me away; nobody pulled me, and nobody led me; I went away of my
own free will; I always wished to be free and meant to be free
when I came North; I hardly expected it in Philadelphia, but I
thought I should get free in New York; I have been comfortable
and happy since I left Mr. Wheeler, and so are the children; I
don't want to go back; I could have gone in Philadelphia if I
had wanted to; I could go now; but I had rather die than go
back. I wish to make this statement before a magistrate, because
I understand that Mr. Williamson is in prison on my account, and
I hope the truth may be of benefit to him."

JANE [her X mark.] JOHNSON.

It might have been supposed that her honest and straightforward testimony would have been sufficient to cause even the most relentless slaveholder to abandon at once a pursuit so monstrous and utterly hopeless as Wheeler's was. But although he was sadly confused and put to shame, he hung on to the "lost cause" tenaciously. And his counsel, David Webster, Esq., and the United States District Attorney, Vandyke, completely imbued with the pro-slavery spirit, were equally as unyielding. And thus, with a zeal befitting the most worthy object imaginable, they labored with untiring effort to convict the colored men.

By this policy, however, the counsel for the defense was doubly aroused. Mr. Gibbons, in the most eloquent and indignant strains, perfectly annihilated the "distinguished Colonel John H. Wheeler, United States Minister Plenipotentiary near the Island of Nicaragua," taking special pains to ring the changes repeatedly on his long appellations. Mr. Gibbons appeared to be precisely in the right mood to make himself surpassingly forcible and eloquent, on whatever point of law he chose to touch bearing on the case; or in whatever direction he chose to glance at the injustice and cruelty of the South. Most vividly did he draw the contrast between the States of "Georgia" and "Pennsylvania," with regard to the atrocious laws of Georgia. Scarcely less vivid is the impression after a lapse of sixteen years, than when this eloquent speech was made. With the District Attorney, Wm. B. Mann, Esq., and his Honor, Judge Kelley, the defendants had no cause to complain. Throughout the entire proceedings, they had reason to feel, that neither of these officials sympathized in the least with Wheeler or Slavery. Indeed in the Judge's charge and also in the District Attorney's closing speech the ring of freedom could be distinctly heard--much more so than was agreeable to Wheeler and his Pro-Slavery sympathizers. The case of Wm. Still ended in his acquittal; the other five colored men were taken up in order. And it is scarcely necessary to say that Messrs. Peirce and Birney did full justice to all concerned. Mr. Peirce, especially, was one of the oldest, ablest and most faithful lawyers to the slave of the Philadelphia Bar. He never was known, it may safely be said, to hesitate in the darkest days of Slavery to give his time and talents to the fugitive, even in the most hopeless cases, and when, from the unpopularity of such a course, serious sacrifices would be likely to result. Consequently he was but at home in this case, and most nobly did he defend his clients, with the same earnestness that a man would defend his fireside against the approach of burglars. At the conclusion of the trial, the jury returned a verdict of "not guilty," as to all the persons in the first count, charging them with riot. In the second count, charging them with "Assault and Battery" (on Col. Wheeler) Ballard and Curtis were found "guilty," the rest "not guilty." The guilty were given about a week in jail. Thus ended this act in the Wheeler drama.

The following extract is taken from the correspondence of the New York Tribune touching Jane Johnson's presence in the court, and will be interesting on that account:

"But it was a bold and perilous move on the part of her friends,
and the deepest apprehensions were felt for a while, for the
result. The United States Marshal was there with his warrant and
an extra force to execute it. The officers of the court and
other State officers were there to protect the witness and
vindicate the laws of the State. Vandyke, the United States
District Attorney, swore he would take her. The State officers
swore he should not, and for a while it seemed that nothing
could avert a bloody scene. It was expected that the conflict
would take place at the door, when she should leave the room, so
that when she and her friends went out, and for some time after,
the most intense suspense pervaded the court-room. She was,
however, allowed to enter the carriage that awaited her without
disturbance. She was accompanied by Mr. McKim, Secretary of the
Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, Lucretia Mott and George
Corson, one of our most manly and intrepid police officers. The
carriage was followed by another filled with officers as a
guard; and thus escorted she was taken back in safety to the
house from which she had been brought. Her title to Freedom
under the laws of the State will hardly again be brought into
question."

Mr. Williamson was committed to prison by Judge Kane for contempt of Court, on the 27th day of July, 1855, and was released on the 3d day of November the same year, having gained, in the estimation of the friends of Freedom every where, a triumph and a fame which but few men in the great moral battle for Freedom could claim.

* * * * *

THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH.

SIXTY PASSENGERS CAME IN ONE MONTH--TWENTY-EIGHT IN ONE ARRIVAL--GREAT PANIC AND INDIGNATION MEETING--INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE FROM MASTERS AND FUGITIVES.

The great number of cases to be here noticed forbids more than a brief reference to each passenger. As they arrived in parties, their narratives will be given in due order as found on the book of records:

William Griffen, Henry Moor, James Camper, Noah Ennells and Levin Parker. This party came from Cambridge, Md.