Chapter XLIII: Appendix: I (7)

Joachim had already used the term Everlasting Gospel to designate the spiritual interpretation of the Evangelists, which was henceforth to rule the world. His disciple naturally considered Joachim's commentaries to be this spiritual interpretation, and that they constituted the Everlasting Gospel to which he furnished a Gloss and Introduction. The Franciscans were necessarily the contemplative Order intrusted with its dissemination. (See Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc., 1885, pp. 54-59, 61.) According to Denifle (pp. 67-70) the publication of Gherardo consisted only of the Introduction and the Concordia. The Apocalypse and the Decachordon were to follow, but the venturesome enterprise was cut short.

[23] Protocol. Commiss. Anaguiæ (H. Denifle Archiv für Litt.-etc., 1885, pp. 99-102, 109, 126, 135-6).

It appears to me that Father Denifle's laborious research has sufficiently proved that the errors commonly ascribed to the Everlasting Gospel (D'Argentré I. i. 162-5; Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. II. Q. 9; Hermann. Korneri Chron. ap. Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi. II. 849-51) are the strongly partisan accusations sent to Rome by William of St. Amour (ubi sup. pp. 76-86) which have led to exaggerated misconceptions of its rebellious tendencies. Father Denifle, however, proceeds to state that the result of the commission of Anagni (July, 1255) was merely the condemnation of the views of Gherardo, and that the works of Joachim (except his tract against Peter Lombard) have never been condemned by the Church. Yet when the exaggerations of William of St. Amour are thrown aside, there is in reality little in principle to distinguish Joachim from Gherardo; and if the former was not condemned it was not the fault of the Commission of Anagni, which classed both together and energetically endeavored to prove Joachim a heretic, even to showing that he never abandoned his heresy on the Trinity (ubi sup. pp. 137-41).

Yet if there was little difference in the letter, there was a marked divergence in spirit between Joachim and his commentator--the former being constructive and the latter destructive as regards the existing Church. See Tocco, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886.

[24] Matt. Paris ann. 1256 (Ed. 1644, p. 632).--Salimbene, p. 102.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R. I. III. i. 593). Cf. Amalr. Auger. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Ib. III. ii. 404).

For the authorship of the Everlasting Gospel, see Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 473-4, and his review of Denifle and Haupt, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886; Renan, pp. 248, 277; and Denifle, ubi sup. pp. 57-8.

One of the accusations brought against William of Saint Amour was that he complained of the delay in condemning the Everlasting Gospel, to which he replied with an allusion to the influence of those who defended the errors of Joachim.--Dupin. Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T.X. ch. vii.

Thomas of Cantimpré assures us that Saint Amour would have won the day against the Mendicant Orders but for the learning and eloquence of Albertus Magnus.--Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. ix.

[25] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 2.--Affò (Lib. 11. c. iv.) argues that John of Parma's resignation was wholly spontaneous, that there were no accusations against him, and that both the pope and the Franciscans were with difficulty persuaded to let him retire. He quotes Salimbene (Chronica p. 137) as to the reluctance of the chapter to accept his resignation, but does not allude to the assertion of the same authority that John was obnoxious to Alexander and to many of the ministers of the Order by reason of his too zealous belief in Joachim (Ib. p. 131).

[26] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 3-5.--Salimbene, pp. 102, 233-6.--Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 285).--Although Salimbene prudently abandoned Joachitism, he never outgrew his belief in Joachim's prophetic powers. Many years later he gives as a reason for suspecting the Segarellists, that if they were of God, Joachim would have predicted them as he did the Mendicants (Ib. 123-4).

The silence of the Historia Tribulationum with respect to the Everlasting Gospel is noteworthy. By common consent that dangerous work seems to be ignored by all parties.

[27] Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 6; ann. 1289, No. 26.--Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 285).--Salimbene Chron. pp. 131-33, 317.--Tocco, pp. 476-77.--P. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 117.--Affò, Lib. III. c. x.

[28] Lib. de Antichristo P. I. c. x., xiii., xiv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. IX. 1273, 1313, 1325-35).--Thomæ Aquinat. Opusc. contra Impugn. Relig. c. xxiv. 5, 6.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1260 (1265) c. 1 (Harduin. VII. 509-12).--Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Métropole d'Aix, p. 577.--Renan, p. 254.

[29] S. Bonavent. de Paup. Christi Art. I. No. i., ii.--Ejusd. Mystic. Theol. cap. I. Partic. 2; cap. II. Partic. 1, 2; Cap. III. Partic. 1.

[30] Wadding. Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 39-41; Annal. ann. 1262, No. 36.--Salimbene, p. 122.

[31] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 4; Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 66.--Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 68.--H. Denifle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 649.

To the true Franciscan the Rule and the gospel were one and the same. According to Thomas of Celano, "Il perfetto amatore dell' osservanza del santo vangelio e della professione della nostra regola, che non è altro che perfetta osservanza del vangelio, questo [Francesco] ardentissimamente amava, e quelli che sono e saranno veri amatori, donò a essi singular benedizione. Veramente, dicea, questa nostra professione a quelli che la seguitano, esser libro di vita, speranza di salute, arra di gloria, melodia del vangelio, via di croce, stato di perfezione, chiave di paradiso, e patto di eterna pace."--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, App. c. xxix.

[32] S. Bonavent. Opp. I. 485-6 (Ed. 1584).--Wadding. ann. 1257, No. 9; Regest. Clem. PP. IV. No. I.

Pierre Jean Olivi states that he himself heard Bonaventura declare in a chapter held in Paris that he would, at any moment, submit to be ground to powder if it would bring the Order back to the condition designed by St. Francis.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 517.

[33] Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3.--Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 11.

[34] Concil. Lugdunens. II c. 23 (Harduin. VII. 715).--Salimbene, pp. 110-11.

[35] Angel. Clarinens. Epist. Excusat. (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 523-4).--Histor. Tribulation. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 302-4).--Ubertini Responsio (Ibid. 1887, p. 68).--Cf. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 180.

For the first time the development and history of the Spiritual Franciscans can now be traced with some accuracy, thanks to Franz Ehrle, S.J., who has printed the most important documents relating to this schism in the Order, elucidated with all the resources of exact research. My numerous references to his papers show the extent of my indebtedness to his labors.

[36] Histor. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, p. 305).--Ubertim Responsio (Ibid. 1887, pp. 69, 77).--Articuli Transgressionum (Ibid. 1887, pp. 105-7).--Wadding, ann. 1289, No. 22-3.--Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv, 1887, pp. 168-9).--Dante contrasts Acquasparta with Ubertino da Casale, of whom we shall see more presently--

"Ma non sia da Casal ne d'Acquasparta
La onde vegnon tali alla Scrittura
Ch' uno la fugge e l'altro la coarta."--(Paradise xii.).

[37] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 306-8).--Angel. Clarineus. Epist. (Ibid. 1885, pp. 524-5).--Wadding. ann. 1292, No. 14.

[38] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, p. 526); Hist. Tribulationum (Ib. 1885. pp. 308-9).

[39] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 309-10).--Faucon et Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 37, 1232, 1233, 1292, 1825.--Wadding. ann. 1295, No. 14.

[40] Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, pp. 157-8.

[41] Raynald. ann. 1297, No. 55.--Jordani Chron. cap. 236, Partic. 3 (Muratori, Antiq XI. 766).

So far was Pierre Jean Olivi from participating in these rebellious movements that he wrote a tract to prove the legality of Celestin's abdication and Boniface's succession (Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. u. K. 1887, p. 525).

[42] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 522-3, 527-9).--Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 314-18).--Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, p. 335.)

Franz Ehrle identifies the refuge of the Spirituals with the island of Trixonia in the Gulf of Corinth (Ibid. 1886, pp. 313-14).

[43] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, 529-31).--Hist. Tribulat. (Ib. 1886, 320-6).--Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 8; 1307, No. 2-4.

[44] Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 129.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 314.

A specimen of Jacopone's attacks on Boniface will show the temper of the times--

"Ponesti la tua lingua
Contra religione
A dir blasfemia
Senza niun cagione.

O pessima avarizia
Sete induplicata,
Bever tanta pecunia
E non esser saziata!"
(Comba, op. cit. 312.)

There is doubtless foundation for the story related by Savonarola in a sermon, that Jacopone was once brought into the consistory of cardinals and requested to preach, when he solemnly repeated thrice, "I wonder that in consequence of your sins the earth does not open and swallow you."--Villari, Frà Savonarola, II. Ed. T. II. p. 3.

[45] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 311-13).

[46] Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 1-3, 7; ann. 1310, No. 9.--Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt-u. K. 1886, p. 385).

[47] Wadding, ann. 1278, No. 27-8.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. u. K. 1887, pp. 505-11, 528-9.

When Geronimo d'Ascoli attained the papacy he was urged to prosecute Olivi, but refused, expressing the highest consideration for his talents and piety, and declaring that his rebuke had been merely intended as a warning (Hist. Trib. loc. cit. 1886, p. 289).

[48] Wadding, ann. 1282, No. 2; ann. 1283, No. 1; ann. 1285, No. 5; ann. 1290, No. 11; ann. 1292, No. 13; ann. 1297, No. 33-4.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1283.--Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 294-5).--Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1886, pp. 383, 389; 1887, pp. 417-27, 429, 433, 438, 534.--Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 15).

Olivi's death is commonly assigned to 1297, but the _Transitus Sancti Patris_, which was one of the books most in vogue among his disciples, states that it occurred on Friday, March 14, 1297 (Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.); Friday fell on March 14 in 1298, and the common habit of commencing the year with Easter explains the substitution of 1297 for 1298.

His bones are generally said to have been dug up and burned a few months after interment, by order of the general, Giovanni di Murro (Tocco, op. cit. p. 503). Wadding, indeed, asserts that they were twice exhumed (ann. 1297, No. 36). Eymerich mentions a tradition that they were carried to Avignon and thrown by night into the Rhone (Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 313). The cult of which they were the object shows that this could not have been the case, and Bernard Gui, the best possible authority, in commenting on the _Transitus_ states that they were abstracted in 1318 and hidden no one knows where--doubtless by disciples to prevent the impending profanation of exhumation.

[49] Wadding. ann. 1291, No. 13; 1297, No. 35; 1312, No. 4.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 319.--Coll. Doat. XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.--Lib. I. Clement, i. 1.--Tocco, op. cit. pp. 509-10.--MSS. Bib. Nat. No. 4270, fol. 168.--Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1885, p. 544; 1886, pp. 389-98, 402-5; 1887, pp. 449, 491).--Raymond de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 17).

The traditional wrath of the Conventuals was still strong enough in the year 1500 to lead the general chapter held at Terni to forbid, under pain of imprisonment, any member of the Order from possessing any of Olivi's writings.--Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1887, pp. 457-8).

[50] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 288-9).--Coll. Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 308.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P.Y.

[51] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 300-1).--Tocco, pp. 489-91, 503-4.

Wadding (ann. 1297, No. 33-5) identifies Pons Botugati with St. Pons Carboneth, the illustrious teacher of St. Louis of Toulouse. Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 300) says he can find no evidence of this, and the author of the _Hist. Tribulat._, in his detailed account of the affair, would hardly have omitted a fact so serviceable to his cause.

[52] Baluz. et Mansi II. 249-50.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.--Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Johann. PP. XXII. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 491).--Wadding. ann. 1325, No. 4.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 59.--Baluz. et Mansi II. 266-70.

[53] Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1886, pp. 368-70, 407-9).--Wadding. ann. 1297, No. 36-47.--Baluz. et Mansi II. 276.

Tocco (Archivio Storico Italiano, T. XVII. No. 2.--Cf. Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 493) has recently found in the Laurentian Library a MS. of Olivi's Postil on the Apocalypse. It contains all the passages cited in the condemnation, showing that the commission which sat in judgment did not invent them, but as it is of the fifteenth century it does not invalidate the suggestion that his followers interpolated his work after his death.

[54] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299 c. 4 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 226).--Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1887, pp. 183-4).

[55] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 450-61, 475, 590-1, 726-7, 772.--M. Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritatis, pp. 1732 sqq. (Ed. 1603).

[56] Pelayo, I. 454, 458, 464-6, 468-9, 730-1, 779.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, 327-8.

[57] Pelayo, I. 460, 464-8, 739-45.

[58] Pelayo, I. 470-4, 729, 734.--D'Argentré I. II. 417.--Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, Pr. 103.

One of the charges against Bernard Délicieux, in 1319, was that of sending to Arnaldo certain magic writings to encompass the death of Benedict. A witness was found to swear that this was the cause of Benedict's death.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 12, 50, 51, 61.

[59] Pelayo, I. 481, 772.

[60] Hist. Tribulationum (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, I. 129).--Pelayo, I. 481-3, 773, 776.--Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 7.--Cf. Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1310; P. Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1320.

[61] Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 380-1, 384, 386; 1887, p. 36).--Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 18).--Eymerich p. 316.--Angeli Clarini Litt. Excus. (Archiv, 1885, pp. 531-2).--Wadding. ann. 1210, No. 6.--Regest. Clement. (PP. V.T.V. pp. 379 sqq. Romæ, 1887).

At the same time that the general, Gonsalvo, was seeking to repress the acquisitiveness of the friars they were procuring from the Emperor Henry VII. a decree annulling a local statute of Nuremberg which forbade any citizen from giving them more than a single gold piece at a time, or a measure of corn.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1310.

[62] Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, pp. 93 sqq.--Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 130, 132-4).--Ehrle (Ibid. 1866, pp. 366, 380).--Wadding. ann. 1310, No. 1-5.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1310.--Ubertini de Casali Tract. de septem Statibus Ecclesiæ c. iv.

[63] Ubertini Responsio (Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 87).--Baluz. et Mansi II. 278--Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1885, pp. 541-2, 545; 1886, p. 362).--Hist. Tribulat (Ibid. 1886, pp. 138-41).--C. 1, Clement, v. 11.--Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 9; ann. 1313, No. 1.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1312.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. art. 67.

[64] Jordan. Chron. c. 326 Partic. iii. (Muratori Antiq. XI. 767).--Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv, 1886, 140-1).--Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, pp. 158-64; 1887, pp. 33, 40).--Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 27).

[65] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 139-40).--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 596-99.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1885, pp. 156-8.--Joann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 479).--Wadding. ann. 1313, No. 4-7.--D'Argentré I. I. 297.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).--Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 31).

Frà Francesco del Borgo San Sepolcro, who was tried by the Inquisition at Assisi in 1311 for assuming gifts of prophecy, was probably a Tuscan Joachite who refused submission (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 11).

[66] Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1885, pp. 534-9, 553-5, 558-9, 561, 563-4, 566-9; 1887, p. 406).--S. Francisci Prophet. XIV. (Opp. Ed. 1849, pp. 270-1).--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1502, 1506, 1517.

[67] Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 371, 411).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).

[68] Franz Ehrle (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 160-4).--Wadding. ann. 1316, No. 5.

[69] Villani, Chronica, Lib. XI. c. 20.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi I. 1806-8).--Friedrich, Statut. Synod. Wratislav., Hannoveræ, 1827, pp. 37, 38, 41.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 300.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1326.--The collection of papal briefs relating to Saxony recently printed by Schmidt (Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, pp. 87-295) will explain the immense sums raised by John XXII. from the sale of canonries. It is within bounds to say that more than half the letters issued during his pontificate are appointments of this kind.

The accounts of the papal collector for Hungary in 1320 show the thoroughness with which the first-fruits of every petty benefice were looked after, and the enormous proportion consumed in the process. The collector charges himself with 1913 gold florins received, of which only 732 reached the papal treasury. (Theiner, Monumenta Slavor. Meridional. I. 147).

[70] Jo. de Ragusio Init. et Prosecut. Basil. Concil. (Monument. Concil. Sæc. XV. T.I. p. 32).--Revelat. S. Brigittæ; Lib. VII. c. viii.

[71] Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 9-14.--Hist. Tribulation. (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 142).--Joann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 460, 478).

[72] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 142-44, 151-2).--Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1887, p. 546.

[73] Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. pp. 145-6).--Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 29).

[74] Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 147.--Extrav. Joann. XXII. Tit. XIV. cap. 1.

[75] Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51.--Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 147).

[76] Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv f. L. u. K.. 1887, p. 31).--Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51, 271-2.--Joaun. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 478-9).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 188, 262. Bernard, however, in his examination, denied these allegations as well as Olivi's tenet that Christ was alive when lanced upon the Cross, although he said some MSS. of St. Mark so represented him (fol. 167-8).

Of the remainder of those who were tried at Marseilles the fate is uncertain. From the text it appears that at least some of them were imprisoned. Others were probably let off with lighter penances, for in 1325 Blaise Boerii, a shoemaker of Narbonne, when on trial before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, confessed that he had visited, in houses at Marseilles, three of them at one time and four at another, and had received them in his own house and had conducted them on their way.--Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[77] Baluz. et Mansi II. 270-1, 274-6.--Extravagant. Joann. XXII. Tit. VII.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 193.

[78] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 170; XXXV. 18.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 312, 381.

The case of Raymond Jean illustrates the life of the persecuted Spirituals. As early as 1312 he had commenced to denounce the Church as the Whore of Babylon, and to prophesy his own fate. In 1317 he was one of the appellants who were summoned to Avignon, where he submitted. Remitted to the obedience of his Order, he was sent by his superior to the convent of Anduse, where he remained until he heard the fate of his stancher companions at Marseilles, when he fled with a comrade. Reaching Béziers, they found refuge in a house where, in company with some female apostates from the Order, they lay hid for three years. After this Raymond led a wandering life, associating for a while with Pierre Trencavel. At one time he went beyond seas; then returning, he adopted the habit of a secular priest and assumed the cure of souls, sometimes in Gascony and again in Rodez or east of the Rhone. Captured at last in 1325 and brought before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, after considerable pressure he was induced to recant. His sentence is not given, but doubtless it was perpetual imprisonment.--Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[79] Raynald ann. 1322, No. 51.--Archivio di Firenze, Prov. del Convento di Santa Croce, Feb. 1322.--S. Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. LXXXVIII. Art. xi.; Q. CLXXXVI. Art. viii. ad 3.--Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 156).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 300, 313, 381-93.--Coll. Doat, XXVII., XXVIII.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 499, 632.--Vaissette, IV. 182-3.--Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 45.--Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 149).--Arch. de l' Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 162).--Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19.

[80] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 320, 325.--Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 23.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[81] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 298-99, 302-6, 316.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.--Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.--Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19 (Muratori S.R.I. III. II. 478-9).

[82] Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.--Lib. Sententt, Inq. Tolos. pp. 305, 307, 310, 383-5.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.

[83] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 303, 309, 326, 330.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.--Franz Ehrle (op. cit. 1885, pp. 540, 543, 557),--Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib.) 1887, p. 29.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1330.--Wadding. ann. 1341, No. 21, 23.

A subdivision of the Italian Fraticelli took the name of Brethren of Fray Felipe de Mallorca (Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. 1).

[84] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 95.

[85] Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.

[86] Doat, XXVII. 156, 170, 178, 215; XXXII. 147.

[87] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1297 c. 1-4 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 305-6).--Eymeric. pp. 265-6.--Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 20.--Mosheim de Beghardis p. 641.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 777-81, 783.--For the fate of Arnaldo de Vilanova's writings in the Index Expurgatorius, see Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 33-4. Two of the tracts condemned in 1316 have been found, translated into Italian, in a MS. of the Magliabecchian Library, by Prof. Tocco, who describes them in the Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886, No. 6, and in the Giornale Storico della Lett. Ital. VIII. 3.

[88] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 500-2.--Jo. de Rupesciss. Vade mecum (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 497).--Froissart, Liv. I. P. ii. ch. 124; Liv. III. ch. 27.--Rolewink Fascic. Temp. ann. 1364.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. (Pistorii III. 336).--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. ann. 1359.--Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1351.--Paul Æmylii de Reb. Gest. Francor. (Ed. 1569, pp. 491-2).--M. Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritat. Lib. XVIII. p. 1786 (Ed. 1608).

[89] Wadding. ann. 1357, No. 17.--Pelayo, op. cit. I. 501-2.

[90] Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 494-508.

[91] Füesslins neue u. unpartheyische Kirchen-u. Ketzerhistorie, Frankfurt, 1772, II. 63-66.

[92] Chron. Glassberger ann. 1466 (Analecta Franciscana II. 422-6).

[93] Constance, daughter of Bela III. of Hungary, was second wife of Ottokar I. of Bohemia, who died in 1230 at the age of eighty. She died in 1240, leaving three daughters, Agnes, who founded the Franciscan convent of St. Januarius in Prague, which she entered May 18, 1236; Beatrice, who married Otho the Pious, of Brandenburg, and Ludomilla, who married Louis I. of Bavaria. Guglielma can scarce have been either of these (Art de Ver. les Dates, VIII. 17). Her disciple, Andrea Saramita, testified that after her death he journeyed to Bohemia to obtain reimbursement of certain expenses; he failed in his errand, but verified her relationship to the royal house of Bohemia (Andrea Ogniben, I Guglielmiti del Secolo XIII., Perugia, 1867, pp. 10-11).--On the other hand, a German contemporary chronicler asserts that she came from England (Annal. Dominican. Colmariens. ann. 1301--Urstisii III. 33).

[94] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 56, 73-5, 103-4.

[95] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 12, 20-1, 35-7, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 84-6, 101, 104-6, 116.

Dr. Andrea Ogniben, to whom we are indebted for the publication of the fragmentary remains of the trial of the Guglielmites, thinks that Maifreda di Pirovano was a cousin of Matteo Visconti, through his mother, Anastasia di Pirovano (op. cit. p. 23). The Continuation of Nangis calls her his half-sister (Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317).

[96] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 30, 44, 115.--Salimbene Chronica, pp. 274-6.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1279 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 791-2).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.

[97] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 20-1, 25-6, 31, 36, 49-50, 56-7, 61, 72-3, 74, 93-4, 104, 116.--Tamburini, Storia dell' Inquisizione, II. 17-18.

[98] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 21, 25, 30. 36, 55, 70, 72, 96, 101.

[99] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 17, 20, 22, 23, 30, 34, 37, 40, 42, 47, 54, 62, 72, 80, 90, 94, 96.

[100] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 65-7, 83-4, 90-1, 110.--Ugbelli, T. IV. pp. 286-93 (Ed. 1652).--Raynald. ann. 1324, No. 7-11.

[101] Philip. Bergomat. Supplem. Chron. ann. 1298.--Bern. Corio Hist. Milanes. ann. 1300.

[102] Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 1, 2, 34, 74, 110.--Tamburini, op. cit. II. 67-8.

[103] Ogniben, pp. 14, 23, 33, 36, 39, 60, 72, 101, 110, 114.

[104] Ibid. pp. 13, 30-33, 39.

[105] Ogniben, pp. 21, 40, 42, 78-9.

Dionese de' Novati deposed (p. 93) that Maifreda was in the habit of saying that Boniface was not truly pope, and that another pontiff had been created. We have seen that the Spiritual Franciscans had gone through the form of electing a new pope. There was not much in common between them and the Guglielmites, and yet this would point to some relations as existing.

[106] Compare Andrea's first examination, July 20 (Ogniben, op. cit. pp. 8-13), and his second, Aug. 10 (pp. 56-7), with his defiant assertion of his belief, Aug. 13 (pp. 68-72). So, Maifreda's first interrogatory, July 31 (pp. 23-6), with her confession, Aug. 6, and revelation of the names of her worshippers (pp. 33-5). Also, Giacobba dei Bassani's denial, Aug. 3, and confession, Aug. 11 (p. 39). It is the same with those not relapsed. See Suor Agnese dei Montanari's flat denial, Aug. 3, and her confession, Aug. 11 (pp. 37-8).

[107] Ogniben, pp. 19-20, 77, 91.

[108] Ogniben, pp. 42-4, 63, 67-8, 81-2, 91-2, 95-6, 97, 100, 110, 113, 115-16.

[109] Spiritual eccentricities, such as those of the Guglielmites, are not to be regarded as peculiar to any age or any condition of civilization. The story of Joanna Southcote is well known, and the Southcottian Church maintained its existence in London until the middle of the present century. In July, 1886, the American journals reported the discovery, in Cincinnati, of a sect even more closely approximating to the Guglielmites, and about as numerous, calling themselves Perfectionists, and believing in two married sisters--a Mrs. Martin as an incarnation of God, and a Mrs. Brooke as that of Christ. Like their predecessors in Milan the sect is by no means confined to the illiterate, but comprises people of intelligence and culture who have abandoned all worldly occupation in the expectation of the approaching Millennium--the final era of the Everlasting Gospel. The exposure for a time broke up the sect, of which some members departed, while others, with the two sisters, joined a Methodist church. Their faith was not shaken, however, and in June, 1887, the church expelled them after an investigation. One of the charges against them was that they held the Church of the present day to be Babylon and the abomination of the earth. England has also recently had a similar experience in a peasant woman of not particularly moral life who for some fifteen years, until her death, September 18, 1886, was regarded by her followers as a new incarnation of Christ. Her own definition of herself was, "I am the second appearing and incarnation of Jesus, the Christ of God, the Bride, the Lamb's Wife, the God-Mother and Saviour, Life from Heaven," etc., etc. She signed herself "Jesus, First and Last, Mary Ann Girling." At one time her sect numbered a hundred and seventy-five members, some of them rich enough to make it considerable donations, but under the petty persecution of the populace it dwindled latterly to a few, and finally dispersed. Aberrations of this nature belong to no special stage of intellectual development. The only advance made in modern times is in the method of dealing with them.

[110]

"O glorioso stare
In nihil quietato!
Lo' intelletto posato
E l'affetto dormire!

Annichilarsi bene
Non è potere humano
Anzi è virtù divina!"

(Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 310.)

[111] Salimbene, pp. 112-13.

[112] Salimbene, pp. 114-16.

[113] Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 23.--Salimbene, pp. 117, 119, 329-30.--Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII. 1141).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 360.

[114] Salimbene, pp. 114-16.

[115] Salimbene, pp. 117, 371.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 158.--At the same time Honorius approved the Orders of the Carmelites and of St. William of the Desert (Raynald. ann. 1286, No. 36, 37).

[116] Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 158.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1294 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 826).--Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 130).--Addit. ad Hist. Frat. Dulcini (Muratori IX. 450).

[117] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup.).--Ubertini Responsio (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1887, p. 51).

[118] Salimbene, pp. 113, 117, 121.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 360-1.--Muratori S. R. I. IX. 455-7.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.--Eymeric. P. II. Q. 11.

The test of continence was regarded with horror by the inquisitors, and yet when practised by St. Aldhelm it was considered as proof of supereminent sanctity (Girald. Cambrens. Gemm. Eccles. Dist. II. c. XV.). The coincidence, in fact, is remarkable between the perilous follies of the Apostles and those of the Christian zealots of the third century, as described and condemned by Cyprian (Epist. IV. ad Pompon.).

[119] Muratori IX. 449-53.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.--R. Fran. Pipini Chron. cap. XV. (Muratori, IX. 599).--Cf. Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 360.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 720.

[120] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup.).

Or dí a Frà Dolcin dunque che s' armi,
Tu che forse vedrai il sole in breve,
S' egli non vuol quì tosto seguitarmi;
Sì di vivanda, che stretta di neve
Non rechi la vittoria al Noarese,
Ch' altrimenti acquistar non saria lieve.--INFERNO, XXVIII.

[121] Benvenuto da Imola (Muratori Antiq. III. 457-9).--Bescapè, La Novara Sacra, Novara, 1878, p. 157.--Baggiolini, Dolcino e i Patarini, Novara, 1838, pp. 35-6.--Hist. Dulcin. Hæresiarch. (Muratori. S. R. I. IX. 436-7).--Addit. ad Hist. (Ibid. 457, 460).

[122] Corio, Hist. Milanesi, ann. 1307.--Beuv. da Imola, loc. cit.--Additamentum (Muratori IX. 454-55, 459).--Baggiolini, pp. 36-7.

Dolcino's two epistles were formally condemned by the Bishop of Parma and Frà Manfredo, the inquisitor, and must therefore have been circulated outside of the sect (Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. II. Q. 29).

[123] Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 428-9).--Bescapè, loc. cit.

[124] Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 430-1).--Bescapè. loc. cit.

[125] Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 430-2).

[126] Hist. Dulcin (Muratori IX. 432-4.)--Baggiolini, p. 131.

[127] Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 434, 437-8).

[128] Hist. Dulcin. (Ib. 439-40).

[129] Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 439).

Ptolemy of Lucca, who is good contemporaneous authority, puts the number of those captured with Dolcino at one hundred and fifty, and of those who perished through exposure and by the sword at only about three hundred.--Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori XI. 1227).

[130] Mariotti (A. Galenga), Frà Dolcino and his Times, London, 1853, pp. 287-88.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. pp. 79-82, 88 (Ed. Benedictina, Romæ, 1886).--Mosheims Ketzergeschichte I. 395.--Ughelli, Italia Sacra, Ed. 1652, IV. 1104-8.--Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 436, 440).--Benv. da Imola (Muratori Antiq. III. 460).--Bernard. Guidon. Vit. Clement. PP. V. (Muratori III. I. 674).--Bescapè, loc. cit.

The punishment inflicted on Dolcino and Longino was not exceptional. By a Milanese statute of 1393 all secret attempts upon the life of any member of a family with whom the criminal lived were subject to a penalty precisely the same in all details, except that it ended by attaching the offender to a wheel and leaving him to perish in prolonged agony.--Antiqua Ducum Mediolani Decreta, p. 187 (Mediolani, 1654).

[131] A. Artiaco (Rivista Cristiana, 1877, 145-51).--Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 441-2).--Baggiolini, pp. 165-71.

[132] Addit. ad Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 455-7).--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.

[133] Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.

[134] Addit. ad Hist. Dulcin. (Muratori IX. 458).--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.--Bernard. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat. XXX. 120-4).--Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1887, p. 10.)--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 360-3, 381.

[135] Concil. Coloniens. ann. 1306 c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100, 102).--Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 50 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 250).--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. lii. (fol. 166, 172, Ed. 1517).--Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 8-9.--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 62.

[136] Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 24; Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1374 c. 5 (Harduin. VII. 1818, 1880).--Herman. Corneri Chron. ann. 1260, 1402 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi II. 906, 1185).

I have already referred (Vol. II. p. 429) to the persecution at Prague, in 1315, of some heretics whom Dubravius qualifies as Dolcinists, but who probably were Waldenses and Luciferans.

[137] MS. Bibl. Casanatense A. IV. 49.--I owe the communication of this document to the kindness of M. Charles Molinier. See also Amati, Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 14.

For the connection between these heretics and the Dolcinists, compare Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 131, with 1887, pp. 123-4.

[138] Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, pp. 51, 144-5.--Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 66-70; ann. 1318, No. 44.--Archiv. di Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, 1327, Ott. 31.--Franz Ebrle, Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 160.--D'Arjentré I. I. 336-7.--Cantù. Eretici d'Italia, I. 133.

[139] Barzellotti, David Lazzaretti di Arcidosso detto il Santo. Bologna, 1885.

Somewhat similar is the career of an ex-sergeant of the Italian army named Gabriele Donnici, who has founded in the Calabrian highlands a sect dignifying itself with the title of the Saints. Gabriele is a prophet announcing the advent of a new Messiah, who is to come not as a lamb, but as a lion breathing vengeance and armed with bloody scourges. He and his brother Abele were tried for the murder of the wife of the latter, Grazia Funaro, who refused to submit to the sexual abominations taught in the sect. They were condemned to hard labor and imprisonment, but were discharged on appeal to the Superior Court of Cosenza. Other misdeeds of the sectaries are at present occupying the attention of the Italian tribunals.--Rivista Cristiana, 1887, p. 57.

[140] Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 207).--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1321.--Wadding. ann. 1321, No. 16-19; ann. 1322, No. 49-50.

[141] Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Ecclesiæ Lib. I. Art. 51. fol. 165-9.

In fact, the advocates of poverty did not miss the easy opportunity of stigmatizing their antagonists as followers of William of Saint-Amour. See Tocco, "Un Codice della Marciana," Venezia, 1887, pp. 12, 39 (Ateneo Veneto, 1886-1887).

The MS. of which Professor Tocco has here printed the most important portions, with elucidatory notes, is a collection of the responses made to the question submitted for discussion by John XXII. as to the poverty of Christ and the apostles. They are significant of the general reaction against the previously prevailing dogma, and of the eagerness with which, as soon as the free expression of opinion was safe, the prelates repudiated a doctrine condemnatory of the temporalities so industriously accumulated by all classes of ecclesiastics. There were but eight replies affirming the poverty of Christ, and these were all from Franciscans--the Cardinals of Albano and San Vitale, the Archbishop of Salerno, the Bishops of Caffa, Lisbon, Riga, and Badajoz, and an unknown master of the Order. On the other side there were fourteen cardinals, including even Napoleone Orsini, the protector of the Spirituals, and a large number of archbishops, bishops, abbots, and doctors of theology. It is doubtless true, however, that the fear of offending the pope was a factor in producing this virtual unanimity--a fear not unreasonable, as was shown by the disgrace and persecution of those who maintained the poverty of Christ.--(Tocco, _ubi sup._ p. 35).

[142] Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1887, pp. 511-12.--Baluz et Mansi II. 279-80.--Nicholaus Minorita (Ibid. III. 208-13).

Curiously enough, in this John did exactly what his special antagonists, the Spirituals, had desired. Olivi had long before pointed out the scandal of an Order vowed to poverty litigating eagerly for property and using the transparent cover of papal procurators (Hist. Tribulat. ap. Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, p. 298).

[143] Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 213-24).

[144] Wadding. ann. 1323, No. 3, 15.

[145] Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 224).

[146] Carl Müller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der römischen Curie, § 4.--Felten, Die Bulle _Ne pretereat_, Trier, 1885.--Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII., München, 1885, pp. 44-6.

[147] Carl Müller, op. cit § 5.--Preger, Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII. (München, 1885, pp, 7, 54).--Martene Thesaur. II. 644-51.--Raynald. ann. 1323, No. 34-5.

[148] Martene Thesaur. II. 652-9.--Nich. Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III 224-33).

The date of the Protest of Sachsenhausen is not positively known, but it was probably issued in April or May, 1324 (Müller, op. cit. I. 357-8). Its authorship is ascribed by Preger to Franz von Lautern, and Ehrle has shown that much of its argumentation is copied literally from the writings of Olivi (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, 540). When there were negotiations for a settlement in 1336, Louis signed a declaration prepared by Benedict XII., in which he was made to say that the portions concerning the poverty of Christ were inserted without his knowledge by his notary, Ulric der Wilde for the purpose of injuring him (Raynald ann. 1336, No. 31-5); but he accompanied this self-abasing statement with secret instructions of a very different character (Preger, Kirchenpolitische Kampf, p. 12).

[149] Martene Thesaur. II. 660-71.--Nich. Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 233-6).

Even in far-off Ireland the bull of July 11, depriving Louis of the empire, was read in all the churches in English and Irish.--Theiner, Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 456, p. 230.

[150] See the documents in the second prosecution of Louis by John, where the accusations against him constantly commence with his pertinacious heresy in maintaining the condemned doctrine of the poverty of Christ.--Martene Thesaur. II. 682 sqq. Cf. Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1328.

[151] Altmayer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, Bruxelles, 1886, I. 38.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1326.--Fasciculus Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiend. II. 55, Ed. 1690.--D'Argentré, I. I. 304-11, 397-400.--Baluz. et Mansi II. 280-1.--Martene Thesaur. II. 704-16.--Preger, Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 34, 65.--Defensor. Pacis II. 6.

The manner in which Fritsche Closener, a contemporary priest of Strassburg, speaks of the _Defensor Pacis_ shows what an impression it made, and that even a portion of the clergy was not averse to its conclusions.--Closeners Chronik (Chroniken der deutschen Städte VIII. 70.--Cf. Chron. des Jacob von Königshofen, Ib. p. 473).

[152] Martene Thesaur. II. 749-52.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 532-555.--Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 8-9.--Carl Müller, op. cit. II. 251-2.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1323.--Raynald. ann. 1349, No. 16-17.--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Bal. et Mansi II. 600).

[153] Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 9; ann. 1318, No. 8; ann. 1323, No. 16; ann. 1325, No. 6; ann. 1331, No. 3.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1325, 1326, 1330.--Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 20, 27.--Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 151).--Martene Thesaur. II. 752-3.--Vitoduran. Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1799).--D'Argentré, I. I. 297.--Eymeric. pp. 291-4.

[154] Martene Thesaur. II. 749.--Baluz. et Mansi III. 315-16.--Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 238-40).

[155] Chron. Sanens. (Muratori S. R. I. XV. 77. 79).--Martene Thesaur. II. 684-723.--Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 240-3).

[156] Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 243).--Ptolomæi Lucensis Hist. Eccles. cap. 41 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1210).--Chron. Sanens. (Muratori XV. 80).--Wadding. ann. 1328, No. 2-4, 8-11.

[157] Nicholaus Minorita (Bal. et Mansi III. 238-40).

[158] Nicholaus Minorita (Baluz. et Mansi III. 243-349).--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Ibid. II. 598).--Chron. Sanens. (Muratori S. R. I. XV. 81).--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1799-1800).--Martene Thesaur. II. 757-60.--Alvar. Pelag. De Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 67.

The career of Cardinal Bertrand de la Tour illustrates the pliability of conscience requisite to those who served John XXII. He was a Franciscan of high standing. As Provincial of Aquitaine he had persecuted the Spirituals. Elevated to the cardinalate, when John called for opinions on the question of the poverty of Christ he had argued in the affirmative. In conjunction with Vitale du Four, Cardinal of Albano, he had secretly drawn up the declaration of the Chapter of Perugia which so angered the pope, but when the latter made up his mind that Christ had owned property, the cardinal promptly changed his convictions, and was now engaged in persecuting those who adhered to the belief which he had prescribed for them.--Tocco, Un Codice della Marciana, pp. 40, 43, 45.

[159] Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 187).--Villani, Lib. x. c. 126, 144.

[160] Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u K. 1885, pp. 159-64; 1886, pp. 653-69).--Archivio Storico Italiano, 1 Ott. 1865, pp. 10-21.--Ripoll II. 180.--Wadding. ann. 1326, No. 9; 1327, No. 3-4; 1331, No. 4; 1332, No. 5.

[161] Villani, Lib. x. c. 131, 142, 160.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1330.--Wadding. ann. 1330, No. 9.--Martene Thesaur. II. 736-70; 806-15.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1330 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 194-8).

[162] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).

[163] Doat, XXVII. 202-3, 229; XXXV. 87.

[164] Martene Thesaur. II. 826-8.--Carl Müller, op. cit. I. 239.--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1798, 1800, 1844-5, 1871).--Andreas Ratisponens. Chron. ann. 1336 (Ibid. I. 2103-4).--Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 42-5.--Denifle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 624.

[165] Martene Thesaur. II. 800-6.--Raynald. ann. 1336, No. 31-5.--Vitoduran. Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1842-5, 1910).--Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, p. 33.--Hartzheim IV. 323-32.--H. Mutii Germ. Chron. ann. 1338 (Pistorii Germ. Scriptt. II. 878-81).

[166] Vitoduran Chron. (Eccard. I. 1844).--Sächsische Weltchronik, dritte bairisch Fortsetzung No. 9 (Pertz II. 346).--Baluz. et Mansi III. 349-55.--Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 513-27.--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Bal. et Mansi II. 600).--Preger, op. cit. pp. 35-6.--Carl Müller, op. cit. I. 370-2.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1342, 1347.

[167] Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, p. 362.--Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1346-7 (Freher et Struv. I. 626-8).

[168] Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1347 (Freher et Struv. I. 628).--Matthiæ Neuburg. (Albert. Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1348 (Urstisii II. 142-3).--Preger, Der Kirchenpolitische Kampf, pp. 56-60.

[169] Wadding. ann. 1330, No. 14-15.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. art. 51 (fol. 169 _a_).--Lib. Conformitatum Lib. I. Fruct. ix. p. ii.--Revel. S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. c. 8.

[170] Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 10-11; ann. 1336, No. 1; ann. 1337, No. 1; ann. 1339. No. 1.--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 63; ann. 1336, No. 63, 64, 66-7; ann. 1337, No. 30; ann. 1375, No, 64.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 328.--Vit. Prima Benedicti XII. ann. 1337 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 531).

[171] D'Argentré I. I. 345.--Eymeric. p. 486.

[172] Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. PP. VI. pp. 23-4.--Raynald. ann. 1346, No. 70.--Comba, La Riforma, I. 326-7, 387.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 528, 595.

[173] Comba, La Riforma, I. 568-71.

[174] Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. I.--Comba, La Riforma, I. 321-4.

[175] Martini Append. ad Mosheim de Beghardis p. 505.

[176] Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 595 sqq.).

[177] Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 8; 1357, No. 12; 1374, No. 14.--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (l. c. 599, 608-9).

It may surprise a modern infallibilist to learn that so thoroughly orthodox and learned an inquisitor as the blessed Giacomo della Marca admits that there have been heretic popes--popes who persisted and died in their heresy. He comforts himself, however, with the reflection that they have always been succeeded by Catholic pontiffs (l. c. p. 599).

[178] Werunsky, Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. et Innoc. VI. p. 91.--Raynald. ann. 1354, No. 31; ann. 1368, No. 16.--Wadding. ann. 1354, No. 6-7; 1368, No. 4-6.--Comba, La Riforma, I. 327. 329-37.--Cantù, Erctici d' Italia, I. 133-4.--Eymeric. p. 328.

[179] Tocco, Archivio Storico Napoletano, 1887, Fasc. 1.--Raynald. ann. 1368, No. 16; ann. 1372, No. 36.--Wadding. ann. 1374, No. 19-23.--Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 154 _a_.

Perugia at this period was a centre of religious excitement. A certain Piero Garigh, who seems to have been in some way connected with the Fraticelli, gave himself out as the Son of God, and dignified his disciples with the names of apostles. In the brief allusion which we have to him he is said to have obtained ten of these and to be in search of an eleventh. His fate is not recorded.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 50).

[180] Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 8; ann. 1346, No. 70; ann. 1354, No. 31; ann. 1375, No. 27.

[181] Raynald. ann. 1336, No. 64; ann. 1351, No. 31; ann. 1368, No. 16-7.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 130).--Mosheims Ketzergeschichte I. 387.--Henr. Rebdorff Annal. ann. 1353 (Freher et Struv. I. 632).--Eymeric. p. 358.--D'Argentré, I. I. 383-6.

[182] Ripoll II. 245.--Eymeric. pp. 266-7.--Raynald. ann. 1373, No. 19; ann. 1426, No. 18.--Wadding. ann. 1371. No. 26-30.

[183] Garibay, Comp. Historial de España, Lib. XVI. c. 31.--La Puente, Epit. de la Cronica de Juan II., Lib. IV. c. i.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 546-7.--Mariana, Lib. XXI. c. 18.--Rodrigo, Inquisicion, II. 11-12.--Paramo, p. 131.

[184] Wadding. ann. 1383, No. 2.--Gobelinæ Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. v. c. 84 (Meibom. Rer. German. I. 317).

[185] Baluz. et Mansi IV. 566 sqq. In 1606 Paul V. allowed the Jesuats to take orders.

[186] Wadding, ann. 1350, No. 15; ann. 1354, No. 1, 2; ann. 1362, No. 4.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1352, 1354, 1355.

[187] Wadding. ann. 1368, No. 10-13.

[188] Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 44; ann. 1390, No. 1-10; ann. 1403, No. 1; ann. 1405, No. 3; ann. 1415, No. 6-7; ann. 1431, No. 8; ann. 1434, No. 7; ann. 1435, No. 12-13; ann. 1453, No. 18-26; ann. 1454, No. 22-3; ann. 1455, No. 43-7; ann. 1456, No. 129; ann. 1498, No. 7-8; ann. 1499, No. 18-20.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1426, 1430, 1501, 1517.--Theiner Monument. Hiberu. et Scotor. No. 801, p. 425, No. 844, p. 460.--Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. (Atti della Accademia del Lincei, 1883, p. 546).--Chron. Anon. (Analecta Franciscana I. 291-2).

The bitterness of the strife between the two branches of the Order is illustrated by the fact that the Franciscan Church of Palma, in Majorca, when struck by lightning and partially ruined in 1480, remained on this account unrepaired for nearly a hundred years, until the Observantines got the better of their rivals and obtained possession of it.--Dameto, Pro y Bover, Hist. de Mallorca, II. 1064-5 (Palma, 1841). It is related that when Sixtus IV., who had been a Conventual, proposed in 1477 to subject the Observantines to their rivals, the blessed Giacomo della Marca threatened him with an evil death, and he desisted.--(Chron. Glassberger ann. 1477).

The exceeding laxity prevailing among the Conventuals is indicated by letters granted in 1421 by the Franciscan general, Antonius de Perreto, to Friar Liebhardt Forschammer, permitting him to deposit with a faithful friend all alms given to him, and to expend them on his own wants or for the benefit of the Order, at his discretion; he was also required to confess only four times a year.--(Chron. Glassberger ann. 1416). The General Chapter held at Forli in 1421 was obliged to prohibit the brethren from trading and lending money on usury, under pain of imprisonment and confiscation.--(Ib. ann. 1421). From the Chapter of Ueberlingen, held in 1426, we learn that there was a custom by which, for a sum of money paid down, Franciscan convents would enter into obligations to pay definite stipends to individual friars.--(Ib. ann. 1426). In fact, the efforts of reform at this period, stimulated by the rivalry of the Observantines, reveal how utterly oblivious the Order had become of all the prescriptions of the Rule.

[189] Raynald. ann. 1418, No. 11; ann. 1421, No. 4; ann. 1424, No. 7.--Jo. de Ragusio de Init. Basil. Concil. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 30-1, 40, 55).--Ripoll II. 645.

[190] Wadding. ann. 1426, No. 1-4.--Raynald. ann. 1428, No. 7.--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 597, 609).

[191] Wadding. ann. 1426, No. 15-16; Regest. Mart. V. No. 162; ann. 1432, No. 8-9; ann. 1441, No. 37-8; ann. 1447, No. 10; ann. 1456, No. 108; ann. 1476, No. 24-5.--Raynald. ann. 1432, No. 24.--Jac. de Marchia Dial. (Baluz. et Mansi II. 610).

[192] Jac. de Marchia l. c.

[193] Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Rom. ann. 1467 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1893).--Platinæ Vit. Pauli II. (Ed. 1574, p. 308).--Rod. Santii Hist. Hispan. P. III. c. 40 (R. Beli Rer. Hisp. Scriptt. I. 433).--Wadding. ann. 1371, No. 14.--Ripoll IV. 22.

[194] Barbarano de' Mironi. Hist. di Vicenza. II. 164-5.--Poggii Bracciol. Dial. contra Hypocrisim.

[195] Wadding. ann. 1481, No. 9; ann. 1487, No. 3-5; ann. 1495, No. 12.--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, s.v. Recollects.

[196] Concil. Lateran. ann. 1102 (Harduin. VI. II. 1861-2).--Epist. Sigebert. (Mart. Ampl. Coll. I. 587-94).--Chron. Cassinens. IV. 42, 44. (Cf. Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 627.)--Hartzheim III. 258-65.--Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 659.

[197] Schumacher, Die Stedinger, Bremen, 1865, pp. 26-8.--Adam. Bremens. Gest. Pontif. Hammaburg. c. 203.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1230 (Schannat Vindem. Litt. I. 93).--Chron. Rustedens. (Meibom. Rer. Germ. II. 101).--Albert. Stadens. Chron. ann. 1207 (Schilt. S. R. Germ. I. 299).--Joan. Otton. Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1207 (Menken. S. R. Germ. II. 791).

[198] Albert. Stadens. Chron. ann. 1208-17, 1230.--Joan. Otton. Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1211-20.--Anon. Saxon. Hist. Impp. ann. 1229 (Menken. III. 125).--Chron. Rustedens. (Meibom. II. 101).

There is considerable confusion among the authorities with regard to these events. I have followed the careful investigations of Schumacher, op. cit. pp. 219-23.

[199] Emonis Chron. ann. 1227, 1230 (Matthæi Analecta III. 128, 132).--Schumacher, p. 81.

[200] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 497.--Albert. Stadens. Chron. ann. 1232, 1234.--Raynald. ann. 1232, No. 8.--Hartzheim III. 553.--Joan. Ottonis Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1234.--Anon. Saxon. Hist. Imperator. ann. 1229.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1233.--Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 539 (Pertz).

[201] Emonis Chron. ann. 1234 (Matthæi Analecta III. 139 sqq.).--Potthast No. 9399, 9400.--Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 572.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib. VIII. ann. 1233.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1234.--Schumacher, pp. 116-17.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1232.--Sächsische Weltchronik No. 376-8.--H. Wolteri Chron. Bremens. (Meibom. Rer. Germ. II. 58-9).--Chron. Rastedens. (Ib. II. 101).--Joan Otton. Cat. Archiepp. Bremens. ann. 1234.--Albert. Stadens. ann. 1234.--Anon. Saxon. Hist. Imperator. ann. 1229.

[202] Potthast No. 9777.--Hartzheim III. 554.

As the contemporary Abbot Emo of Wittewerum says, in describing the affair--"principalior causa fuit inobedientia, quæ scelere idololatriæ non est inferior" (Matthæi Analect. III. 142).

[203] Epistt. Selectt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 720, 801.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 4181, 4265, 4269.--Ripoll I. 219, 225.--Vaissette, IV. 46.

[204] Th. Aquinat. Sec. Sec. Q. 11, No. 2-3.--C. 1, Extrav. Commun. I. 8.--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. ii., xxxvii.

It was probably as a derivative from the sanctity of the power of the Holy See that the Inquisition was given jurisdiction over the forgers and falsifiers of papal bulls--gentry whose industry we have seen to be one of the inevitable consequences of the autocracy of Rome. Letters under which Frà Grimaldo da Prato, Inquisitor of Tuscany in 1297, was directed to act in certain cases of the kind are printed by Amati in the Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 6.

[205] Th. Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 2.--Matt. Paris ann. 1255 (p. 614).--Ripoll I. 326.--Raynald. ann. 1264, No. 14.--Arch, de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 27).

Clement IV. (Gui Foucoix) was regarded as one of the best lawyers of his day, but in the severity of his application of the law against Manfred he was not unanimously supported by the cardinals. On February 20 he writes to the Cardinal of S. Martino, his legate in the Mark of Ancona, for his opinion on the question. Manfred and Uberto Pallavicino had both been cited to appear on trial for heresy. Manfred had sent procurators to offer purgation, but Uberto had disregarded the summons and was a contumacious heretic. To the condemnation of the latter there was therefore no opposition, but some cardinals thought that Manfred's excuse was reasonable in view of the enemy at his gates, even though he could easily avert attack by surrender.--Clement PP. IV. Epist. 232 (Martene Thesaur. II. 279).

[206] C. 1, Sexto v. 3.--C. 1, Extrav. Commun. v. 4.

[207] Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza II. 153-4.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 354 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 426 sqq., pp. 459 sqq.; T. V. p. 412. (Ed. Benedictin., Romæ, 1886-7).--Chron. Estense ann. 1309-17 (Muratori S. R. I. XV. 364-82).--Ferreti Vincentini Hist. Lib. III. (Ib. IX. 1037-47).--Cronica di Bologna, ann. 1309-10 (Ib. XVIII. 320-1).--Campi, Dell' Histor. Eccles. di Ferrara, P. III. p. 40.

Even the pious and temperate Muratori cannot restrain himself from describing Clement's bull against the Venetians as "_la piu terribile ed ingiusta Bolla che si sia mai udita_" (Annal. ann. 1309). We have seen in the case of Florence what control such measures enabled the papacy to exercise over the commercial republics of Italy. The confiscation threatened in the sentence of excommunication was no idle menace. When, in 1281, Martin IV. quarrelled with the city of Forli and excommunicated it he ordered, under pain of excommunication not removable even on the death-bed, all who owed money to the citizens to declare the debts to his representatives and pay them over, and he thus collected many thousand lire of his enemies' substance.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1281 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 797)

[208] Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII., München, 1885, pp. 6-10, 21.--Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epist. xviii.--Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 27; ann. 1320, No. 10-14; ann. 1322, No. 6-8, 11.--Bernard. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1318, 1320, 1321-22.

A bull of John XXII., Jan. 28, 1322, ordering the sale of indulgences to aid the crusade of Cardinal Bertrand, recites the heresy of Visconti and his refusal to obey the summons for his trial as the reason for assailing him.--Regest. Clem. PP. V., Romæ, 1885. T. I. Prolegom. p. cxcviii.

[209] Sarpi, Discorso, p. 25 (Ed. Helmstadt).--Albizio, Risposto al P. Paolo Sarpi, p. 75.--Continuat. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1317.--Bern. Corio, ann. 1322.--Regest. Joann. PP. XXII. No. 89, 93, 94, 95 (Harduin. VII. 1432).

[210] Ughelli, Italia Sacra, IV. 286-93 (Ed. 1652).

[211] Raynald. ann. 1324, No. 7-12.--Martene Thesaur. II. 754-6.

[212] Martene Thesaur. II. 743-5.--Wadding. ann. 1324, No. 28; ann. 1326, No. 8; ann. 1327, No. 2.--Ripoll II. 172; VII. 60.--Regest. Clement. PP. V., Romæ, 1885, T. I. Proleg. p. ccxiii.--Theiner Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 462, p. 234.--C. 4. Septimo v. 3.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 204.--Baluz. et Mansi III. 227.--Ughelli IV. 294-5, 314.--Raynald. ann. 1362, No. 13; ann. 1363, No. 2, 4; ann. 1372, No. 1; ann. 1373, No. 10, 12.