Chapter XV: Part 15

It appeared, in evidence, that this Green has a son in Canada,
to whom Green made a visit last summer. Since his return to this
county, suspicion has fastened upon him, as giving aid and
assisting slaves who have since absconded and reached Canada,
and several weeks ago, a party of gentlemen from New Market
district, went at night, to Green's house and made search,
whereupon was found a volume of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," a map of
Canada, several schedules of routes to the North, and a letter
from his son in Canada, detailing the pleasant trip he had, the
number of friends he met with on the way, with plenty to eat,
drink, etc., and concludes with a request to his father, that he
shall tell certain other slaves, naming them, to come on, which
slaves, it is well known, did leave shortly afterwards, and have
reached Canada. The case was argued with great ability, the
counsel on both sides displaying a great deal of ingenuity,
learning and eloquence. The first indictment was for the having
in possession the letter, map and route schedules.

Notwithstanding the mass of evidence given, to show the
prisoner's guilt, in unlawfully having in his possession these
documents, and the nine-tenths of the community in which he
lived, believed that he had a hand in the running away of
slaves, it was the opinion of the court, that the law under
which he was indicted, was not applicable to the case, and that
he must, accordingly, render a verdict of not guilty.

He was immediately arraigned upon another indictment, for having
in possession "Uncle Tom's Cabin," and tried; in this case the
court has not yet rendered a verdict, but holds it under _curia_
till after the Somerset county court. It is to be hoped, the
court will find the evidence in this case sufficient to bring it
within the scope of the law under which the prisoner is indicted
(that of 1842, chap. 272), and that the prisoner may meet his
due reward--be that what it may.

That there is something required to be done by our Legislators,
for the protection of slave property, is evident from the
variety of constructions put upon the statute in this case, and
we trust, that at the next meeting of the Legislature there will
be such amendments, as to make the law on this subject,
perfectly clear and comprehensible to the understanding of every
one.

In the language of the assistant counsel for the State, "Slavery
must be protected or it must be abolished."

From the same sheet, of May 20th, the terrible doom of Samuel Green, is announced in the following words:

In the case of the State against Sam Green, (free negro) who was
tried at the April term of the Circuit Court of this county, for
having in his possession abolition pamphlets, among which was
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," has been found guilty by the court, and
sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of ten years--until
the 14th of May, 1867.

The son, a refugee in Canada, hearing the distressing news of his father's sad fate in the hands of the relentless "gentlemen," often wrote to know if there was any prospect of his deliverance. The subjoined letter is a fair sample of his correspondence:

SALFORD, 22,1857.

Dear Sir I take my pen in hand to Request a faver of you if you
can by any means without duin InJestus to your self or your
Bisness to grant it as I Bleve you to be a man that would
Sympathize in such a ones Condition as my self I Reseved a
letter that Stats to me that my Fater has ben Betraed in the act
of helping sum frend to Canada and the law has Convicted and
Sentanced him to the Stats prison for 10 yeares his White Frands
ofered 2 thousen Dollers to Redem him but they would not short
three thousen. I am in Canada and it is a Dificult thing to get
a letter to any of my Frands in Maryland so as to get prop per
infermation abot it--if you can by any means get any in
telligence from Baltimore City a bot this Event Plese do so and
Rit word and all so all the inform mation that you think prop
per as Regards the Evant and the best mathod to Redeme him and
so Plese Rite soon as you can You will oblige your sir Frand and
Drect your letter to Salford P. office C.W.

SAMUEL GREEN.

In this dark hour the friends of the Slave could do but little more than sympathize with this heart-stricken son and grey-headed father. The aged follower of the Rejected and Crucified had like Him to bear the "reproach of many," and make his bed with the wicked in the Penitentiary. Doubtless there were a few friends in his neighborhood who sympathized with him, but they were powerless to aid the old man. But thanks to a kind Providence, the great deliverance brought about during the Rebellion by which so many captives were freed, also unlocked Samuel Green's prison-doors and he was allowed to go free.

After his liberation from the Penitentiary, we had from his own lips narrations of his years of suffering--of the bitter cup, that he was compelled to drink, and of his being sustained by the Almighty Arm--but no notes were taken at the time, consequently we have nothing more to add concerning him, save quite a faithful likeness.

* * * * *

AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM.

IN LOVE WITH A SLAVE--GETS HIM OFF TO CANADA--FOLLOWS HIM--MARRIAGE, &C. Having dwelt on the sad narratives of Samuel Green and his son in the preceding chapter, it is quite a relief to be able to introduce a traveler whose story contains incidents less painful to contemplate. From the record book the following brief account is taken:

"April 27, 1855. John Hall arrived safely from Richmond, Va., per schooner, (Captain B). One hundred dollars were paid for his passage." In Richmond he was owned by James Dunlap, a merchant. John had been sold several times, in consequence of which, he had possessed very good opportunities of experiencing the effect of change of owners. Then, too, the personal examination made before sale, and the gratification afforded his master when he (John), brought a good price--left no very pleasing impressions on his mind.

By one of his owners, named Burke, John alleged that he had been "cruelly used." When quite young, both he and his sister, together with their mother, were sold by Burke. From that time he had seen neither mother nor sister--they were sold separately. For three or four years the desire to seek liberty had been fondly cherished, and nothing but the want of a favorable opportunity had deterred him from carrying out his designs. He considered himself much "imposed upon" by his master, particularly as he was allowed "no choice about living" as he "desired." This was indeed ill-treatment as John viewed the matter. John may have wanted too much. He was about thirty-five years of age, light complexion--tall--rather handsome-looking, intelligent, and of good manners. But notwithstanding these prepossessing features, John's owner valued him at only $1,000. If he had been a few shades darker and only about half as intelligent as he was, he would have been worth at least $500 more. The idea of having had a white father, in many instances, depreciated the pecuniary value of male slaves, if not of the other sex. John emphatically was one of this injured class; he evidently had blood in his veins which decidedly warred against submitting to the yoke. In addition to the influence which such rebellious blood exerted over him, together with a considerable amount of intelligence, he was also under the influence and advice of a daughter of old Ireland. She was heart and soul with John in all his plans which looked Canada-ward. This it was that "sent him away."

It is very certain, that this Irish girl was not annoyed by the kinks in John's hair. Nor was she overly fastidious about the small percentage of colored blood visible in John's complexion. It was, however, a strange occurrence and very hard to understand. Not a stone was left unturned until John was safely on the Underground Rail Road. Doubtless she helped to earn the money which was paid for his passage. And when he was safe off, it is not too much to say, that John was not a whit more delighted than was his intended Irish lassie, Mary Weaver. John had no sooner reached Canada than Mary's heart was there too. Circumstances, however, required that she should remain in Richmond a number of months for the purpose of winding up some of her affairs. As soon as the way opened for her, she followed him. It was quite manifest, that she had not let a single opportunity slide, but seized the first chance and arrived partly by means of the Underground Rail Road and partly by the regular train. Many difficulties were surmounted before and after leaving Richmond, by which they earned their merited success. From Canada, where they anticipated entering upon the matrimonial career with mutual satisfaction, it seemed to afford them great pleasure to write back frequently, expressing their heartfelt gratitude for assistance, and their happiness in the prospect of being united under the favorable auspices of freedom! At least two or three of these letters, bearing on particular phases of their escape, etc., are too valuable not to be published in this connection:

FIRST LETTER.

HAMILTON, March 25th, 1856.

Mr. Still:--Sir and Friend--I take the liberty of addressing you
with these few lines hoping that you will attend to what I shall
request of you.

I have written to Virginia and have not received an answer yet.
I want to know if you can get any one of your city to go to
Richmond for me. If you can, I will pay the expense of the
whole. The person that I want the messenger to see is a white
girl. I expect you know who I allude to, it is the girl that
sent me away. If you can get any one to go, you will please
write right away and tell me the cost, &c. I will forward the
money and a letter. Please use your endeavors.

Yours Respectfuliy,

JOHN HALL.

Direct yours to Mr. Hill.

SECOND LETTER.

HAMILTON, Sept. 15th, 1856.

To Mr. Still, Dear Sir:--I take this opportunity of addressing
these few lines to you hoping to find you in good health I am
happy to inform you that Miss Weaver arrived here on Tuesday
last, and I can assure you it was indeed a happy day. As for
your part that you done I will not attempt to tell you how
thankful I am, but I hope that you can imagine what my feelings
are to you. I cannot find words sufficient to express my
gratitude to you, I think the wedding will take place on Tuesday
next, I have seen some of the bread from your house, and she
says it is the best bread she has had since she has been in
America. Sometimes she has impudence enough to tell me she would
rather be where you are in Philadelphia than to be here with me.
I hope this will be no admiration to you for no honest hearted
person ever saw you that would not desire to be where you are,
No flattery, but candidly speaking, you are worthy all the
praise of any person who has ever been with you, I am now like a
deserted Christian, but yet I have asked so much, and all has
been done yet I must ask again, My love to Mrs. Still. Dear Mr.
Still I now ask you please to exercise all your influence to get
this young man Willis Johnson from Richmond for me It is the
young man that Miss Weaver told you about, he is in Richmond I
think he is at the corner of Fushien Street, & Grace in a house
of one Mr. Rutherford, there is several Rutherford in the
neighborhood, there is a church call'd the third Baptist Church,
on the R.H. side going up Grace street, directly opposite the
Baptist church at the corner, is Mrs. Meads Old School at one
corner, and Mr. Rutherfords is at the other corner. He can be
found out by seeing Fountain Tombs who belongs to Mr. Rutherford
and if you should not see him, there is James Turner who lives
at the Governors, Please to see Captain Bayliss and tell him to
take these directions and go to John Hill, in Petersburgh, and
he may find him. Tell Captain Bayliss that if he ever did me a
friendly thing in his life which he did do one friendly act, if
he will take this on himself, and if money should be lacking I
will forward any money that he may require, I hope you will
sympathize with the poor young fellow, and tell the captain to
do all in his power to get him and the costs shall be paid. He
lies now between death or victory, for I know the man he belongs
to would just as soon kill him as not, if he catches him, I here
enclose to you a letter for Mr. Wm. C. Mayo, and please to send
it as directed. In this letter I have asked him to send a box to
you for me, which you will please pay the fare of the express
upon it, when you get it please to let me know, and I will send
you the money to pay the expenses of the carriage clear through.
Please to let Mr. Mayo know how to direct a box to you, and the
best way to send it from Richmond to Philadelphia. You will
greatly oblige me by so doing. In this letter I have enclosed a
trifle for postage which you will please to keep on account of
my letters I hope you wont think hard of me but I simply send it
because I know you have done enough, and are now doing more,
without imposing in the matter I have done it a great many more
of our people who you have done so much fore. No more from your
humble and oldest servant.

JOHN HALL, Norton's Hotel, Hamilton.

THIRD LETTER.

MONDAY, Sept. 29, 56.

Sir:--I take this opportunity of informing you that we are in
excellent health, and hope you are the same, I wrote a letter to
you about 2 weeks ago and have not yet had an answer to it I
wish to inform you that the wedding took place on Tuesday last,
and Mrs. Hall now sends her best love to you, I enclose a letter
which I wish you to forward to Mr. Mayo, you will see in his
letter what I have said to him and I wish you would furnish him
with such directions as it requires for him to send them things
to you. I have told him not to pay for them but to send them to
you so when you get them write me word what the cost of them
are, and I will send you the money for them. Mary desires you to
give her love to Mrs. Still. If any letters come for me please
to send to me at Nortons Hotel, Please to let me know if you had
a letter from me about 12 days ago. You will please Direct the
enclosed to Mr. W.C. Mayo, Richmond, Va. Let me know if you have
heard anything of Willis Johnson Mr. & Mrs. Hill send their kind
love to you, they are all well, no more at present from your
affect.,

JOHN HALL

Nortons Hotel.

FOURTH LETTER.

HAMILTON, December 23d, 1856.

DEAR SIR:--I am happy to inform you that we are both enjoying
good health and hope you are the same. I have been expecting a
letter from you for some time but I suppose your business has
prevented you from writing. I suppose you have not heard from
any of my friends at Richmond. I have been longing to hear some
news from that part, you may think "Out of sight and out of
mind," but I can assure you, no matter how far I may be, or in
what distant land, I shall never forget you, if I can never
reach you by letters you may be sure I shall always think of
you. I have found a great many friends in my life, but I must
say you are the best one I ever met with, except one, you must
know who that is, 'tis one who if I did not consider a friend, I
could not consider any other person a friend, and that is Mrs.
Hall. Please to let me know if the navigation between New York &
Richmond is closed. Please to let me know whether it would be
convenient to you to go to New York if it is please let me know
what is the expense. Tell Mrs Still that my wife would be very
happy to receive a letter from her at some moment when she is at
leisure, for I know from what little I have seen of domestic
affairs it keeps her pretty well employed, And I know she has
not much time to write but if it were but two lines, she would
be happy to receive it from her, my reason for wanting you to go
to New York, there is a young man named Richard Myers and I
should like for you to see him. He goes on board the Orono to
Richmond and is a particular friend of mine and by seeing him I
could get my clothes from Richmond, I expect to be out of employ
in a few days, as the hotel is about to close on the 1st January
and I hope you will write to me soon I want you to send me word
how you and all the family are and all the news you can, you
must excuse my short letter, as it is now near one o'clock and I
must attend to business, but I have not written half what I
intended to, as time is short, hoping to hear from you soon I
remain yours sincerely,

JOHN HALL.

Mr. and Mrs. Hill desire their best respects to you and Mrs.
Still.

It cannot be denied that this is a most extraordinary occurrence. In some respects it is without a parallel. It was, however, no uncommon thing for white men (slave-holders) in the South to have colored wives and children whom, they did not hesitate to live with and acknowledge by their actions, with their means, and in their wills as the rightful heirs of their substance. Probably there is not a state in the Union where such relations have not existed. Seeing such usages, Mary might have reasoned that she had as good a right to marry the one she loved most as anybody else, particularly as she was in a "free country."

* * * * *

"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE.

THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST ON THE U.G.R.R.--HE IS TAKEN FOR AN IMPOSTOR--ELECTED A MEMBER OF CITY COUNCIL IN NEW BEDFORD--STUDYING MEDICINE, ETC. But few could be found among the Underground Rail Road passengers who had a stronger repugnance to the unrequited labor system, or the recognized terms of "master and slave," than Dr. Thomas Bayne. Nor were many to be found who were more fearless and independent in uttering their sentiments. His place of bondage was in the city of Norfolk, Va., where he was held to service by Dr. C.F. Martin, a dentist of some celebrity. While with Dr. Martin, "Sam" learned dentistry in all its branches, and was often required by his master, the doctor, to fulfil professional engagements, both at home and at a distance, when it did not suit his pleasure or convenience to appear in person. In the mechanical department, especially, "Sam" was called upon to execute the most difficult tasks. This was not the testimony of "Sam" alone; various individuals who were with him in Norfolk, but had moved to Philadelphia, and were living there at the time of his arrival, being invited to see this distinguished professional piece of property, gave evidence which fully corroborated his. The master's professional practice, according to "Sam's" calculation, was worth $3,000 per annum. Full $1,000 of this amount in the opinion of "Sam" was the result of his own fettered hands. Not only was "Sam" serviceable to the doctor in the mechanical and practical branches of his profession, but as a sort of ready reckoner and an apt penman, he was obviously considered by the doctor, a valuable "article." He would frequently have "Sam" at his books instead of a book-keeper. Of course, "Sam" had never received, from Dr. M., an hour's schooling in his life, but having perceptive faculties naturally very large, combined with much self-esteem, he could hardly help learning readily. Had his master's design to keep him in ignorance been ever so great, he would have found it a labor beyond his power. But there is no reason to suppose that Dr. Martin was opposed to Sam's learning to read and write. We are pleased to note that no charges of ill-treatment are found recorded against Dr. M. in the narrative of "Sam."

True, it appears that he had been sold several times in his younger days, and had consequently been made to feel keenly, the smarts of Slavery, but nothing of this kind was charged against Dr. M., so that he may be set down as a pretty fair man, for aught that is known to the contrary, with the exception of depriving "Sam" of the just reward of his labor, which, according to St. James, is pronounced a "fraud." The doctor did not keep "Sam" so closely confined to dentistry and book-keeping that he had no time to attend occasionally to outside duties. It appears that he was quite active and successful as an Underground Rail Road agent, and rendered important aid in various directions. Indeed, Sam had good reason to suspect that the slave-holders were watching him, and that if he remained, he would most likely find himself in "hot water up to his eyes." Wisdom dictated that he should "pull up stakes" and depart while the way was open. He knew the captains who were then in the habit of taking similar passengers, but he had some fears that they might not be able to pursue the business much longer. In contemplating the change which he was about to make, "Sam" felt it necessary to keep his movements strictly private. Not even was he at liberty to break his mind to his wife and child, fearing that it would do them no good, and might prove his utter failure. His wife's name was Edna and his daughter was called Elizabeth; both were slaves and owned by E.P. Tabb, Esq., a hardware merchant of Norfolk.

No mention is made on the books, of ill-treatment, in connection with his wife's servitude; it may therefore be inferred, that her situation was not remarkably hard. It must not be supposed that "Sam" was not truly attached to his wife. He gave abundant proof of true matrimonial devotion, notwithstanding the secrecy of his arrangements for flight. Being naturally hopeful, he concluded that he could better succeed in securing his wife after obtaining freedom himself, than in undertaking the task beforehand.

The captain had two or three other Underground Rail Road male passengers to bring with him, besides "Sam," for whom, arrangements had been previously made--no more could be brought that trip. At the appointed time, the passengers were at the disposal of the captain of the schooner which was to bring them out of Slavery into freedom. Fully aware of the dangerous consequences should he be detected, the captain, faithful to his promise, secreted them in the usual manner, and set sail northward. Instead of landing his passengers in Philadelphia, as was his intention, for some reason or other (the schooner may have been disabled), he landed them on the New Jersey coast, not a great distance from Cape Island. He directed them how to reach Philadelphia. Sam knew of friends in the city, and straightway used his ready pen to make known the distress of himself and partners in tribulation. In making their way in the direction of their destined haven, they reached Salem, New Jersey, where they were discovered to be strangers and fugitives, and were directed to Abigail Goodwin, a Quaker lady, an abolitionist, long noted for her devotion to the cause of freedom, and one of the most liberal and faithful friends of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia.

This friend's opportunities of witnessing fresh arrivals had been rare, and perhaps she had never before come in contact with a "chattel" so smart as "Sam." Consequently she was much embarrassed when she heard his story, especially when he talked of his experience as a "Dentist." She was inclined to suspect that he was a "shrewd impostor" that needed "watching" instead of aiding. But her humanity forbade a hasty decision on this point. She was soon persuaded to render him some assistance, notwithstanding her apprehensions. While tarrying a day or two in Salem, "Sam's" letter was received in Philadelphia. Friend Goodwin was written to in the meantime, by a member of the Committee, directly with a view of making inquires concerning the stray fugitives, and at the same time to inform her as to how they happened to be coming in the direction found by her. While the mind of the friend was much relieved by the letter she received, she was still in some doubt, as will be seen by the appended extract from a letter on the subject:

LETTER FROM A. GOODWIN.

SALEM, 3 mo., 25, '55.

DEAR FRIEND:--Thine of the 22d came to hand yesterday noon.

I do not believe that any of them are the ones thee wrote about,
who wanted Dr. Lundy to come for them, and promised they would
pay his expenses. They had no money, the minister said, but were
pretty well off for clothes. I gave him all I had and more, but
it seemed very little for four travelers--only a dollar for
each--but they will meet with friends and helpers on the way. He
said they expected to go away to-morrow. I am afraid, it's so
cold, and one of them had a sore foot, they will not get
away--it's dangerous staying here. There has been a slave-hunter
here lately, I was told yesterday, in search of a woman; he
tracked her to our Alms-house--she had lately been confined and
was not able to go--he will come back for her and his
infant--and will not wait long I expect. I want much to get her
away first--and if one had a C.C. Torney here no doubt it would
be done; but she will be well guarded. How much I wish the poor
thing could be secreted in some safe place till she is able to
travel Northward; but where that could be it's not easy to see.
I presume the Carolina freed people have arrived ere now. I hope
they will meet many friends, and be well provided for. Mary
Davis will be then paid--her cousins have sent her twenty-four
dollars, as it was not wanted for the purchase money--it was to
be kept for them when they arrive. I am glad thee did keep the
ten for the fugitives.

Samuel Nixon is now here, just come--a smart young man--they
will be after him soon. I advise him to hurry on to Canada; he
will leave here to-morrow, but don't say that he will go
straight to the city. I would send this by him if he did. I am
afraid he will loiter about and be taken--do make them go on
fast--he has left. I could not hear much he said--some who did
don't like him at all--think him an impostor--a great brag--said
he was a dentist ten years. He was asked where he came from, but
would not tell till he looked at the letter that lay on the
table and that he had just brought back. I don't feel much
confidence in him--don't believe he is the one thee alluded to.
He was asked his name--he looked at the letter to find it out.
Says nobody can make a better set of teeth than he can. He said
they will go on to-morrow in the stage--he took down the number
and street of the Anti-slavery office--you will be on your guard
against imposition--he kept the letter thee sent from Norfolk. I
had then no doubt of him, and had no objection to it. I now
rather regret it. I would send it to thee if I had it, but
perhaps it is of no importance.

He wanted the names taken down of nine more who expected to get
off soon and might come here. He told us to send them to him,
but did not seem to know where he was going to. He was well
dressed in fine broad-cloth coat and overcoat, and has a very
active tongue in his head.

But I have said enough--don't want to prejudice thee against
him, but only be on thy guard, and do not let him deceive thee,
as I fear he has some of us here.

With kind regards,

A. GOODWIN.

In due time Samuel and his companions reached Philadelphia, where a cordial welcome awaited them. The confusion and difficulties into which they had fallen, by having to travel an indirect route, were fully explained, and to the hearty merriment of the Committee and strangers, the dilemma of their good Quaker friend Goodwin at Salem was alluded to. After a sojourn of a day or two in Philadelphia, Samuel and his companions left for New Bedford. Canada was named to them as the safest place for all Refugees; but it was in vain to attempt to convince "Sam" that Canada or any other place on this Continent, was quite equal to New Bedford. His heart was there, and there he was resolved to go--and there he did go too, bearing with him his resolute mind, determined, if possible, to work his way up to an honorable position at his old trade, Dentistry, and that too for his own benefit.

Aided by the Committee, the journey was made safely to the desired haven, where many old friends from Norfolk were found. Here our hero was known by the name of Dr. Thomas Bayne--he was no longer "Sam." In a short time the Dr. commenced his profession in an humble way, while, at the same time, he deeply interested himself in his own improvement, as well as the improvement of others, especially those who had escaped from Slavery as he himself had. Then, too, as colored men were voters and, therefore, eligible to office in New Bedford, the Doctor's naturally ambitious and intelligent, turn of mind led him to take an interest in politics, and before he was a citizen of New Bedford four years, he was duly elected a member of the City Council. He was also an outspoken advocate of the cause of temperance, and was likewise a ready speaker at Anti-slavery meetings held by his race. Some idea of his abilities, and the interest he took in the Underground Rail Road, education, etc., may be gathered from the appended letters:

NEW BEDFORD, June 23d, 1855.

W. Still:--Sir--I write you this to inform you that I has
received my things and that you need not say any thing to Bagnul
about them--I see by the Paper that the under ground Rail Road
is in operation. Since 2 weeks a go when Saless Party was
betrayed by that Capt whom we in mass. are so anxious to Learn
his name--There was others started last Saturday night--They are
all my old friends and we are waiting their arrival, we hope you
will look out for them they may come by way of Salem, N.J. if
they be not overtaken. They are from Norfolk--Times are very
hard in Canada 2 of our old friends has left Canada and come to
Bedford for a living. Every thing are so high and wages so low
They cannot make a living (owing to the War) others are Expected
shortly--let me hear from Sales and his Party. Get the Name of
the Capt. that betrayed him let me know if Mrs. Goodwin of Salem
are at the same place yet--John Austin are with us. C. Lightfoot
is well and remembers you and family. My business increases more
since I has got an office. Send me a Norfolk Paper or any other
to read when convenient.

Let me hear from those People as soon as possible. They consist
of woman and child 2 or 3 men belonging to Marsh Bottimore, L.
Slosser and Herman & Co--and Turner--all of Norfolk, Va.

Truly yours,

THOS. BAYNE.

Direct to Box No. 516, New Bedford, Mass. Don't direct my
letters to my office. Direct them to my Box 516. My office is
66-1/2 William St. The same street the Post office is near the
city market.

The Doctor, feeling his educational deficiency in the enlightened city of New Bedford, did just what every uncultivated man should, devoted himself assiduously to study, and even applied himself to abstruse and hard subjects, medicine, etc., as the following letters will show:

NEW BEDFORD, Jan., 1860.

No. 22, Cheapside, opposite City Hall.

My Dear Friend:--Yours of the 3d inst. reached me safely in the
midst of my misfortune. I suppose you have learned that my
office and other buildings burned down during the recent fire.
My loss is $550, insured $350.

I would have written you before, but I have been to R.I. for
some time and soon after I returned before I examined the books,
the fire took place, and this accounts for my delay. In regard
to the books I am under many obligations to you and all others
for so great a piece of kindness, and shall ever feel indebted
to you for the same. I shall esteem them very highly for two
reasons, first, The way in which they come, that is through and
by your Vigilance as a colored man helping a colored man to get
such knowledge as will give the lie to our enemies.
Secondly--their contents being just the thing I needed at this
time. My indebtedness to you and all concerned for me in this
direction is inexpressible. There are some books the Doctor says
I must have, such as the Medical Dictionary, Physician's
Dictionary, and a work on Anatomy. These I will have to get, but
any work that may be of use to a student of anatomy or medicine
will be thankfully received. You shall hear from me again soon.

Truly Yours,

THOS. BAYNE.

NEW BEDFORD, March 18th, 1861.

Mr. Wm. Still:--Dear Sir--Dr. Powell called to see me and
informed me that you had a medical lexicon (Dictionary) for me.
If you have such a book for me, it will be very thankfully
received, and any other book that pertains to the medical or
dental profession. I am quite limited in means as yet and in
want of books to prosecute my studies. The books I need most at
present is such as treat on midwifery, anatomy, &c. But any book
or books in either of the above mentioned cases will be of use
to me. You can send them by Express, or by any friend that may
chance to come this way, but by Express will be the safest way
to send them. Times are quite dull. This leaves me well and hope
it may find you and family the same. My regards to your wife and
all others.

Yours, &c.,

THOMAS BAYNE,

22 Cheapside, opposite City Hall.

Thus the doctor continued to labor and improve his mind until the war removed the hideous institution of Slavery from the nation; but as soon as the way opened for his return to his old home, New Bedford no longer had sufficient attractions to retain him. With all her faults he conceived that "Old Virginia" offered decided inducements for his return. Accordingly he went directly to Norfolk, whence he escaped. Of course every thing was in the utmost confusion and disorder when he returned, save where the military held sway. So as soon as the time drew near for reorganizing, elections, &c., the doctor was found to be an aspirant for a seat in Congress, and in "running" for it, was found to be a very difficult candidate to beat. Indeed in the first reports of the election his name was amongst the elected; but subsequent counts proved him to be among the defeated by only a very slight majority.

At the time of the doctor's escape, in 1855, he was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and about as purely colored, as could readily be found, with a full share of self-esteem and pluck.

* * * * *

SUNDRY ARRIVALS

FROM LOUDON CO., VA., NORFOLK, BALTIMORE, MD., PETERSBURG, VA., &C., ABOUT THE MONTH OF JUNE, 1855. Arrival 1st. David Bennett and family. Arrival 2d. Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and Henry Stewart. Arrival 3d. William Nelson and wife, William Thomas, Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper. Arrival 4th. Maria Joiner. Arrival 5th. Richard Green and his brother George. Arrival 6th. Henry Cromwell. Arrival 7th. Henry Bohm. Arrival 8th. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, Henry Hodges. Arrival 9th. Robert Jones and wife.

The first arrival to be here noticed consisted of David Bennett, and his wife Martha, with their two children, a little boy named George, and a nameless babe one month old. This family journeyed from Loudon county, Va. David, the husband, had been in bonds under Captain James Taylor. Martha, the wife, and her two children were owned by George Carter. Martha's master was represented as a very barbarous and cruel man to the slaves. He made a common practice of flogging females when stripped naked. This was the emphatic testimony of Martha. Martha declared that she had been so stripped, and flogged by him after her marriage. The story of this interesting young mother, who was about twenty-seven years of age, was painful to the ear, particularly as the earnestness and intelligence of this poor, bruised, and mangled soul bore such strong evidence to the truthfulness of her statements. During the painful interview the mind would involuntarily picture this demon, only as the representative of thousands in the South using the same relentless sway over men and women; and this fleeing victim and her little ones, before escaping, only as sharers of a common lot with many other mothers and children, whose backs were daily subjected to the lash. If on such an occasion it was hard to find fitting words of sympathy, or adequate expressions of indignation, the pleasure of being permitted to give aid and comfort to such was in part a compensation and a relief. David, the husband of this woman, was about thirty-two years of age. No further notice was made of him.

Arrival No. 2 consisted of Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and Henry Stewart. Henry left Norfolk and a "very mild master," known by the name of "Seth March," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal institution. Directly after speaking of his master in such flattering terms he qualified the "mild," &c. by adding that he was excessively close in money matters. In proof of this assertion, Henry declared, that out of his hire he was only allowed $1.50 per week to pay his board, clothe himself, and defray all other expenses; leaving no room whatever for him to provide for his wife. It was, therefore, a never-failing source of unhappiness to be thus debarred, and it was wholly on this account that he "took out," as he did, and at the time that he did. His wife's name was "Sally." She too was a slave, but "had not been treated roughly."

For fifty long years Henry had been in the grasp of this merciless system--constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them comfortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical. To say that he was like a bird out of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of his delight in escaping from the prison house. And yet, his pleasure was sadly marred by the reflection that his bosom companion was still in bondage in the gloomy prison-house. Henry was a man of dark color, well made, and of a reflective turn of mind. On arriving in Canada, he manifested his gratitude through Rev. H. Wilson, as follows--

ST. CATHARINES, Aug. 20th, 1855.

DEAR BR. STILL:--I am requested by Henry Washington to inform
you that he got through safe, and is here in good business. He
returns to you his sincere thanks for your attention to him on
his way. I had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last
week. Send them on, and may God speed them in the flight. I
would like to have a miracle-working power, that I could give
wings to them all so that they could come faster than by
Railroads either underground or above.

Yours truly,

HIRAM WILSON.

While he was thus hopefully succeeding in Canada, separated from his companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates--

ST. CATHARINES, C.W. Nov. 12, 1855.

MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_:--I have received a letter from
Joseph G. Selden a friend in Norfolk, Va., informing me of the
death of my wife, who deceased since I saw you here; he also
informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by Jupiter
White, who now has it in his charge. You will therefore do me a
great favor, if you will be so good as to forward them to me at
this place St. Catharines, C.W.

The accompanying letter is the one received from Mr. Selden
which I send you, that you may see that it is all right. You
will please give my respects to Mrs. Still and family. Most
respectfully yours,

HENRY WASHINGTON.

Henry Stewart, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to Canada, had fled a short while before from Plymouth, North Carolina. James Monroe Woodhouse, a farmer, claimed Stewart as his property, and "hired him out" for $180 per annum. As a master, Woodhouse was considered to be of the "moderate" type, according to Stewart's judgment. But respecting money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), "he was very hard. He did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money upon any consideration."

It was by procuring a pass to Norfolk, that Henry managed to escape. Although a father and a husband, having a wife (Martha) and two children (Mary Ann and Susan Jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly debarred him from discharging his duty to them; that he could exercise no rights or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission from his master. In the matter of separation, even although the ties of husband and wife, parents and children were most closely knit, his reason dictated that he would be justified in freeing himself if possible; indeed, he could not endure the pressure of Slavery any longer. Although only twenty-three years of age, the burdens that he had been called upon to bear, made his naturally intelligent mind chafe to an unusual degree, especially when reflecting upon a continued life of Slavery. When the time decided upon for his flight arrived, he said nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and took his departure for Norfolk. On arriving there, he sought out an Underground Rail Road captain, and arranged with him to bring him to Philadelphia. Whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her husband, or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to say. It is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning the missing one. Indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that thousands of anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been scattered in every direction by Slavery, will never be able to learn as much of their lost ones as is contained in this brief account of Henry Stewart.

Arrival No. 3, brought William Nelson, his wife, Susan, and son, William Thomas, together with Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper. These travelers availed themselves of the schooner of Captain B. who allowed them to embark at Norfolk, despite the search laws of Virginia. It hardly need be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade the law. Captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it required more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and determination, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of liberty, without which, there could be no success. The simple announcement then, that a party of this number had arrived from Norfolk, or Richmond, or Petersburg, gave the Committee unusual satisfaction. It made them quite sure that there was pluck and brain somewhere.

These individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the qualities that greatly encouraged the efforts of the Committee. William Nelson, was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than an ordinary degree of what might be termed "mother wit." Apparently, William possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of morals and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and spurious religious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery usages all around him. He was a member of the Methodist Church, under the charge of the Rev. Mr. Jones. For twenty years, William had served in the capacity of a "packer" under Messrs. Turner and White, who held a deed for William as their legal property. While he declared that he had been very "tightly worked" he nevertheless admitted that he had been dealt with in a mild manner in some respects.

For his board and clothing, William had been allowed $1.50 per week. Truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family--yet this was far more than many slaves received from their masters. In view of receiving this small pittance, he had toiled hard--doing over-work in order to make "buckle and strap meet." Once he had been sold on the auction-block. A sister of his had also shared the same fate. While seriously contemplating his life as a slave, he was soon led to the conclusion that it was his duty to bend his entire energies towards freeing himself and his family if possible. The idea of not being able to properly provide for his family rendered him quite unhappy; he therefore resolved to seek a passage North, via the Underground Rail Road. To any captain who would aid him in the matter, he resolved to offer a large reward, and determined that the amount should only be limited by his inability to increase it. Finally, after much anxious preparation, agreement was entered into with Captain B., on behalf of himself, wife, child, and Louisa Bell, which was mutually satisfactory to all concerned, and afforded great hope to William. In due time the agreement was carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were delivered into the hands of the Committee in Philadelphia. The fare of the four cost $240, and William was only too grateful to think, that a Captain could be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a slave to freedom.

The Committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with William that the Captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance. The arrival of William, wife, and child in Canada was duly announced by the agent at St. Catharines, Rev. H. Wilson, as follows:

ST. CATHARINES, C.W., June 28th, 1855.

MR. WM. STILL:--_My Dear Friend_:--I am happy to announce the
safe arrival of Thomas Russell with his wife and child. They
have just arrived. I am much pleased with their appearance. I
shall do what I can for their comfort and encouragement. They
stopt at Elmira from Monday night till this morning, hoping that
Lucy Bell would come up and join them at that place. They are
very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of meeting
with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them. They
wish to hear from you as soon as you can write, and would like
to know if you have forwarded Lucy on, and if so, what route you
sent her. They send their kind respects to you and your family
and many thanks for your kindness to them.

They wish you to inquire after Lucy if any harm has befallen her
after her leaving Philadelphia. Please write promptly in my
care.

Yours truly in the love of freedom,

HIRAM WILSON.

The man who came to us as Wm. Nelson, is now known only as "Thomas Russell." It may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom the letters severally refer. Where the old and new names were both carefully entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it was not always thus.

Susan Bell, the wife of William, was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and intelligent--quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his affections undividedly. She was owned by Thomas Baltimore, with whom she had lived for the last seven years. She stated that during a part of her life she had been treated in a "mild manner." She had no complaint to make until after the marriage of her master. Under the new wife and mistress, Susan found a very marked change for the worse. She fared badly enough then. The mistress, on every trifling occasion for complaint, was disposed to hold the auction-block up to Susan, and would likewise influence her husband to do the same. From the fact, that four of Susan's sisters had been sold away to "parts unknown," she was not prepared to relish these almost daily threats from her irritable mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on the Underground Rail Road as was her husband.

About one hundred miles away in the country, her father, mother, three brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not remain a slave on their account. Susan's owner had already fixed a price on her and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand dollars. From this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to seek her freedom.

Louisa Bell was also of Wm. Nelson's party, and a fair specimen of a nice-looking, wide awake woman; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years of age. She was the wife of a free man, but the slave of L. Stasson, a confectioner. The almost constant ringing in her ears of the auction-block, made her most miserable, especially as she had once suffered terribly by being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and five sisters placed in the same unhappy situation, the thought of which never ceased to be most painful. In reflecting upon the course which she was about to pursue in order to free herself from the prison-house, she felt more keenly than ever for her little children, and readily imagined how sadly she would mourn while thinking of them hundreds of miles distant, growing up only to be slaves. And particularly would her thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age; full old enough to feel deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of ever seeing her again.

Heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave Robert and Mary in the hands of God, and escape, if possible from her terrible thraldom. Her plan was submitted to her husband; he acquiesced fully and promised to follow her as soon as an opportunity might present itself. Although the ordeal that she was called upon to pass through was of the most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to Canada. On her arrival there the Rev. H. Wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and the cause as follows:

ST. CATHERINES, C.W. July 6th, 1855.