Chapter XII: Part 12
Please to write, I Sincerely hope that our friends from
Petersburg have reached your city before this letter is dated. I
must close by saying, that I Sir, remain humble and obedient
Servant,
J.H.H.
SIXTH LETTER.
_He is now earnestly appealing in behalf of a friend in Slavery, with a view to procuring aid and assistance from certain parties, by which this particular friend in bondage might be rescued_.
Toranto, March 8th, 1854.
My Dear Friend Still:--We will once more truble you opon this
great cause of freedom, as we know that you are a man, that are
never fatuged in Such a glorious cause. Sir, what I wish to Say
is this. Mr. Forman has Received a letter from his wife dated
the 29th ult. She States to him that She was Ready at any time,
and that Everything was Right with her, and she hoped that he
would lose no time in sending for her for she was Ready and
awaiting for him. Well friend Still, we learnt that Mr. Minkens
could not bring her the account of her child. We are very sorry
to hear Such News, however, you will please to read this letter
with care, as we have learnt that Minkens Cannot do what we
wishes to be done; we perpose another way. There is a white man
that Sale from Richmond to Boston, that man are very Safe, he
will bring F's wife with her child. So you will do us a favour
will take it upon yourself to transcribe from this letter what
we shall write. I.E. this there is a Colored gen. that workes on
the basin in R---- this man's name is Esue Poster, he can tell
Mrs. forman all about this Saleor. So you can place the letter
in the hands of M. to take to forman's wife, She can read it for
herself. She will find Foster at ladlum's warehouse on the
Basin, and when you write call my name to him and he will trust
it. this foster are a member of the old Baptist Church. When you
have done all you can do let us know what you have done, if you
hears anything of my uncle let me know.
SEVENTH LETTER.
_He laments over his uncle's fate, who was suffering in a dungeon-like place of concealment daily waiting for the opportunity to escape_.
Toronto, March 18th, 1864.
My Dear Still:--Yours of the 15th Reached on the 11th, found
myself and family very well, and not to delay no time in
replying to you, as there was an article in your letter which
article Roused me very much when I read it; that was you praying
to me to be cautious how I write down South. Be so kind as to
tell me in your next letter whether you have at any time
apprehended any danger in my letters however, in those bond
southward; if there have been, allow me to beg ten thousand
pardon before God and man, for I am not design to throw any
obstacle in the way of those whom I left in South, but to aide
them in every possible way. I have done as you Requested, that
to warn the friends of the dager of writing South. I have told
all you said in yours that Mr. Minkins would be in your city
very soon, and you would see what you could do for me, do you
mean or do speak in reference to my dear uncle. I am hopes that
you will use every ifford to get him from the position in which
he now stand. I know how he feels at this time, for I have felt
the same when I was a runway. I was bereft of all participation
with my family for nearly nine months, and now that poor fellow
are place in same position. Oh God help I pray, what a pitty it
is that I cannot do him no good, but I sincerely hope that you
will not get fatigued at doing good in such cases, nay, I think
other wises of you, however, I Say no more on this subject at
present, but leave it for you to judge.
On the 13th inst. you made Some Remarks concerning friend
Forman's wife, I am Satisfied that you will do all you can for
her Release from Slavery, but as you said you feels for them, so
do I, and Mr. Foreman comes to me very often to know if I have
heard anything from you concerning his wife, they all comes to
for the same.
God Save the Queen. All my letters Southward have passed through
your hands with an exception of one.
JOHN H. HILL.
EIGHTH LETTER.
_Death has snatched away one of his children and he has cause to mourn. In his grief he recounts his struggles for freedom, and his having to leave his wife and children. He acknowledges that he had to "work very hard for comforts," but he declares that he would not "exchange with the comforts of ten thousand slaves_."
TORONTO Sept 14th 1854
MY DEAR FRIEND STILL:--this are the first oppertunity that I
have had to write you since I Reed your letter of the 20th July,
there have been sickness and Death in my family since your
letter was Reed, our dear little Child have been taken from us
one whom we loved so very Dear, but the almighty God knows what
are best for us all.
Louis Henry Hill, was born in Petersburg Va May 7th 1852. and
Died Toronto August 19th 1854 at five o'clock P.M.
Dear Still I could say much about the times and insidince that
have taken place since the coming of that dear little angle jest
spoken of. it was 12 months and 3 days from the time that I took
departure of my wife and child to proceed to Richmond to awaite
a conveyance up to the day of his death.
it was thursday the 13th that I lift Richmond, it was Saturday
the 15th that I land to my great joy in the city of Phila. then
I put out for Canada. I arrived in this city on Friday the 30th
and to my great satisfaction. I found myself upon Briton's free
land, not only free for the white man bot for all.
this day 12 months I was not out of the reach the slaveholders,
but this 14th day of Sept. I am as Free as your President
Pearce. only I have not been free so long However the 30th of
the month I will have been free only 12 months.
It is true that I have to work very hard for comfort but I would
not exchange with ten thousand slave that are equel with their
masters. I am Happy, Happy.
Give love to Mrs. Still. My wife laments her child's death too
much, wil you be so kind as to see Mr. Brown and ask him to
write to me, and if he have heard from Petersburg Va.
Yours truely
J.H. HILL.
NINTH LETTER.
_He is anxiously waiting for the arrival of friends from the South. Hints that slaveholders would be very unsafe in Canada, should they be foolish enough to visit that country for the purpose of enticing slaves back_.
TORONTO, Jan. 19th 1854.
MY DEAR STILL:--Your letter of the 16th came to hand just in
time for my perpose I perceivs by your statement that the money
have not been to Petersburg at all done just what was right and
I would of sent the money to you at first, but my dear friend I
have called upon you for so many times that I have been ashamed
of myself to call any more So you may perceive by the above
written my obligations to you, you said that you had written on
to Petersburg, you have done Right which I believes is your
general way of doing your business, the money are all right I
only had to pay a 6d on the Ten dollars. this money was given to
by a friend in the city N. york, the friend was from Richmond
Virginia (a white man) the amount was fifteen dollars, I forward
a letter to you yesterday which letter I forgot to date. my
friend I wants to hear from virginia the worst of all things.
you know that we expect some freneds on and we cannot hear any
thing from them which makes us uneasy for fear that they have
attempt to come away and been detected. I have ears open at all
times, listen at all hours expecting to hear from them Please to
see friend Brown and know from him if he has heard anything from
our friends, if he have not. tell him write and inquiare into
the matter why it is that they have not come over, then let me
hear from you all.
We are going to have a grand concert &c I mean the Abolisnous
Socity. I will attend myself and also my wife if the Lord be
willing you will perceive in previous letter that I mension
something concerning Mr Forman's wife if there be any chance
whatever please to proceed, Mr Foreman sends his love to you
Requested you to do all you can to get his wife away from
Slavery.
Our best respects to your wife. You promisted me that you would
write somthing concerning our arrival in Canada but I suppose
you have not had the time as yet, I would be very glad to read
your opinion on that matter
I have notice several articles in the freeman one of the Canada
weaklys concerning the Christiana prisoners respecting Castnor
Hanway and also Mr. Rauffman. if I had one hundred dollars to
day I would give them five each, however I hope that I may be
able to subscribe something for their Relefe. in Regards to the
letters have been written from Canada to the South the letters
was not what they thought them to be and if the slave-holders
know when they are doing well they had better keep their side
for if they comes over this side of the lake I am under the
impression they will not go back with somethin that their mother
boned them with whether thiar slaves written for them or not. I
know some one here that have written his master to come after
him, but not because he expect to go with him home but because
he wants to retaleate upon his persecutor, but I would be sorry
for man that have written for his master expecting to return
with him because the people here would kill them. Sir I cannot
write enough to express myself so I must close by saying I
Remain yours.
JOHN H. HILL.
TENTH LETTER.
_Great joy over an arrival--Twelve months praying for the deliverance of an Uncle groaning in a hiding-place, while the Slave-hunters are daily expected--Strong appeals for aid, &c., &c._
TORONTO, January 7th, 1855.
MY DEAR FRIEND:--It is with much pleasure that I take this
opportunity of addressing you with these few lines hoping when
they reeches you they may find yourself and family enjoying good
health as they leaves us at present.
And it is with much happiness that I can say to you that Mrs.
Mercer arrived in this city on yesterday. Mr. Mercer was at my
house late in the evening, and I told him that when he went home
if hear anything from Virginia, that he must let me know as soon
as possible. He told me that if he went home and found any news
there he would come right back and inform me thereof. But little
did he expect to find his dearest there. You may judge what a
meeting there was with them, and may God grant that there may be
some more meetings with our wives and friends. I had been
looking for some one from the old sod for several days, but I
was in good hopes that it would be my poor Uncle. But poor
fellow he are yet groaning under the sufferings of a horrid
sytam, Expecting every day to Receive his Doom. Oh, God, what
shall I do, or what can I do for him? I have prayed for him more
than 12 months, yet he is in that horrid condition. I can never
hear anything Directly from him or any of my people.
Once more I appeal to your Humanity. Will you act for him, as if
you was in slavery yourself, and I sincerely believe that he
will come out of that condition? Mrs. M. have told me that she
given some directions how he could be goten at, but friend
Still, if this conductor should not be successfull this time,
will you mind him of the Poor Slave again. I hope you will as
Mrs. Mercer have told the friend what to do I cannot do more,
therefore I must leve it to the Mercy of God and your Exertion.
The weather have been very mile Ever since the 23rd of Dec. I
have thought considerable about our condition in this country
Seeing that the weather was so very faverable to us. I was
thinking a few days ago, that nature had giving us A country &
adopted all things Sutable.
You will do me the kindness of telling me in your next whether
or not the ten slaves have been Brought out from N.C.
I have not hard from Brown for Nine month he have done some very
Bad letting me alone, for what cause I cannot tell. Give my Best
Respect to Mr. B. when you see him. I wish very much to hear
from himself and family. You will please to let me hear from
you. My wife Joines me in love to yourself and family.
Yours most Respectfully,
JOHN H. HILL.
P.S. Every fugitive Regreated to hear of the Death of Mrs.
Moore. I myself think that there are no other to take her Place.
yours
J.H.H.
ELEVENTH LETTER.
[EXTRACT.]
_Rejoices at hearing of the success of the Underground Rail Road--Inquires particularly after the "fellow" who "cut off the Patrol's head in Maryland_."
HAMILTON, August 15th, 1856.
DEAR FRIEND:--I am very glad to hear that the Underground Rail
Road is doing such good business, but tell me in your next
letter if you have seen the heroic fellow that cut off the head
of the Patrol in Maryland. We wants that fellow here, as John
Bull has a great deal of fighting to do, and as there is a
colored Captain in this city, I would seek to have that fellow
Promoted, Provided he became a soldier.
Great respect,
JOHN H. HILL.
P.S.--Please forward the enclosed to Mr. McCray.
TWELFTH LETTER.
[EXTRACT.]
_Believes in praying for the Slave--but thinks "fire and sword" would be more effective with Slave-holders_.
HAMILTON, Jan. 5th, 1857.
MR. STILL:--Our Pappers contains long details of insurrectionary
movements among the slaves at the South and one paper adds that
a great Nomber of Generals, Captains with other officers had
being arrested. At this day four years ago I left Petersburg for
Richmond to meet the man whom called himself my master, but he
wanted money worser that day than I do this day, he took me to
sell me, he could not have done a better thing for me for I
intended to leave any how by the first convaiance. I hard some
good Prayers put up for the suffers on last Sunday evening in
the Baptist Church. Now friend still I beleve that Prayers
affects great good, but I beleve that the fire and sword would
affect more good in this case. Perhaps this is not your
thoughts, but I must acknowledge this to be my Polacy. The world
are being turned upside down, and I think we might as well take
an active part in it as not. We must have something to do as
other people, and I hope this moment among the Slaves are the
beginning. I wants to see something go on while I live.
Yours truly,
JOHN H. HILL.
THIRTEENTH LETTER.
_Sad tidings from Richmond--Of the arrest of a Captain with Slaves on board as Underground Rail Road passengers_.
HAMILTON, June 5th, 1858.
DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I have just heard that our friend Capt. B.
have being taken Prisoner in Virginia with slaves on board of
his vessel. I hard this about an hour ago. the Person told me of
this said he read it in the newspaper, if this be so it is
awfull. You will be so kind as to send me some information. Send
me one of the Virginia Papers. Poor fellow if they have got him,
I am sorry, sorry to my heart. I have not heard from my Uncle
for a long time if have heard or do hear anything from him at
any time you will oblige me by writing. I wish you to inquire of
Mr. Anderson's friends (if you know any of them), if they have
heard anything from him since he was in your city. I have
written to him twice since he was here according to his own
directions, but never received an answer. I wants to hear from
my mother very much, but cannot hear one word. You will present
my best regards to the friend. Mrs. Hill is quite sick.
Yours truly,
J.H. HILL.
P.S.--I have not received the Anti-Slavery Standard for several
weeks. Please forward any news relative to the Capt.
J.H.H.
* * * * *
THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL.
(UNCLE OF JOHN HENRY HILL.)
Impelled by the love of freedom Hezekiah resolved that he would work no longer for nothing; that he would never be sold on the auction block: that he no longer would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would die rather than be a slave. This decision, however, had only been entertained by him a short time prior to his escape. For a number of years Hezekiah had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he should succeed in obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an understanding with his owner with this object in view. At different times he had paid on account for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six hundred dollars more than he was to have paid according to the first agreement. Although so shamefully defrauded in the first instance, he concluded to bear the disappointment as patiently as possible and get out of the lion's mouth as best he could.
He continued to work on and save his money until he had actually come within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand. At this point instead of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his surprise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he was at work. The errand of the trader was soon made known. Hezekiah simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his coat, which he seized and ran. He was pursued but not captured. This occurrence took place in Petersburg, Va., about the first of December, 1854. On the night of the same day of his escape from the trader, Hezekiah walked to Richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a friend. He was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty years of age just in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two men.
A heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find him in this hiding-place under the floor. He strongly hoped to get away soon; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed. At different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a private passage to Philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool, some one always got ahead of him. Two or three times he even managed to reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place under the floor. Some were under the impression that he was an exceedingly unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him. But his courage sustained him unwaveringly.
Finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was procured for him on the steamship Pennsylvania, and with a little slave boy, seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to Philadelphia, greatly to the astonishment of the Vigilance Committee, who had waited for him so long that they had despaired of his ever coming.
The joy that filled Hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never described. None but one who had been in similar straits could enter into his feelings.
He had left his wife Louisa, and two little boys, Henry and Manuel. His passage cost one hundred dollars.
Hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were invited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble struggles and his triumph; needing rest and recruiting, he was made welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might feel disposed so to do. He remained several days, and then went on to Canada rejoicing. After arriving there he returned his acknowledgment for favors received, &c., in the following letter:
TORONTO Jan 24th 1856.
MR. STILL:--this is to inform you that Myself and little boy,
arrived safely in this city this day the 24th, at ten o'clock
after a very long and pleasant trip. I had a great deal of
attention paid to me while on the way.
I owes a great deel of thanks to yourself and friends. I will
just say hare that when I arrived at New York, I found Mr. Gibbs
sick and could not be attended to there. However, I have arrived
alright.
You will please to give my respects to your friend that writes
in the office with you, and to Mr Smith, also Mr Brown, and the
friends, Mrs Still in particular.
Friend Still you will please to send the enclosed to John Hill
Petersburg I want him to send some things to me you will be so
kind as to send your direction to them, so that the things to
your care. if you do not see a convenient way to send it by
hands, you will please direct your letter to Phillip Ubank
Petersburg.
Yours Respectfully
H HILL.
* * * * *
JAMES--(BROTHER OF JOHN HENRY HILL).
For three years James suffered in a place of concealment, before he found the way opened to escape. When he resolved on having his freedom he was much under twenty-one years of age, a brave young man, for three years, with unfailing spirit, making resistance in the city of Richmond to the slave Power!
Such heroes in the days of Slavery, did much to make the infernal system insecure, and to keep alive the spirit of freedom in liberty-loving hearts the world over, wherever such deeds of noble daring were made known. But of his heroism, but little can be reported here, from the fact, that such accounts as were in the possession of the Committee, were never transferred from the loose slips of paper on which they were first written, to the regular record book. But an important letter from the friend with whom he was secreted, written a short while before he escaped (on a boat), gives some idea of his condition:
RICHMOND, VA., February 16th, 1861.
DEAR BROTHER STILL:--I received a message from brother Julius
anderson, asking me to send the bundle on but I has no way to
send it, I have been waiting and truly hopeing that you would
make some arrangement with some person, and send for the parcel.
I have no way to send it, and I cannot communicate the subject
to a stranger there is a Way by the N.y. line, but they are all
strangers to me, and of course I could not approach them With
this subject for I would be indangered myself greatly. this
business is left to you and to you alone to attend to in
providing the way for me to send on the parcel, if you only make
an arrangement with some person and let me know the said person
and the article which they is to be sent on then I can send the
parcel. unless you do make an arrangement with some person, and
assure them that they will receive the funs for delivering the
parcel this Business cannot be accomplished. it is in your power
to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it
is not in my power to do so, the bundle has been on my hands now
going on 3 years, and I have suffered a great deal of danger,
and is still suffering the same. I have understood Sir that
there were no difficul about the mone that you had it in your
possession Ready for the bundle whenever it is delivered. But
Sir as I have said I can do nothing now. Sir I ask you please
through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a
way for the bundle to be sent and relieve me of the danger in
which I am in. you might succeed in making an arrangement with
those on the New york Steamers for they dose such things but
please let me know the man that the arrangement is made
with--please give me an answer by the bearer.
yours truly friend
C.A.
At last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely made his way to freedom, and proceeded to Boston, where he now resides. While the Committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this poor fellow, it was painful to feel that it was not in their power to answer his prayers--not until after his escape, was it possible so to do. But his escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words can well express. At present, John Henry Hill is a justice of the peace in Petersburg. Hezekiah resides at West Point, and James in Boston, rejoicing that all men are free in the United States, at last.
* * * * *
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
ARCHER BARLOW, ALIAS EMIT ROBINS.
This passenger arrived from Norfolk, Va. in 1853. For the last four years previous to escaping, he had been under the yoke of Dr. George Wilson. Archer declared that he had been "very badly treated" by the Doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving. True, the doctor had been good enough to allow him to hire his time, for which he required Archer to pay the moderate sum of $120 per annum. As Archer had been "sickly" most of the time, during the last year, he complained that there was "no reduction" in his hire on this account. Upon reflection, therefore, Archer thought, if he had justice done him, he would be in possession of this "one hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other rights, instead of having to toil for another without pay; so he looked seriously into the matter of master and slave, and pretty soon resolved, that if others chose to make no effort to get away, for himself he would never be contented, until he was free. When a slave reached this decision, he was in a very hopeful state. He was near the Underground Rail Road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later. At this thoughtful period, Archer was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and belonged to the two leading branches of southern humanity, _i.e._, he _was_ half white and half colored--a dark mulatto. His arrival in Philadelphia, per one of the Richmond steamers, was greeted with joy by the Vigilance Committee, who extended to him the usual aid and care, and forwarded him on to freedom. For a number of years, he has been a citizen of Boston.
* * * * *
SAMUEL BUSH, ALIAS WILLIAM OBLEBEE.
This "piece of property" fled in the fall of 1853. As a specimen of this article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence. He was a man of dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the "superior" southern blood in his veins; in stature, he was only ordinary. For leaving, he gave the following reasons: "I found that I was working for my master, for his advantage, and when I was sick, I had to pay just as much as if I were well--$7 a month. But my master was cross, and said that he intended to sell me--to do better by me another year. Times grew worse and worse, constantly. I thought, as I had heard, that if I could raise thirty dollars I could come away." He at once saw the value of money. To his mind it meant liberty from that moment. Thenceforth he decided to treasure up every dollar he could get hold of until he could accumulate at least enough to get out of "Old Virginia." He was a married man, and thought he had a wife and one child, but on reflection, he found out that they did not actually belong to him, but to a carpenter, by the name of Bailey. The man whom Samuel was compelled to call master was named Hoyle.
The Committee's interview with Samuel was quite satisfactory, and they cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the same time.
* * * * *
JOHN SPENCER AND HIS SON WILLIAM, AND JAMES ALBERT.
These individuals escaped from the eastern shore of Maryland, in the Spring of 1853, but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the freedom they had aimed to find, in New Jersey. They procured employment in the neighborhood of Haddonfield, some six or eight miles from Camden, New Jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well.
Things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm "slave-hunters were discovered in the neighborhood," and sufficient evidence was obtained to make it quite plain that, John, William and James were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot pursuit." When brought to the Committee, they were pretty thoroughly alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to Canada. While the Committee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid, they nevertheless, felt, in view of the imminent dangers existing under the fugitive slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way, should be very plainly given to understand, that if they were captured they would have themselves the most to blame. But the dread of Slavery was strong in the minds of these fugitives, and they very fully realized their folly in stopping in New Jersey. The Committee procured their tickets, helped them to disguise themselves as much as possible, and admonished them not to stop short of Canada.
* * * * *
HETTY SCOTT ALIAS MARGARET DUNCANS AND DAUGHTER PRISCILLA.
This mother and daughter had been the "chattels personal" of Daniel Coolby of Harvard, Md. Their lot had been that of ordinary slaves in the country, on farms, &c. The motive which prompted them to escape was the fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them. He had a right to do so; but Hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great umbrage at her "kind master." In this "disobedient" state of mind, she determined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats of Mr. Daniel Coolby, that he should not much longer have the satisfaction of enjoying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring. She at once began to prepare for her journey.
She had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom she felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting them to accompany her. The young couple were ready converts to the eloquent speech delivered to them by Hetty on Freedom, and were quite willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency. Up to the hour of setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were being carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind. At the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order.
Arriving at Quakertown, Pa., they found friends of the slave, who welcomed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all concerned. For prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate the party, to send some one way and some another. Thus safely, through the kind offices and aid of the friends at Quakertown, they were duly forwarded on to the Committee in Philadelphia. Here similar acts of charity were extended to them, and they were directed on to Canada.
* * * * *
ROBERT FISHER.
THIS PASSENGER AVAILS HIMSELF OF HOLIDAY WEEK, BETWEEN CHRISTMAS AND NEW YEAR'S, TO MAKE HIS NORTHERN TRIP. Robert was about thirty years of age, dark color, quite tall, and in talking with him a little while, it was soon discovered that Slavery had not crushed all the brains out of his head by a good deal. Nor was he so much attached to his "kind-hearted master," John Edward Jackson, of Anne Arundel, Md., or his old fiddle, that he was contented and happy while in bondage. Far from it. The fact was, that he hated Slavery so decidedly and had such a clear common sense-like view of the evils and misery of the system, that he declared he had as a matter of principle refrained from marrying, in order that he might have no reason to grieve over having added to the woes of slaves. Nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity offered to escape. According to law he was entitled to his freedom at the age of twenty-five.
But what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to respect?" Many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in Slavery, as if no will had ever been made. Robert had too much sense to suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress. This method, therefore, was considered out of the question. But in the meantime he was growing very naturally in favor of the Underground Rail Road. From his experience Robert did not hesitate to say that his master was "mean," "a very hard man," who would work his servants early and late, without allowing them food and clothing sufficient to shield them from the cold and hunger. Robert certainly had unmistakable marks about him, of having been used roughly. He thought very well of Nathan Harris, a fellow-servant belonging to the same owner, and he made up his mind, if Nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the loneliness of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the slave-hunter, nor the scantiness of their means should deter him from making his way to freedom. Nathan listened to the proposal, and was suddenly converted to freedom, and the two united during Christmas week, 1854, and set out on the Underground Rail Road. It is needless to say that they had trying difficulties to encounter. These they expected, but all were overcome, and they reached the Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia safely, and were cordially welcomed. During the interview, a full interchange of thought resulted, the fugitives were well cared for, and in due time both were forwarded on, free of cost.
* * * * *
HANSEL WAPLES.
This traveler arrived from Millsboro, Indian River, Delaware, where he was owned by Wm. E. Burton. While Hansel did not really own himself, he had the reputation of having a wife and six children. In June, some six months prior to her husband's arrival, Hansel's wife had been allowed by her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never returned. Doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of the most highhanded stealing. Hansel did not speak of his owner as being a hard man, but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good" as the best that he was acquainted with. While this was true, however, Hansel had quite good ground for believing that his master was about to sell him. Dreading this fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his wife to a Free state. Exactly where to look or how to find her he could not tell.
The Committee advised him to "search in Canada." And in order to enable him to get on quickly and safely, the Committee aided him with money, &c., in 1853.
* * * * *
ROSE ANNA TONNELL ALIAS MARIA HYDE.
She fled from Isaac Tonnell of Georgetown, Delaware, in Christmas week, 1853. A young woman with a little boy of seven years of age accompanied Rose Anna. Further than the simple fact of their having thus safely arrived, except the expense incurred by the Committee, no other particulars appear on the records.
* * * * *
MARY ENNIS ALIAS LICIA HEMMIN.
Mary arrived with her two children in the early Spring of 1854.
The mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of age, quite tall, with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sympathy at first sight. Her oldest child was a little girl seven years of age, named Lydia; the other was named Louisa Caroline, three years of age, both promising in appearance. They were the so called property of John Ennis, of Georgetown, Delaware. For their flight they chose the dead of Winter. After leaving they made their way to West Chester, and there found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they reached Philadelphia. Probably the friends with whom they stopped thought the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on her support to travel. Long before this mother escaped, thoughts of liberty filled her heart. She was ever watching for an opportunity, that would encourage her to hope for safety, when once the attempt should be made. Until, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be sold, she could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey. This threat to sell proved in multitudes of instances, "the last straw on the camel's back." When nothing else would start them this would. Mary and her children were the only slaves owned by this Ennis, consequently her duties were that of "Jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and sometimes in the barn, as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is needless to say, that her life was rendered servile to the last degree.
To bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid such tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of barbarism as existed in poor little Delaware, was doubly gratifying to the Committee.
* * * * *
"SAM," "ISAAC," "PERRY," "CHARLES," AND "GREEN."
ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.--Ran away on Saturday night, the
20th September, 1856, from the subscriber, living in the ninth
district of Carroll county, Maryland, two Negro Men, SAM and
ISAAC. Sam calls himself Samuel Sims; he is very black; shows
his teeth very much when he laughs; no perceptible marks; he is
5 feet 8 inches high, and about thirty years of age, but has the
appearance of being much older.
Isaac calls himself Isaac Dotson he is about nineteen years of
age, stout made, but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders,
he is about five feet five or six inches high, always appears to
be in a good humor; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good
deal of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow,
might be called a yellow boy; has no perceptible marks.
They have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless
to say anything about them. No doubt they will change their
names.
I will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars,
or five hundred dollars for either of them, if taken and lodged
in any jail in Maryland, so that I get them again.
Also two of Mr. Dade's, living in the neighborhood, went the
same time; no doubt they are all in company together. THOMAS B.
OWINGS.
s24-6tWit*||
These passengers reached the Philadelphia station, about the 24th of September, 1856, five days after they escaped from Carroll county. They were in fine spirits, and had borne the fatigue and privation of travel bravely. A free and interesting interview took place, between these passengers and the Committee, eliciting much information, especially with regard to the workings of the system on the farms, from which they had the good luck to flee. Each of the party was thoroughly questioned, about how time had passed with them at home, or rather in the prison house, what kind of men their masters were, how they fed and clothed, if they whipped, bought or sold, whether they were members of church, or not, and many more questions needless to enumerate bearing on the domestic relation which had existed between themselves and their masters. These queries they answered in their own way, with intelligence. Upon the whole, their lot in Slavery had been rather more favorable than the average run of slaves.
No record was made of any very severe treatment. In fact, the notices made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in which they were described in the "Baltimore Sun," by their owners, their narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record. The heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in the "Sun," were very attractive reading. The Vigilance Committee took the "Sun," for nothing else under the sun but for this special literature, and for this purpose they always considered the "Sun" a cheap and reliable paper.
A slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and should always be held in remembrance. Likewise the descriptions given by slave-holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers and a most thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar property. Indeed, the art must have been studied attentively for practical purposes. When the advertisements were received in advance of arrivals, which was always the case, the descriptions generally were found so lifelike, that the Committee preferred to take them in preference to putting themselves to the labor of writing out new ones, for future reference. This we think, ought not to be complained of by any who were so unfortunate as to lose wayward servants, as it is but fair to give credit to all concerned. True, sometimes some of these beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism. The one at the head of this report, is clearly of this character. For instance, in describing Isaac, Mr. Thomas B. Owings, represents him as being of a "very light color," "almost yellow," "might be called a yellow boy." In the next breath he has no perceptible marks. Now, if he is "very light," that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere. A hint to the wise is sufficient. However, judging from what was seen of Isaac in Philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him. Slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners believe that they were very happy and contented. And, in using this kind of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity offered for an escape. So Isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which appeared like nonsense to his master. That slave-holders, above all others, were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage foolishness, loud laughing, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the place of education, virtue, self-respect and manly carriage, slave-holders themselves are witnesses.
As Mr. Robert Dade was also a loser, equally with Mr. Thomas B. Owings, and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone, it seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and completeness to the story. Both Owings and Dade showed a considerable degree of southern chivalry in the liberality of their rewards. Doubtless, the large sums thus offered awakened a lively feeling in the breasts of old slave-hunters. But it is to be supposed that the artful fugitives safely reached Philadelphia before the hunters got even the first scent on their track. Up to the present hour, with the owners all may be profound mystery; if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel some interest in the solution of these wonders. The articles so accurately described must now be permitted to testify in their own words, as taken from the records.
Green Modock acknowledges that he was owned by William Dorsey, Perry by Robert Dade, Sam and Isaac by Thomas Owings, all farmers, and all "tough" and "pretty mean men." Sam and Isaac had other names with them, but not such a variety of clothing as their master might have supposed. Sam said he left because his master threatened to sell him to Georgia, and he believed that he meant so to do, as he had sold all his brothers and sisters to Georgia some time before he escaped.
But this was not all. Sam declared his master had threatened to shoot him a short while before he left. This was the last straw on the camel's back. Sam's heart was in Canada ever after that. In traveling he resolved that nothing should stop him. Charles offered the same excuse as did Sam. He had been threatened with the auction-block. He left his mother free, but four sisters he left in chains. As these men spoke of their tough owners and bad treatment in Slavery, they expressed their indignation at the idea that Owings, Dade and Dorsey had dared to rob them of their God-given rights. They were only ignorant farm hands. As they drank in the free air, the thought of their wrongs aroused all their manhood. They were all young men, hale and stout, with strong resolutions to make Canada their future home. The Committee encouraged them in this, and aided them for humanity's sake.--Mr. Robert Dade's advertisement speaks for itself as follows:
RAN AWAY--On Saturday night, 20th inst., from the subscriber,
living near Mount Airy P.O., Carroll county, two Negro men,
PERRY and CHARLES. Perry is quite dark, full face; is about 5
feet 8 or 9 inches high; has a scar on one of his hands, and one
on his legs, caused by a cut from a scythe; 25 years old.
Charles is of a copper color, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high;
round shouldered, with small whiskers; has one crooked finger
that he cannot straighten, and a scar on his right leg, caused
by the cut of a scythe; 22 years old. I will give two hundred
and fifty dollars each, if taken in the State and returned to
me, or secured in some jail so that I can get them again, or a
$1,000 for the two, or $500 each, if taken out of the State, and
secured in some jail in this State so that I can get them again.
ROBERT DADE.
s23-3f.
FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA.
WILLIAM B. WHITE, SUSAN BROOKS AND WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.--STOWED AWAY IN THE STEAMSHIP CITY OF RICHMOND.
But for their hope of liberty, their uncomfortable position could hardly have been endured by these fugitives. William had been compelled to dig and delve, to earn bread and butter, clothing and luxuries, houses and land, education and ease for H.B. Dickinson, of Richmond. William smarted frequently; but what could he do? Complaint from a slave was a crime of the deepest dye. So William dug away mutely, but continued to think, nevertheless. He was a man of about thirty-six years of age, of dark chestnut color, medium size, and of pleasant manners to say the least. His owner was a tobacco manufacturer, who held some thirty slaves in his own right, besides hiring a great many others. William was regularly employed by day in his master's tobacco factory. He was likewise employed, as one of the carriers of the Richmond Dispatch; the time allotted to fill the duties of this office, was however, before sunrise in the morning. It is but just to state, in favor of his master, that William was himself the receiver of a part of the pay for this night work. It was by this means William procured clothing and certain other necessaries.
From William's report of his master, he was by no means among the worst of slave-holders in Richmond; he did not himself flog, but the overseer was allowed to conduct this business, when it was considered necessary. For a long time William had cherished a strong desire to be free, and had gone so far on several occasions as to make unsuccessful attempts to accomplish this end. At last he was only apprised of his opportunity to carry his wishes into practice a few moments before the hour for the starting of the Underground Rail Road train.
Being on the watch, he hailed the privilege, and left without looking back.
True he left his wife and two children, who were free, and a son also who was owned by Warner Toliver, of Gloucester county, Va. We leave the reader to decide for himself, whether William did right or wrong, and who was responsible for the sorrow of both husband and wife caused by the husband's course. The Committee received him as a true and honest friend of freedom, and as such aided him.
* * * * *
SUSAN BROOKS.
Susan was also a passenger on the same ship that brought Wm. B. White. She was from Norfolk. Her toil, body and strength were claimed by Thomas Eckels, Esq., a man of wealth and likewise a man of intemperance. With those who regarded Slavery as a "divine institution," intemperance was scarcely a mote, in the eyes of such. For sixteen years, Susan had been in the habit of hiring her time, for which she was required to pay five dollars per month. As she had the reputation of being a good cook and chambermaid, she was employed steadily, sometimes on boats. This sum may therefore be considered reasonable.
Owing to the death of her husband, about a year previous to her escape, she had suffered greatly, so much so, that on two or three occasions, she had fallen into alarming fits,--a fact by no means agreeable to her owner, as he feared that the traders on learning her failing health would underrate her on this account. But Susan was rather thankful for these signs of weakness, as she was thereby enabled to mature her plans and thus to elude detection.
Her son having gone on ahead to Canada about six months in advance of her, she felt that she had strong ties in the goodly land. Every day she remained in bondage, the cords bound her more tightly, and "weeks seemed like months, and months like years," so abhorrent had the peculiar institution become to her in every particular. In this state of mind, she saw no other way, than by submitting to be secreted, until an opportunity should offer, via the Underground Rail Road.
So for four months, like a true and earnest woman, she endured a great "fight of affliction," in this horrible place. But the thought of freedom enabled her to keep her courage up, until the glad news was conveyed to her that all things were ready, providing that she could get safely to the boat, on which she was to be secreted. How she succeeded in so doing the record book fails to explain.
One of the methods, which used to succeed very well, in skillful and brave hands, was this: In order to avoid suspicion, the woman intending to be secreted, approached the boat with a clean ironed shirt on her arm, bare headed and in her usual working dress, looking good-natured of course, and as if she were simply conveying the shirt to one of the men on the boat. The attention of the officer on the watch would not for a moment be attracted by a custom so common as this. Thus safely on the boat, the man whose business it was to put this piece of property in the most safe Underground Rail Road place, if he saw that every thing looked favorable, would quickly arrange matters without being missed from his duties. In numerous instances, officers were outwitted in this way.
As to what Susan had seen in the way of hardships, whether in relation to herself or others, her story was most interesting; but it may here be passed in order to make room for others. She left one sister, named Mary Ann Tharagood, who was wanting to come away very much. Susan was a woman of dark color, round built, medium height, and about forty years of age when she escaped in 1854.
* * * * *
WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.
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The Underground RailroadChapter XII: Part 12
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