Chapter XXXV: Part 35

As we prepare this little sheet, a kind letter has come in from
Stephen Bourne, for many years a stipendiary magistrate in
Jamaica, and now the ardent promoter of a cotton-growing company
of that island. He says to us, when writing from London, on the
19th inst., "Our scheme embraces more than meets the eye, and to
illustrate this, I send a map (with prospectus) of the proposed
estate, by which you will see that we reckon on obtaining cotton
by free labor and by mechanical agency from Jamaica, at a price
so far below that at which it can be produced by slave labor,
that if we succeed, we shall put an end to the whole system, as
no one will be able to afford to carry it on in competition with
free labor." * * * "Jamaica is much nearer and easier of
access for fugitives from Cuba and Porto Rico, than Canada is to
Georgia, Virginia, or Louisiana. If, therefore, we can offer
them an asylum and profitable employment on the estate, we shall
open up a new Underground Rail Road, or rather enable the slaves
to escape from Cuba by getting into a boat, and in one night
finding their way to freedom." * * * "There is no doubt they
could do this at much less risk than slaves now incur, in order
to obtain liberty in America."

The proposed estate in Jamaica consists of about one thousand
acres, and the shares in this company are £10 each, £1 only to
be called up immediately, the rest by instalments. The liability
is limited. Full information may be obtained by addressing
Stephen Bourne, Esq., 55 Charing Cross, London, or the Secretary
of the "Jamaica Cotton-growing Company," C. W. Streatfield, Esq.
We rejoice to see that this new company is being supported not
only by benevolent philanthropists and capitalists in London,
but by experienced Manchester manufacturers; among the rest by
the excellent Thomas Clegg, so well known for his persevering
efforts in West Africa, and by Thomas Bazley, M.P. for
Manchester, and a most extensive cotton spinner. Their mills
would alone, consume the cotton grown on three such estates as
that which it is proposed to cultivate. There is abundant room,
therefore, for cultivation of cotton by the emancipated
freeholders.

Communications have also reached us from Demerara. Charles
Rattray, a valuable Scotch missionary in that colony, was in
England last spring, and went back to his adopted country with
his mind full fraught with the importance of cotton growing
within its borders. He happened to have small samples of
Demerara cotton with him. These were shown to cotton-brokers and
manufacturers in Liverpool and Manchester, and were pronounced
to be most excellent--so much so, that specimen gins and a
supply of cotton-seed were kindly presented to him at the latter
place, before he left England. Mr. Rattray is now bringing the
subject before his people, and is also intending to plant with
cotton some ground belonging to the Mission station.

But we will not further enlarge. Commending our cause to Him,
who has promised never to forget the poor and needy, and that in
His own good time He will arise for their deliverance and "break
every yoke."

I remain, sincerely and respectfully, your friend,

Anna H. Richardson.

_54 Westmoreland Terrace_, _Newcastle-on-Tyne, 9 mo., 22, 1860._

P.S. Since writing the above, we have seen it stated in the
_Principia,_ a New York paper, that William S. Bailey has been
arrested on a charge of publishing an incendiary paper, and held
to bail in the sum of $1,000, to appear before the Circuit
Court, in November next. It is further stated that one of the
two magistrates by whom W.S. Bailey was examined, and held to
bail on this charge, was the chosen leader of the mob that
destroyed his type and printing press.

We have yet to see what will be the end of this cruel conflict.
Let us not desert our suffering friend and his noble-hearted
family.

LETTERS TO THE WRITER.

WESTMORELAND TERRACE, December 28, 1860.

MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:--I received thy touching letter of the 10th
inst. a few days since, and hasten to assure thee of our
heart-felt sympathy, and most lively interest in the present
tremendous state of things around you. At the same time, I
cannot tell thee how glad and thankful we feel, that with God's
help thou art determined to persevere and not in any way flinch
in this day of sore trial. "Be thou faithful unto death, and I
will give thee a crown of life." "Be strong, fear not." "In the
fear of the Lord is strong confidence; and his children shall
have a place of refuge." One thing, too, is sure, "that all
things will work together for the good" of those who love their
Lord, that He will never, never forsake them whatever their
outward trials may be.

I think, dear friend, thou shouldst be careful not to be about
alone, particularly in the evening. We heard from W.S. Bailey
the other day, and he spoke of the advantage of several kind
friends sticking close to him under recent circumstances at
Alexandria, when he was exposed to the spite and rage of
slave-holding bullies. Would it not be well to make a habit, in
the evening in particular, of you, who are marked men, going
about in little companies? Wicked men are generally cowards; and
I think would hesitate more to do a bad act in the presence of
observers. I think thou wouldst receive a little letter from me
a day or two after thine was written, through our friend Saml.
Rhoads, enclosing £7 for the fugitives, £5 for thy own use, and
£2 for the Vigilance Committee. This letter of mine was sent off
about the 24th ult., but I conclude was not delivered till just
after thine was written. It is well to keep us fully informed of
your circumstances, whether favorable or more appalling. I do
not intend to put anything of a private character into print;
but private confidence is the creed in England, and thou needst
not fear my abusing it. I enclose the only paper that we have
printed that thou mayest see there was nothing to fear. Thou
wilt observe there is no reference either to thy own name or to
Philadelphia, and people here are not very familiar with
American topography. I am sending W.S. Bailey one of the same
papers by to-day's mail. We have merely a limited number of them
printed. I cannot very well obtain money from my friends, (with
numerous home claims constantly pressing on them), without
having something to show. Some fugitives are now beginning to
reach England. A gentleman in London wrote to me, a day or two
ago, to know if we could find a berth for a fine fellow, who had
just applied to him. He had arrived by steamer from New York,
after residing there for three years. A policeman, in the
street, good-naturedly whispered to him his own name, and then
that of his masters. He was sure that peril was at hand, and
that, having been branded for escaping before, he should be
whipped to death if taken again, so he packed up his little
wardrobe and embarked for England immediately.

Another poor fellow is in this town, recently from Charleston,
whence he escaped, among some cotton bales to Greenock. He is
getting fair wages in a saw-yard, and likes England very well,
if it were not for the thought of his poor wife and children
still in Slavery. We invited him, the other day to a
working-men's tea party, where I had been asked to make tea for
them; and he gave us quite an able account of his travels. The
men kindly invited him to join their "Benefit Club," and told
him they would like to have "a colored brother" amongst them.

Art thou not thinking, dear friend, of asking your people to
emigrate to the African Coast, or the West India Islands? Two
gentlemen in London are writing most warmly about this. I wrote
Mr. Fitzgerald's address on the enclosed paper. Instead of being
colonizationists, in the objectionable sense, he and Mrs. Bowen
are burning with love to your people, and are fervently desirous
of doing them all the good they can. I cannot see why little
united parties should not promptly emigrate under the wing of
these gentlemen. Assure those who think and feel with thee, dear
friend, and are nobly determined to suffer rather than to sin,
that according to our very small ability we will not desert them
in their hour of trial and danger. We commend them to Him who
can do for them a thousand times more, and better than we can
either ask or think. With our united kindest remembrance,

sincerely,

Anna H. Richardson.

Westmoreland Terrace, Newcastle-On-Tyne, March 16,1860.

We have lately read the life of thy brother and sister (Peter
and Vina Still), dear friend, with the deepest interest. It is a
most touching and beautiful book, and we think should be either
reprinted in England or sent over here very largely. My husband
and I are hardly acquainted with a volume more calculated to
stir up the British mind on the subject of Slavery. Great
Britain is just now getting really warm on the Anti-slavery
subject, and is longing to shake herself from being so dependent
as hitherto, on slave produce. Why, Oh! why should not the
expatriated blacks go to free countries and grow produce for
themselves and for everybody who requires it? Why not, in time,
become "merchants and princes," in those countries? I am told
(as a secret) that this subject is likely, ere long, to be taken
up in high quarters in England. We are feeling hopeful, dear
friends, about thy crushed and persecuted people, for surely God
is working for them by ways and means that we know not. I have
been careful to keep it to private circles, but thy valuable
letter of last July, has been read by many with the deepest
interest. A dear young lady from Dublin is by my side, and has
but this minute returned it to me. It is but a little, but I
have gathered £4 by its perusal here and there. I am not able to
forward so small a sum in this letter, but some way wish to send
£2 of this amount for thy own use, and the other £2 to your
Vigilance Committee. It so happens that we have not anything for
the better from our own Anti-slavery Association this year. Very
sincerely thy friend, my dear husband uniting in kind regards,

Anna H. Richardson.

WOOD HOUSE, near NEWCASTLE, May 3, 1860. [An occasional rural
residence of ours, five miles from home.]

To William Still:--I have again to thank thee, dear friend, for
a kind letter and for the perusal of three letters from thy
fugitive friends. It must be truly cheering to receive such, and
their warm and affectionate gratitude must be as rich reward for
many anxieties. I conclude that it is not necessary for those
letters to be returned, but should it be so, let me know, and I
will be on the lookout for some private opportunity of returning
them to Philadelphia. Such occur now and then. We like to see
such letters. They assist us to realize the condition of these
poor wanderers. I am sorry for not having explained myself
distinctly in my last. The promised £4 were _for the fugitives_,
being gathered from various Christian friends, who gave it me
for their particular use. But we wished half of that sum to be
laid out (as on a previous occasion), at thy own discretion,
irrespective of the Vigilance Committee. I have now another £1
to add to the latter half, and would gladly have enclosed a £5
note in this envelope, but we are rather afraid of sending the
actual money in letters, and our London bankers do not like to
remit small sums. I shall continue to watch for the first
opportunity of forwarding the above.

Our valued friend, Samuel Rhoads, has been lately in heavy
sorrow. I send this through his medium, but fear to add more
lest I should make his letter too heavy. With our united kind
regards, very truly, thy friend,

Anna H. Richardson.

54, Westmoreland Terrace, June 8, 1860.

Dear Friend:--William Still:--It is a good plan to send me these
interesting communications. The letter to your coadjutor at
Elmira, reached us a few days since. That depot must not be
allowed to go down if it be possible for this to be prevented.
Perhaps J.W. Jones might be encouraged by a gift from England,
that is, by a little aid from this country, expressly for the
fugitives, being put into his hands. If you think so, I am sure
my friends would approve of this, and you can use your own
discretion in giving him our gifts in one sum or by detached
remittances. The greatest part of the money on hand, has come in
from the private perusal of thy interesting letters, and my
friends simply gave my husband and me their money for the
fugitives, leaving the exact disposal of it to our own
discretion. It has struck me of late, that if I may be allowed
to print occasional extracts from thy letters (with other
Anti-slavery information), it would greatly facilitate the
obtaining of pecuniary aid. As it is, I can lend a private
letter to a trustworthy friend, but if by any chance, this
letter got lost, it would be awkward, and it is also impossible,
of course, to lend the original in two quarters at once. Then,
again, the mechanical trouble of making copies of letters, is
not convenient; much sedentary employment does not suit my
health, and I cannot manage it. I have been thinking of late,
that if my friends in various parts of the country, could be
supplied with a small quarto, an occasional printed paper, for
private circulation, it would save a great deal of trouble, and
probably bring in considerable aid. My husband and I have long
been accustomed to preparing tracts and small periodicals for
the press, so that I think we know exactly what ought to be made
public and what not. If thou likest to give me this
discretionary power, do so, and I will endeavor to exercise it
wisely, and in a way that I feel almost certain would be in
accordance with thy wishes.

The sum now remitted through our friend, Samuel Rhoads, is £8
(eight pounds). Of this, we should like £3 to be placed at thy
own discretion, for the benefit of the fugitives, £3 (if you
approve it) in a similar way, to be handed to J.W. Jones, and £2
as formerly, to be handed to the Philadelphia Vigilance
Committee. The latter is not, however, as in past times, from
the Newcastle Anti-slavery Society, for, I am sorry to say, it
is not a sufficiently pains-taking and executive little body,
but more apt to work by fits and starts, but from our private
friends, who kindly place their money in our hands as their
Anti-slavery stewards. My friend S.R. will therefore kindly hand
for us: £3 for William Still, for fugitives; £3 for J.W. Jones,
for fugitives; £2 for Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, for
fugitives. Total £8.

We are very sorry for thee to have to incur so much persecution.
Be of good cheer, the right will eventually triumph, if not in
this world, in that day, when all shall be eventually righted on
our Lord's right hand. Oh, for ability in the meantime, to love
Him, trust Him, confide in Him implicitly!

Many thanks for the "Anti-slavery Standards." No one in this
town, takes them in, consequently we only see them occasionally.
Do any tidings reach you of our friend, Frederick Douglass? We
heard from him from Portland, but are anxiously looking for
another letter. He always spoke of thee, my friend, very kindly,
and one day, when some money had been given to him for
fugitives, said: "You shall have part of this if you like, for
William Still," but I said, "No, I will try and get some
elsewhere for him." Douglass left us in April, after losing his
little Annie, but wished his visit to be kept private, and hoped
to be able to return to England in August. My husband and I
agree with F.D. in political matters. We are not disunionists,
but want to mend your corrupted government. With kind regards,
sincerely thy friend, A.H.R.

We are well acquainted with William and Ellen Craft. They have
just sent us their little book.

NEWCASTLE, 5th mo., 2,1861.

W. STILL:--DEAR FRIEND:--That poor fellow, who was so long
secreted, had been often in my thoughts, when laying this case
of the fugitives before our friends. I should like thee to feel
at liberty to replace the remainder of the twenty-five dollars
from the accompanying ten pounds, which I have much pleasure in
forwarding, but think it better to mention, that it may perhaps
be the last remittance for some little time from this quarter,
as I do not at present see any immediate opening for getting
more. Our worthy friend, W.S. Bailey, has lately been here, and
Dr. Cheever and W.H. Day, are expected in a week or two. From
London too, there are very earnest appeals to assist the
"African Anti-slavery Society." Thank thee for the newspapers
and thy last kind note. I think thou rather overrates my little
services. What a crisis is coming! O, what will the end be? With
our united best wishes, thy sincere friend,

ANNA H. RICHARDSON.

£7 of this money is from some personally unknown friend at
Lancaster; £5 from two nice little children of my acquaintance.

54 WESTMORELAND TERRACE,

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Oct. 10, 1862.

I have pleasure, dear friend, in sending you £5 for your
"contrabands," in response to your last letter of the 17th ult.
It is not much, but may be a little help. It will be forwarded
by our valued and mutual friend, H.H. Garnet, to whom I am
sending a remittance for his "contrabands," by the same mail.

We shall be interested in any particulars you may like to send
us, of these poor creatures, but at the same time, I dare not
hold out any hopes of considerable assistance from England, for
our own manufacturing districts are in a starving state, from
the absence of the accustomed supply of cotton, and till this
has been grown in other quarters, they will continue to have a
strong claim on every thoughtful mind. Some of us would rather
work with your colored people _in your own cause_, than with any
one else, for we _do not like the war_, and do not at all
approve of "the American churches" committing themselves to it
so fearfully. If your President had but taken the step at first,
he is taking now, what rivers of blood might have been stayed!
It is remarkable, how you, as a people, have been preserved to
each other, without having your own hands stained with blood.
But as to expatriation, the very thought of it is foolish. You
have been brought to America, not emigrated to it, and who on
earth has any possible right to send you away? Some of us are
almost as much displeased with the North, for talking of this,
as with the South for holding you in Slavery. What can we say to
you, but "watch and pray," "hope and wait," and surely, in His
own good time, the Most High will make you a pathway out of
trouble. We are delighted to hear of the good behaviour of your
people, wherever they have a fair chance of acting (on the
borders), as upright men and Christians.

Very sincerely, your friend,

To WILLIAM STILL. ANNA H. RICHARDSON.

WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857.

SHE WAS SPEECHLESS.

In the winter of 1857 a young woman, who had just turned her majority, was boxed up in Baltimore by one who stood to her in the relation of a companion, a young man, who had the box conveyed as freight to the depot in Baltimore, consigned to Philadelphia. Nearly all one night it remained at the depot with the living agony in it, and after being turned upside down more than once, the next day about ten o'clock it reached Philadelphia. Her companion coming on in advance of the box, arranged with a hackman, George Custus, to attend to having it brought from the depot to a designated house, Mrs. Myers', 412 S. 7th street, where the resurrection was to take place.

Custus, without knowing exactly what the box contained, but suspecting from the apparent anxiety and instructions of the young man who engaged him to go after it, that it was of great importance, while the freight car still remained on the street, demanded it of the freight agent, not willing to wait the usual time for the delivery of freight. At first the freight agent declined delivering under such circumstances. The hackman insisted by saying that he wished to despatch it in great haste, said it is all right, you know me, I have been coming here for many years every day, and will be responsible for it. The freight-master told him to "take it and go ahead with it." No sooner said than done. It was placed in a one horse wagon at the instance of Custus, and driven to Seventh and Minster streets.

The secret had been intrusted to Mrs. M. by the young companion of the woman. A feeling of horror came over the aged woman, who had been thus suddenly entrusted with such responsibility. A few doors from her lived an old friend of the same religious faith with herself, well known as a brave woman, and a friend of the slave, Mrs. Ash, the undertaker or shrouder, whom every body knew among the colored people. Mrs. Myers felt that it would not be wise to move in the matter of this resurrection without the presence of the undertaker. Accordingly, she called Mrs. Ash in. Even her own family was excluded from witnessing the scene. The two aged women chose to be alone in that fearful moment, shuddering at the thought that a corpse might meet their gaze instead of a living creature. However, they mustered courage and pried off the lid. A woman was discovered in the straw but no sign of life was perceptible. Their fears seemed fulfilled. "Surely she is dead," thought the witnesses.

"Get up, my child," spake one of the women. With scarcely life enough to move the straw covering, she, nevertheless, did now show signs of life, but to a very faint degree. She could not speak, but being assisted arose. She was straightway aided up stairs, not yet uttering a word. After a short while she said, "I feel so deadly weak." She was then asked if she would not have some water or nourishment, which she declined. Before a great while, however, she was prevailed upon to take a cup of tea. She then went to bed, and there remained all day, speaking but a very little during that time. The second day she gained strength and was able to talk much better, but not with ease. The third day she began to come to herself and talk quite freely. She tried to describe her sufferings and fears while in the box, but in vain. In the midst of her severest agonies her chief fear was, that she would be discovered and carried back to Slavery. She had a pair of scissors with her, and in order to procure fresh air she had made a hole in the box, but it was very slight. How she ever managed to breathe and maintain her existence, being in the condition of becoming a mother, it was hard to comprehend. In this instance the utmost endurance was put to the test. She was obviously nearer death than Henry Box Brown, or any of the other box or chest cases that ever came under the notice of the Committee.

In Baltimore she belonged to a wealthy and fashionable family, and had been a seamstress and ladies' servant generally. On one occasion when sent of an errand for certain articles in order to complete arrangements for the Grand Opening Ball at the Academy of Music, she took occasion not to return, but was among the missing. Great search was made, and a large reward offered, but all to no purpose. A free colored woman, who washed for the family, was suspected of knowing something of her going, but they failing to get aught out of her, she was discharged.

Soon after the arrival of this traveler at Mrs. Myers' the Committee was sent for and learned the facts as above stated. After spending some three or four days in Mrs. Myers' family she remained in the writer's family about the same length of time, and was then forwarded to Canada.

Mrs. Myers was originally from Baltimore, and had frequently been in the habit of receiving Underground Rail Road passengers; she had always found Thomas Shipley, the faithful philanthropist, a present help in time of need. The young man well knew Mrs. Myers would act with prudence in taking his companion to her house.

George Custus, the hackman, a colored man, was cool, sensible, and reliable in the discharge of his duty, as were the other parties, therefore every thing was well managed.

With this interesting case our narratives end, except such facts of a like kind as may be connected with some of the sketches of stockholders. A large number on the record book must be omitted. This is partly owing to the fact that during the first few years of our connection with the Underground Rail Road, so little was written out in the way of narratives, that would hardly be of sufficient interest to publish; and partly from the fact that, although there are exceptional cases even among those so omitted, that would be equally as interesting as many which have been inserted, time and space will not admit of further encroachment. If in any way we have erred in the task of furnishing facts and important information touching the Underground Rail Road, it has not been in overstating the sufferings, trials, perils, and marvellous escapes of those described, but on the contrary. In many instances after hearing the most painful narratives we had neither time nor inclination to write them out, except in the briefest manner, simply sufficient to identify parties, which we did, not dreaming that the dark cloud of Slavery was so soon to give way to the bright sunlight of Freedom.

ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.

MEETING TO FORM A VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.

As has already been intimated, others besides the Committee were deeply interested in The Road; indeed, the little aid actually rendered by the Committee, was comparatively insignificant, compared with the aid rendered by some who were not nominally members. To this latter class of friends, it seems meet that we should particularly allude. Before doing so, however, simple justice to all concerned, dictates that we should here copy the official proceedings of the first meeting and organization of the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee as it existed until the very day that the ever to be remembered Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, rendered the services of the organization and road no longer necessary. It reads as follows:

"PENNSYLVANIA FREEMAN," December 9, 1852.

Pursuant to the motion published in last week's "Freeman," a
meeting was held in the Anti-slavery rooms, on the evening of
the 2d inst., for the purpose of organizing a Vigilance
Committee.

On motion Samuel Nickless was appointed chairman, and William
Still secretary. J.M. McKim then stated at some length, the
object of the meeting. He said, that the friends of the fugitive
slave had been for some years past, embarrassed, for the want of
a properly constructed active, Vigilance Committee; that the old
Committee, which used to render effective service in this field
of Anti-slavery labor, had become disorganized and scattered,
and that for the last two or three years, the duties of this
department had been performed by individuals on their own
responsibility, and sometimes in a very irregular manner; that
this had been the cause of much dissatisfaction and complaint,
and that the necessity for a remedy of this state of things was
generally felt. Hence, the call for this meeting. It was
intended now to organize a committee, which should be composed
of persons of known responsibility, and who could be relied upon
to act systematically and promptly, and with the least possible
expenditure of money in all cases that might require their
attention.

James Mott and Samuel Nickless, expressed their hearty
concurrence in what had been said, as did also B.N. Goines and
N.W. Depee. The opinion was also expressed by one or more of
these gentlemen, that the organization to be formed should be of
the simplest possible character; with no more machinery or
officers than might be necessary to hold it together and keep it
in proper working order. After some discussion, it was agreed
first to form a general committee, with a chairman, whose
business it should be to call meetings when necessity should
seem to require it, and to preside at the same; and a treasurer
to take charge of the funds; and second, to appoint out of this
general committee, an acting committee of four persons, who
should have the responsibility of attending to every case that
might require their aid, as well as the exclusive authority to
raise the funds necessary for their purpose. It was further
agreed that it should be the duty of the chairman of the Acting
Committee to keep a record of all their doings, and especially
of the money received and expended on behalf of every case
claiming their interposition.

The following persons were appointed on the General Vigilance
Committee:

GENERAL VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.

Robert Purvis,
William Still,

Charles H. Bustill,
P. Williamson,

Samuel Nickless,
B.N. Goines,

Morris Hall,
J.M. M'Kim,

Nathaniel Depee,
Isaiah O. Wears,

Charles Wise,
John D. Oliver,

Jacob C. White,
Prof. C.L. Reason,

Cyrus Whitson,
Henry Gordon,

J. Asher,
W.H. Riley,

J.P. Burr,

Robert Purvis was understood to be Chairman of the General
Committee, having been nominated at the head of the list, and
Charles Wise was appointed treasurer. The Acting Committee was
thus constituted:

William Still, chairman, N.W. Depee, Passmore Williamson, J.C.
White. This Committee was appointed for the term of one year.

On motion, the proceedings of this meeting were ordered to be
published in the "Pennsylvania Freeman."

(Adjourned.)

William Still, Secretary. Samuel Nickless, Chairman.

The Committee having been thus organized, J.M. McKim, corresponding secretary and general agent of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, issued the subjoined notice, which was published shortly afterwards in the "Pennsylvania Freeman," and the colored churches throughout the city:

"We are pleased to see that we have at last, what has for some
time been felt to be a desideratum in Philadelphia, a
responsible and duly authorized Vigilance Committee. The duties
of this department of Anti-slavery labor, have, for want of such
an organization, been performed in a very loose and unsystematic
manner. The names of the persons constituting the Acting
Committee, are a guarantee that this will not be the case
hereafter. They are--

William Still (Chairman), 31 North Fifth Street,

Nathaniel W. Depee, 334 South Street,

Jacob C. White, 100 Old York Road, and

Passmore Williamson, southwest cor. Seventh and Arch Streets.

We respectfully commend these gentlemen, and the cause in which
they are engaged, to the confidence and co-operation of all the
friends of the hunted fugitive. Any funds contributed to either
of them, or placed in the hands of their Treasurer, Charles
Wise, corner of Fifth and Market Streets, will be sure of a
faithful and judicious appropriation."

PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES.

ESTHER MOORE.

For many years no-woman living in Philadelphia was better known to the colored people of the city generally, than Esther Moore. No woman, white or colored, living in Philadelphia for the same number of years, left her home oftener, especially to seek out and aid the weary travelers escaping from bondage, than did this philanthropist. It is hardly too much to say that with her own hand she administered to hundreds. She begged of the Committee, as a special favor, that she might be duly notified of every fugitive reaching Philadelphia, and actually felt hurt if from any cause whatever this request was not complied with. For it was her delight to see the fugitives individually, take them by the hand and warmly welcome them to freedom. She literally wept with those who wept, while in tones of peculiar love, sincerity, and firmness, she lauded them for their noble daring, and freely expressed her entire sympathy with them, and likewise with all in the prison-house. She condemned Slavery in all its phases, as a "monster to be loathed as the enemy of God and man."

Often after listening attentively for hours together to recitals of a very harrowing nature, especially from females, her mind would seem to be filled with the sufferings of the slave and it was hard for her to withdraw from them even when they were on the eve of taking up their march for a more distant station; and she never thought of parting with them without showing her faith by her works putting a "gold dollar" in the hand of each passenger, as she knew that it was not in the power of the Committee to do much more than defray their expenses to the next station, to New York sometimes, to Elmira at other times, and now and then clear through to Canada. She desired that they should have at least one dollar to fall back upon, independent of the Committee's aid. This magnanimous rule of giving the gold dollar was adopted by her shortly after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, which daily vexed her righteous soul, and was kept up as long as she was able to leave her house, which was within a short time of her death.

Not only did Esther Moore manifest such marked interest in the fugitive but she likewise took an abiding interest in visiting the colored people in their religious meetings, schools, and societies, and whenever the way opened and the Spirit moved her she would take occasion to address them in the most affectionate manner, in regard to their present and future welfare, choosing for her theme the subjects of temperance, education, and slavery. Nor did she mean that her labors in the interest of the oppressed should cease with her earthly existence, as the following extracts from her last will and testament will prove:

2d Item. I give and bequeath to my executors, hereinafter named,
the sum of Twelve hundred dollars, in trust to invest in ground
rent, or City of Philadelphia Loans at their disposal or
discretion to pay the interest or income arising therefrom
annually. To be applied, the interest of the Twelve hundred
dollars above mentioned, for educational purposes alone, for
children of both sexes of color, in Canada, apart from all
sectarian or traditional dogmas, which is the only hope for the
rising generation. The application of this money is intended to
remain perpetual.

7th Item. I give and bequeath to my executors the sum of one
hundred dollars, to be expended by them in educating and
assisting to clothe Phaeton and Pliny J. Lock, the sons of
Ishmael Lock, deceased, and Matilda Lock (his wife). My will is
that it shall be given out discretionally by my executors for
the purpose above mentioned.

17th Item. I give and bequeath to Oliver Johnson, editor of the
Pennsylvania Freeman, one hundred dollars, if he be living at my
death; if not living, to go with the remainder of my estate. My
will is that if Oliver Johnson be not living at my death his
bequest go with my estate.

18th Item. I give and bequeath to Cyrus Burleigh, lecturer and
agent for the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, one hundred
dollars, if Cyrus be living at my death. If not living at my
death, his bequest, Cyrus Burleigh's, I wish to go with the
residue of my estate. The untiring vigilance of these two young
men, in devoting the best of their days to the rescue and
emancipation of the poor and down-trodden fugitives has obtained
for them a warm place in my heart. And may heaven's richest
blessings reward them. They have ministered more than "the cup
of water."

Item 19th. I give and bequeath unto the Association for the care
of Colored Orphans of Philadelphia, called the Shelter for the
use and benefit of colored orphans of both sexes, to be paid
into the hands of the treasurer for the time being, for the use
of said Society all the rest and remainder of my estate.

I wish my Executors or Trustees _to carry out_ my views in
regard to the education of colored children in Canada, by paying
over the interest arising annually from the twelve hundred
dollars mentioned in the second item to such school or schools
as in their judgment they may deem best. My desire being the
benefit of such children who may be in the same neighborhood
with them. The interest arising from the twelve hundred dollars
mentioned in second item for the purpose of educating colored
children in Canada is intended to remain perpetual.

* * * * *

I give and bequeath to William Still, of Philadelphia, now
employed in the Anti-slavery office, in Fifth St., Philadelphia,
February 21, the sum of one hundred dollars; and request my
executors and trustees to pay over that amount out of my estate.

Esther Moore was not rich in this world's goods, but was purely benevolent and rich in good works towards her fellow-men, hating every form of oppression and injustice, and an uncompromising witness against prejudice on account of color. Such a friend as was Esther Moore during these many dark years of kidnapping, slave-catching, mob violence, and bitter prejudice which the colored people were wont to encounter, should never be forgotten.

The legacy devised for educational purposes was applied in due time, after one of the executors in company with his wife, Dr. J. Wilson and Rachel Barker Moore, visited the various settlements of fugitives in Canada, expressly with a view of finding out where the fund would do the most good, in accordance with the testator's wishes. And although the testator has been dead seventeen years, her legacy is still doing its mission in her name, in a school, near Chatham, Canada West.

In order to complete this sketch, it is only necessary that we should copy the beautiful and just tribute to her memory, written by Oliver Johnson, editor of the "National Anti-slavery Standard," and published in the columns thereof, as follows:

DEATH OF A NOBLE WOMAN.

[From the "National Anti-Slavery Standard."]

Just as our paper is going to press, there comes to us
intelligence of the death of our beloved and revered friend,
Esther Moore, widow of the late Dr. Robert Moore, of
Philadelphia. She expired on Tuesday morning, November 21st,
1854, of gout of the heart, after a short, but painful illness,
in the eightieth year of her age.

The writer of this first became acquainted with her in 1836,
and, at various times since then, has met her at Anti-slavery
meetings, or in familiar intercourse at her own house. Her most
remarkable traits of character were an intense hatred of
oppression in all its forms, a corresponding love for the
oppressed, an untiring devotion to their welfare, and a courage
that never quailed before any obstacles, however formidable. Her
zeal in behalf of the Anti-slavery cause, and especially in
behalf of the fugitive, a zeal that absorbed all the powers of
her noble nature, was a perpetual rebuke to the comparative
coldness and indifference of those around her. We well remember
how her soul was fired with a righteous indignation when upwards
of thirty innocent persons, most of them colored people, were
thrown into prison at Philadelphia, upon a charge of treason,
for their alleged participation in the tragedy at Christiana.
Day after day did she visit the prisoners in their cells, to
minister to their wants, and cheer them in their sorrow; and
during the progress of Hanway's trial, her constant presence in
the court-room, and her frequent interviews with the District
Attorney, attested her deep anxiety as to the result of the
impending struggle. When we last saw her, about a month since,
she was engaged in collecting a large sum of money to ransom a
family of slaves, whose peculiar condition had enlisted her
deepest sympathy. Notwithstanding her age and infirmities, she
had enlisted in this work with a zeal which, even in a younger
person, would have been remarkable. For many days, perhaps for
many weeks, she went from door to door, asking for the means
whereby to secure the freedom and the happiness of an enslaved
and plundered household.

As a member of the Society of Friends, she lamented the guilty
supineness of that body, in regard to the question of Slavery,
and often, in its meetings, as well as in private intercourse,
felt herself constrained to utter the language of expostulation
and rebuke. In this, as in other relations of life, she was
obedient to the revelation of God in her own soul, and a worthy
example of fidelity to her convictions of duty. Her step-son, J.
Wilson Moore, in a letter to us announcing her decease, says:

Among the last injunctions she gave, was, "Write to Oliver
Johnson, and tell him I die firm in the faith! MIND THE SLAVE!"
She had enjoyed excellent health the last few years, and
continued actively engaged in works of benevolence. During the
last few weeks, she had devoted much time and labor to the
collection of funds for the liberation of ten slaves in North
Carolina, who had been promised their freedom at a comparatively
small amount. Notwithstanding her great bodily suffering, her
mind was clear to the last, expressing her full assurance of
Divine approbation in the course she had taken.

This is all that we can now say of the life of our revered and
never-to-be-forgotten friend. Perhaps some one who knew her more
intimately than we did, and who is better acquainted with the
history of her life and labors, will furnish us with a more
complete sketch. If so, we shall publish it with great
satisfaction.

Happy! ay, happy! let her ashes rest; Her heart was honest, and
she did her best; In storm and darkness, evil and dismay, The
star of duty was her guiding ray.

Her injunction to "MIND THE SLAVE," comes to us as the dying admonition of one, whose life was a beautiful exemplification of the duty and the privilege thus enjoined. It imposes, indeed, no new obligation; but coming from such a source, it will linger in our memory while life and its scenes shall last, inspiring in us, we hope, a purer and a more ardent devotion to the cause of freedom and humanity. And may we not hope that others also, will catch a new inspiration from the dying message of our departed friend: "MIND THE SLAVE!"

ABIGAIL GOODWIN.

Contemporary with Esther Moore, and likewise an intimate personal friend of hers, Abigail Goodwin, of Salem, N.J., was one of the rare, true friends to the Underground Rail Road, whose labors entitle her name to be mentioned in terms of very high praise.

A.W.M. a most worthy lady, in a letter to a friend, refers to her in the following language:

"From my long residence under the same roof, I learned to know well her uncommon self-sacrifice of character, and to be willing and glad, whenever in my power, to honor her memory. But, yet I should not know what further to say about her than to give a very few words of testimony to her life of ceaseless and active benevolence, especially toward the colored people.

"Her life outwardly was wholly uneventful; as she lived out her whole life of seventy-three years in the neighborhood of her birth-place."

With regard to her portrait, which was solicited for this volume, the same lady thus writes: "No friend of hers would for a moment think of permitting that miserable caricature, the only picture existing meant to represent her, to be given to the public. I cannot even bear to give a place in my little album to so mournful and ridiculous a misrepresentation of her in face."

* * * * *

"You wonder why her sister, E., my loved and faithful friend, seems to be so much less known among anti-slavery people than Abbie? One reason is, that although dear Betsy's interest in the subject was quite equal in _earnestness_, it was not quite so absorbingly _exclusive_. Betsy economized greatly in order to give to the cause, but Abby denied herself even _necessary apparel_, and Betsy has often said that few beggars came to our doors whose garments were so worn, forlorn, and patched-up as Abby's. Giving to the colored people was a perfect _passion_ with her; consequently she was known as a larger giver than Betsy.

"Another and greater reason why she was more known abroad than her sister E., was that she wrote with facility, and corresponded at intervals with many on these matters, Mr. McKim and others, and for many years."

* * * * *

Abigail was emphatically of the type of the poor widow, who cast in all her living. She worked for the slave as a mother would work for her children. Her highest happiness aad pleasure in life seemed to be derived from rendering acts of kindness to the oppressed. Letters of sympathy accompanied with bags of stockings, clothing, and donations of money were not unfrequent from her.

New Jersey contained a few well-tried friends, both within and without the Society of Friends, to which Miss Goodwin belonged; but among them all none was found to manifest, at least in the Underground Rail Road of Philadelphia, such an abiding interest as a co-worker in the cause, as did Abigail Goodwin.

The sympathy which characterized her actions is clearly evinced in her own words, as contained in the appended extracts from her letter, as follows:

"DEAR FRIEND:--I sent E.M. (Esther Moore) forty-one dollars more
by half than I expected to when I set about it. I expect that
abolitionists there are all opposed to buying slaves, and will
not give anything. I don't like buying them, or giving money to
slave-holders either; but this seems to be a peculiar case, can
be had so cheap, and so many young ones that would be separated
from their parents; slavery is peculiarly hard for children,
that cannot do anything to protect themselves, nor can their
parents, and the old too, it is hard for them; but it is a
terrible thing altogether. The case of the fugitive thee
mentioned was indeed truly affecting; it makes one ashamed as
well as sad to read such things, that human beings, or any other
beings should be so treated. I cannot but hope and believe that
slavery will ere long cease. I have a strong impression that the
colored people and the women are to have a day of prosperity and
triumph over their oppressors. We must patiently wait and
quietly hope; but not keep too much 'in the quiet.' Shall have
to work our deliverance from bondage. 'Who would be free,
themselves must strike the blow.'

"I regret very much that I have not more clothing to send than
the stockings. I have not had time since I thought of it, to
make anything; am ashamed that I was so inconsiderate of the
poor runaways. I will go to work as soon as I have earned money
to buy materials; have managed so as to spend my little annual
allowance in nine months, and shall not be able to give you any
money for some months, but if more stockings are wanted let me
know, our benevolent society have plenty on hand; and I have
some credit if not money; they will trust me till I have; they
furnish work for poor women and sell it. I get them for fifty
cents a pair.

"My sister says Lucretia (Mott) told her that there was not much
clothing in the trunk, only a few old things. I think she told
me there was nothing in it, she meant, I suppose, of any
consequence. * * *

"I should like to know if the fugitives are mostly large. I have
an idea they are generally small in stature; that slavery stunts
the body as well as mind. I want to know in regard to the
clothes that I intend making; it's best to have them fit as well
as can be. I shall work pretty much for women. I hope and expect
there are many friends of the cause who furnish clothing in the
city. They ought to be fitted out for Canada with strong, warm
clothing in cold weather, and their sad fate alleviated as much
as can be."

* * * * *

The forty-one dollars, referred to in the above letter, and sent to "E.M." was to go especially towards buying an interesting family of ten slaves, who were owned in North Carolina by a slave-holder, whose rare liberality was signalized by offering to take $1,000 for the lot, young and old. In this exceptional case, while opposed to buying slaves, in common with abolitionists generally, she was too tender-hearted to resist the temptation so long as "they could be bought so cheap."

To rid men of their yoke was her chief desire. Such was her habit of making the sad lot of a slave a personal matter; that let her view him, in any light whatever, whether in relation to young ones that would be separated from their parents, or with regard to the old, the life of a slave was "peculiarly hard," "a terrible thing" in her judgment.

The longer she lived, and the more faithfully she labored for the slave's deliverance, the more firmly she became rooted in the soul-encouraging idea, that "Slavery will ere long cease." Whilst the great masses were either blind, or indifferent, she was nerved by this faith to bear cheerfully all the sacrifices she was called on to make. From another letter we copy as follows:

JANUARY 25th, 1855.

DEAR FRIEND:--The enclosed ten dollars I have made, earned in
two weeks, and of course it belongs to the slave. It may go for
the fugitives, or Carolina slaves, whichever needs it most. I am
sorry the fugitives' treasury is not better supplied, if money
could flow into it as it does into the Tract Fund; but that is
not to be expected.

Thy answer in regard to impostors is quite satisfactory. No
doubt you take great pains to arrive at the truth, but cannot at
all times avoid being imposed on. Will that little boy of seven
years have to travel on foot to Canada? There will be no safety
for him here. I hope his father will get off. John Hill writes
very well, considering his few advantages. If plenty of good
schools could be established in Canada for the benefit of
fugitives, many bright scholars and useful citizens would be
added to society. I hope these will be in process of time.

It takes the most energetic and intelligent to make their way
out of bondage from the most Southern States. It is rather a
wonder to me that so many can escape, the masters are so
continually watching them. The poor man that secreted himself so
long, must, indeed, have suffered dreadfully, and been
exceedingly resolute to brave dangers so long.

It was so characteristic of her to take an interest in everything that pertained to the Underground Rail Road, that even the deliverance of a little nameless boy was not beneath her notice. To her mind, his freedom was just as dear to him as if he had been the son of the President of the United States.

How they got on in Canada, and the question of education, were matters that concerned her deeply; hence, occasional letters received from Canada, evincing marked progress, such as the hero John H. Hill was in the habit of writing, always gave her much pleasure to peruse.

In the Wheeler slave-case, in which Passmore Williamson and others were engaged, her interest was very great. From a letter dated Salem, September 9, 1855, we quote the subjoined extract:

DEAR FRIEND:--I am truly rejoiced and thankful that the right
has triumphed. But stranger had it been otherwise, in your
intelligent community, where it must be apparent to all who
inquire into it, that you had done nothing but what was
deserving of high commendation, instead of blame and punishment;
and shame on the jury who would bring in the two men guilty of
assault and battery. They ought to have another trial; perhaps
another jury would be more just. It is well for the credit of
Philadelphia, that there is one upright judge, as Kelley seems
to be, and his sentence will be a light one it is presumed,
showing he considered the charge a mere pretence.