Chapter XLIV: Appendix: I (8)

In spite of the decision of Benedict, Matteo and his sons, Galeazzo, Marco, and Stefano, were still unburied in 1353, when the remaining brother, Giovanni, made another effort to secure Christian sepulture for them.--Raynald. ann. 1353, No. 28.

[213] Raynald. ann. 1348, No. 13-14; ann. 1350, No. 5.--Muratori Antiq. VII. 884, 928-32.

[214] Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. et Innoc. VI. pp. 37, 74, 87, 101.--Wadding. ann. 1356, No. 7, 20,--Raynald. ann. 1356, No. 33.

This abuse of spiritual power for purposes of territorial aggrandizement did not escape the trenchant satire of Erasmus. He describes "the terrible thunderbolt which by a nod will send the souls of mortals to the deepest hell, and which the vicars of Christ discharge with special wrath on those who, instigated by the devil, seek to nibble at the Patrimony of Peter. It is thus they call the cities and territories and revenues for which they fight with fire and sword, spilling much Christian blood, and they believe themselves to be defending like apostles the spouse of Christ, the Church, by driving away those whom they stigmatize as her enemies, as if she could have any worse enemies than impious pontiffs."--Encom. Moriæ. Ed. Lipsiens. 1829, II. 379.

That the character of these papal wars had not been softened since the horrors described above at Ferrara, is seen in the massacre of Cesena, in 1376, when the papal legate, Robert, Cardinal of Geneva, ordered all the inhabitants put to the sword, without distinction of age or sex, after they had admitted him and his bandits into the city under his solemn oath that no injury should be inflicted on them. The number of the slain was estimated at five thousand.--Poggii Hist. Florentin. Lib. II. ann. 1376.

[215] MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.--Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.--Ripoll II. 510, 522, 566.

[216] H. Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1883, pp. 323 sqq.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 2089.

[217] Monstrelet, II. 53, 127.--Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 92.--Altmeyer, Précur seurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 237.

[218] Burlamacchi, Vita di Savonarola (Baluz. et Mansi I. 533-542).--Luca Landucci., Diario Florentine, Firenze, 1883, p. 30.--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi II. 2000).

Villari shows (La Storia di Gir. Savonarola, Firenze, 1887, I. pp. viii.-xi.) that the life which passes under the name of Burlamacchi is a _rifacimento_ of an unprinted Latin biography by a disciple of Savonarola. I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to Signore Villari, for his kindly courtesy in furnishing me with the second volume of the new edition of his classical work in advance of publication. My obligations to it will be seen in the numerous references made to it below.

[219] Processo Autentico (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 529, 551).--Burlamacchi (Baluz. et Mansi I. 534-5, 541-2).--Villari, op. cit. Lib. I. c. 5, 9.

[220] Landucci, op. cit. pp. 72, 88, 94, 103, 108, 109, 123-8, 154.--Mémoires de Commines Liv. VIII. c. 19.--Marsilii Ficini opp. Ed. 1561, I. 963.--Nardi, Historie Florentine, Lib. II. (Ed. 1574, pp. 58, 60).--Perrens, Jérome Savonarole, p. 342.--Burlamacchi (loc. cit. pp. 544-6, 552-3, 556-7).

[221] Landucci, p. 163.--Burlamacchi, pp. 558-9.--Nardi, Lib. II. pp. 56-7.

[222] Villari, Lib. II. cap. iv. v.; T. II. App. p. ccxx.--Landucci, pp. 92-4, 112--Processo Autentico (Baluze et Mansi IV. 531, 554, 558).

[223] Landucci, pp. 110, 112, 122.--Villari, I. 473.--Mémoires de Commines, Liv. VII. ch. 19.--Processo Autentico (loc. cit. pp. 524, 541).--Perrens, p. 342.

[224] Guicciardini Lib. III. c. 6.--Burlamacchi, p. 551.--Villari, T. I. pp. civ.--cvii.--Landucci, p. 106.

[225] Villari, I. 402-7.--Landucci, p. 120.--Diar. Johann. Burchardi (Eccard, Corp. Hist. II. 2151-9).

[226] Villari, I. 417, 441-5.--Landucci, pp. 125-9.--Perrens, p. 361.

[227] Villari, I. 489, 492-4, 496, 499, cxlii.; II. 4-6.

[228] Processo Autentico, pp. 533-4.--Perrens, pp. 189-90.--Landucci, pp. 144-6.

[229] Landucci, p. 148.--Villari, II. 18-25.

[230] Villari, II. 25-8, 35-6, 79; App. xxxix.--Processo Autentico, p. 535.--Landucci, pp. 152-3, 157.

[231] Landucci, pp. 161-2.--Machiavelli, Frammenti istorici (Opere Ed. 1782, II. 58).

[232] Landucci, p. 164.--Perrens, p. 231.--Villari, II. App. lxvi.

[233] Perrens, pp. 232-5, 365-72. Cf. Villari, II. 115.

The obnoxious appeal to God had really been made by Savonarola in his sermon of February 11 (Villari, II. 88).

[234] Perrens, pp. 237, 238.--Landucci, pp. 164-66.

[235] Landucci, p. 166.--Villari, II. App. pp. lviii.-lxii.

[236] Villari, II. 129, 132-5; App. pp. lxviii.-lxxi., clxxi.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 584-5.--Perrens. pp. 373-5.--Burlamacchi, p. 551.--In his confession of May 21, Savonarola stated that the idea of the council had only suggested itself to him three months previously (Villari, II. App. cxcii.).

[237] Landucci, p. 113.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1482.--Raynald. ann. 1492, No. 25.--Pulgar, Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos, II. civ.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 491.--Nardi, Lib. II. (p. 79).

The contemporary Glassberger says of Andreas of Krain's attempt, "Nisi enim auctoritas imperatoris intervenisset maximum in ecclesia schisma subortum fuisset. Omnes enim æmuli domini papæ ad domini imperatoris consensum respiciebant pro concilio celebrando." A year's imprisonment in chains exhausted the resolution of Andreas, who executed a solemn recantation of his invectives against the Holy See, This was sent with a petition for pardon to Sixtus IV., who granted it, but before the return of the messengers the unhappy reformer hanged himself in his cell (ubi sup. ann. 1483).

[238] Burlamacchi, p. 559.--Landucci, pp. 166-7.--Processo Autentico, pp. 535-7.--Villari, II. App. lxxi. sqq.

[239] Landucci, pp. 167-8.--Processo Autentico, pp. 536-8.--Villari, II. App. xci.-xciii.

[240] Perrens, pp. 379-81.--Burlamacchi, pp. 560, 562.--Landucci, p. 168.--Processo Autentico, pp. 540-1.

[241] Landucci, pp. 168-9.--Processo Autentico, p. 542.--Burlamacchi, p. 563.--Villari, II. App. pp. lxxv.-lxxx., lxxxiii.-xc.--Guicciardini, Lib. III. c. 6.

The good Florentines did not fail to point out that the sudden death of Charles VIII., on this same April 7, was a visitation upon him for having abandoned Savonarola and the republic.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 80.

[242] Landucci, p. 170.--Processo Autentico, pp. 534, 543.--Burlamacchi, p. 564.

[243] Landucci, p. 171.--Processo Autentico, pp. 544, 549.--Burlamacchi, p. 564.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 78.--Villari, II. 173-77; App. pp. xciv., ccxxv., ccxxxiii.

[244] Landucci, pp. 171-2.--Villari, II. 178; App. p. clxv.--Processo Autentico, pp. 550-1.

Violi (Villari, II. App. cxvi.-vii.) says that the torture was repeatedly applied--on one evening no less than fourteen times from the pulley to the floor, and that his arms were so injured that he was unable to feed himself; but this must be exaggerated in view of the pious treatises which he wrote while in prison. Burlamacchi says that he was tortured repeatedly both with cord and fire (pp. 566, 568). Burchard, the papal prothonotary, states that he was tortured seven times, and Burchard was likely to know and not likely to exaggerate (Burch. Diar. _ap._ Preuves des Mémoires de Commines, Bruxelles, 1706, p. 424). The expression of Commines, who was well-informed, is "_le gesnèrent à merveilles_" (Mémoires, Lib. VIII. ch. 19). But the most emphatic evidence is that of the Signoria, who, in answer to the reproaches of Alexander at their tardiness, declare that they had to do with a man of great endurance; they had assiduously tortured him for many days with slender results, which they would suppress until they could force him to reveal all his secrets--"multa et assidua quæstione, multis diebus, per vim vix pauca extorsimus, quæ nunc celare animus erat donec omnia nobis paterent sui animi involucra" (Villari, II. 197).

[245] Landucci, p. 172.--Processo Autentico, p. 550.--Perrens, pp. 267-8.--Burlamacchi, pp. 566-7.--Villari, II. 188, 193; App. cxviii.-xxi.

It is part of the Savonarola legend that Savonarola threatened Ser Ceccone with death within a year if he did not remove certain interpolations from the confession, and that the prediction was verified, Ceccone dying within the time, unhouselled, and refusing in despair the consolations of religion (Burlamacchi, p. 575.--Violi _ap._ Villari, II. App. cxxvii.).

Ceccone performed the same office for the confession of Frà Domenico (Villari, II. App. Doc. XXVII.).

[246] Processo Autentico, pp. 551-64, 567.--Villari, II. App. cxlvii. sqq.

Violi states that the confession as interpolated by Ceccone was printed and circulated by the Signoria as a justification of their action, but that it proved so unsatisfactory to the public that in a few days all copies were ordered by proclamation to be surrendered (Villari, II. App. p. cxiv.).

[247] Landucci, p. 173.--Burlamacchi, p. 567.

[248] This confession was never made public. Villari, who discovered the MS., has printed it, App. p. clxxv.

[249] Landucci, p. 174.--Processo Autentico, p. 563.--Villari, II. 210, 217.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 79.

[250] Landucci, p. 174.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 79.--Wadding. ann. 1496, No. 7.--Perrens, p. 399.--Processo Autentico, p. 522.--Burlamacchi, p. 568.--Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædicat, (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 393).

[251] Landucci, p. 176.--Nardi, Lib. II. pp. 80-1.--Burlamacchi, p. 568.--Violi (Villari, II. App. cxxv.).--Villari, II. 206-8, 229-33; App. clxxxiv., cxciv., cxcvii.

There was one peculiarity in this examination before Romolino which I have not seen recorded elsewhere. During the interrogatory of May 21 Savonarola was subjected to fresh torture as a preliminary to asking his confirmation of the statements just made under repeated tortures (Villari, II. App. cxcvi.).

[252] Landucci, pp. 176-7.--Processo Autentico, p. 546.--Villari, II. 239; App. cxcviii.--Cantù, Eretici d'ltalia, I. 229.--Burlamacchi, pp. 569-70.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 82.

[253] Landucci, p. 178.--Perrens, p. 281.--Processo Autentico, p. 547.--Nardi, Lib. II. p. 82.--Villari, II. 251.

Burlamacchi's relation (pp. 570-1) of the manner in which an arm, a hand, and the heart of Savonarola were preserved for the veneration of the faithful, has the evident appearance of a legend to justify the authenticity of the relics.

[254] Nardi, Lib. II. pp. 82-3.--Landucci, pp. 190-1.

[255] Wadding. ann. 1498, No. 23.--Landucci, p. 178.--Perrens, pp. 296-7.--Processo Autentico, pp. 524, 528.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 234-5.--Benedicti PP. XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatificatione, Lib. III. c. xxv. §§ 17-20.--Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene, Ampl. Coll. VI. 394).--Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 368.

A goodly catalogue of miracles performed by Savonarola's intercession will be found piously chronicled by Burlamacchi and Bottonio (Baluz. et Mansi I. pp. 571-83).

[256] Ripoll II. 566.--Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.--Tamburini, Storia Gen. dell' Inquis. II. 437-9.

[257] Jac. de Vitriaco Hist. Hierosol. cap. 65 (Bongars, II. 1083-4).--Rolewinck Fascic. Tempor. (Pistorii R. Germ. Scriptt. II. 546).--Regula Pauperum Commilitonum Templi c. 72 (Harduin. VI. _ii._ 1146).--Règle et Statuts secrets des Templiers, §§ 125, 128 (Maillard de Chambure, Paris, 1840, pp. 455, 488-90, 494-5).

Since this chapter was written the Société de l'Histoire de France has issued a more correct and complete edition of the Rule and Statutes of the Templars, under the care of M. Henri de Curzon.

[258] Jac. de Vitriaco loc. cit.--Roberti de Monte Contin. Sigeb. Gembl. (Pistorii, op. cit. I. 875).--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I. c. 52-3.--Art de Vérifier les Dates V. 337.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 550, No. 1547.--Grandes Chroniques, IV. 86.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxiii.--Hans Prutz, Malteser Urkunden, München, 1883, p. 43.

A curious illustration of the prominence which the Templars were acquiring in the social organization is afforded in 1191, when they were made conservators of the Truce of God, by which the nobles and prelates of Languedoc and Provence agreed that beasts and implements and seed employed in agriculture should be unmolested in time of war. For enforcing this the Templars were to receive a bushel of corn for every plough.--Prutz, op. cit. pp. 44-5.

[259] Rymer, Foedera, I. 30.--Can. 10, 11, Extra. III. 30.--Prutz, op. cit. pp. 38, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 56-61, 64, 76, 78-9.

[260] Prutz, op. cit. pp. 38-41, 43, 45, 47-8, 57, 64-9, 75-80.--J. Delaville le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers Paris, 1882, p. 39.--Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, Lucca, 1845, pp. 453-55.--Raynald. ann. 1265, No. 75-6.--Martene Thesaur. II. 111, 118.

The systematic beggary of the Templars must have been peculiarly exasperating both to the secular clergy and the Mendicants. Monsignor Bini prints a document of 1244 in which the Preceptor of Lucca gives to Albertino di Pontremoli a commission to beg for the Order. Albertino employs a certain Aliotto to do the begging from June till the following Carnival, and pays him by empowering him to beg on his own account from the Carnival to the octave of Easter (op. cit. pp. 401-2, 439-40). For the disgraceful squabbles which arose between the secular clergy and the Military Orders over this privileged beggary, see Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1950, p. 746.

[261] Guillel. Tyrii Hist. Lib. XVII. c. 27; XX. 31-2.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. XX.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. X. 121. Cf. XV. 131.--Règle et Statuts secrets, § 173, p. 389.--Michelet, Procès des Templiers, I. 39; II. 9, 83, 140, 186-7, 406-7 (Collection de Documents inédits, Paris, 1841-51).

When, in 1307, the Templars at Beaucaire were seized, out of sixty arrested, five were knights, one a priest, and fifty-four were serving brethren; in June, 1310, out of thirty-three prisoners in the Château d'Alais, there were four knights and one priest, with twenty-eight serving brethren (Vaissette, IV. 141). In the trials which have reached us the proportion of knights is even less. The serving brethren occasionally reached the dignity of preceptor; but how little this implies is shown by the examination, in June, 1310, of Giovanni di Neritone, Preceptor of Castello Villari, a serving brother, who speaks of himself as "_simplex et rusticus_" (Schottmüller, Der Ausgang des Templer-Ordens, Berlin, 1887, II. 125, 130).

The pride of birth in the Order is illustrated by the rule that none could be admitted as knights except those of knightly descent. In the Statutes a case is cited of a knight who was received as such; those who were of his country declared that he was not the son of a knight. He was sent for from Antioch to a chapter where this was found to be true, when the white mantle was removed and a brown one put on him. His receptor was then in Europe, and when he returned to Syria he was called to account. He justified himself by his having acted under the orders of his commander of Poitou. This was found to be true; otherwise, and but that he was a good knight (_proudons_), he would have lost the habit (Règle, § 125, pp. 462-3).

[262] Matt. Paris. ann. 1228, 1243 (Ed. 1644, p. 240, 420).--Mansuet le Jeune, Hist. des Templiers, Paris, 1789, I. 340-1.--Prutz, op. cit. pp. 60-1.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. ann. 1274.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1691-2, 1697.--Marin. Sunuti Secret. Fidel. Lib. III. P. ix. c. 1, 2 (Bongars, II. 188-9).

The Hospital was open to the same reproaches as the Temple. In 1238 Gregory IX. vigorously assailed the Knights of St. John for their abuse of the privileges bestowed on them--their unchastity and the betrayal of the cause of God in Palestine. He even asserts that there are not a few heretics among them.--Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 31-2.

A sirvente by a Templar, evidently written soon after the fall of Acre, alludes bitterly to the sacrifice made of the Holy Land in favor of the ambition and cupidity of the Holy See--

"Lo papa fa de perdon gran largueza
Contr' Alamans ab Arles e Frances;
E sai mest nos mostram gran cobeeza,
Quar nostras crotz van per crotz de tornes;
E qui vol camjar Romania
Per la guerra de Lombardia?
Nostres legatz, don yeu vos dic per ver
Qu'els vendon Dieu el perdon per aver."--
Meyer, _Recueil d'anciens Textes_, p. 96.

It is also to be borne in mind that indulgences were vulgarized in many other ways. When St. Francis announced to Honorius III. that Christ had sent him to obtain plenary pardons for those who should visit the Church of S. Maria di Porziuncola, the cardinals at once objected that this would nullify the indulgences for the Holy Land, and Honorius thereupon limited the Portiuncula indulgence to the twenty-four hours commencing with the vespers of August 1.--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. xxxiii.

[263] Mansuet, op. cit. II. 101, 133.--De Excidio Urbis Acconis (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 757).--Raynald. ann. 1291, No. 30, 31.--Archives Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 40.--Chron. Salisburg. ann. 1291 (Canisii et Basnage III. II. 489).--Annal. Eberhard. Altahens. (Ib. IV. 229).--De Recuperatione Terræ Sanctæ (Bongars, II. 320-1).

[264] Raynald. ann. 1306, No. 3-5, 12.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. (Ed. Benedict. T. I. pp. 40-46; T. II. p. 55, 58, Romæ, 1885-6).--Mansuet, op. cit. II. 132.--Raynouard, Monuments historiques relatifs à la Condamnation des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris, 1813, pp. 17, 46.

The summons to the Grand Master of the Hospital is dated June 6, 1306, (Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. I. p. 190). That to de Molay was probably issued at the same time. From some briefs of Clement, June 13, 1306, in favor of Humbert Blanc, Preceptor of Auvergne, it would seem that the latter was engaged in some crusading enterprise (Ibid. pp. 191-2), probably in connection with the attempt of Charles of Valois. When Hugues de Peraud, however, and other chiefs of the Order were about to sail, in November, Clement retained them (Ib. T. II. p. 5).

It has rather been the fashion with historians to assume that de Molay transferred the headquarters of the Order from Cyprus to Paris. Yet when the papal orders for arrest reached Cyprus, on May 27, 1308, the marshal, draper, and treasurer surrendered themselves with others, showing that there had been no thought of removing the active administration of the Order.--(Dupuy, Traitez concernant l'Histoire de France, Ed. 1700, pp. 63, 132). Raimbaut de Caron, Preceptor of Cyprus, apparently had accompanied de Molay, and was arrested with him in the Temple of Paris (Procès des Templiers, II. 374), but with this exception all the principal knights seized were only local dignitaries.

I think also that Schottmüller (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, Berlin, 1887, I. 66, 99; II. 38) sufficiently proves the incredibility of the story of the immense treasure brought to France by de Molay, and he further points out (I. 98) that the preservation of the archives of the Order in Malta shows that they could not have been removed to France.

[265] Perhaps the most detailed and authoritative contemporary account of the downfall of the Templars is that of Bernard Gui (Flor. Chronic. ap. Bouquet XXI. 716 sqq.). It is impossible to doubt that had there been anything savoring of Catharism in the Order he would have scented it out and alluded to it.

[266] Wilcke, Geschichte des Ordens der Tempelherren, II. Ausgabe, 1860, II. 51, 103-4, 183.--Chron. Anonyme (Bouquet, XXI. 149).--Villani Cron. VIII. 92.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. (Pistor. III. 155).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Règle et Statuts secrets, p. 64.--Real-Encyklop. XV. 305.--Havemann, Geschichte des Ausgangs des Tempelherrenordens, Stuttgart, 1846, p. 165.--Schottmüller, op. cit. I. 236, 695.

[267] Procès des Templiers, I. 144.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12; ann. 1311, No. 53.--Schottmüller, op. cit. I. 465.--Ferreti Vicentini Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1018).--Matt. Paris, ann. 1244 (p. 417).--Dom Bouquet, XXI. 545.--Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 212-13.

An illustration of the exaggerations current as to the Templars is seen in the assertion, confidently made, that in Roussillon and Cerdagne the Order owned half the land, while an examination of its Cartulary shows that in reality it possessed but four lordships, together with fragmentary rights over rents, tithes, or villeins in seventy other places. A single abbey, that of St. Michel de Cuxa, possessed thirty lordships and similar rights in two hundred other places, and there were two other abbeys, Arles, and Cornella de Conflent, each richer than the Templars.--Allart, Bulletin de la Société Agricole, Scientifique et Littéraire des Pyrénées Orientales, T. XV. pp. 107-8.

[268] Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Preuves, pp. 136-7.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, p. 163.--Maillard de Chambure, p. 61.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 173.--Raynouard, pp. 14, 21.--Rymer, I. 30.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. I. p. 192 (Ed. Benedict. Romæ, 1885).--Prutz, pp. 23, 31, 38, 46, 49, 51-2, 59, 76, 78, 79, 80.--Règle et Statuts, § 29, p. 226; § 58, pp. 249, 254; § 126, pp. 463-4.--Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. T. L. No. 490.--Baudouin, op. cit. p. 212.

Schottmüller (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, Berlin, 1887, I. 65) conjectures that the loan of five hundred thousand livres to Philippe is probably a popular error arising from the intervention of the Templars as bankers in the payment of the dowry.

[269] D'Argentré I. I. 280.--Wilcke, op. cit. II. 304-6.

[270] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.--Vaissette, IV. 135.--Raynouard, p. 24.

[271] Villani, Cron. VIII. 92.--Amalr. Augerii Vit. Clem. V. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 443-44).--S. Antonini Hist. (D'Argentré I. I. 281).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12. The best-informed contemporaries, Bernard Gui, the Continuation of Nangis, Jean de S. Victor, the Grandes Chroniques, say nothing about this story.

[272] Règle et Statuts secrets, §81, p. 314; §124, p. 448.--Wilkins Concilia II. 338.--Procès des Templiers, I. 186-7, 454; II. 139, 153, 195-6, 223, 440, 445, 471.--S. Damiani Lib. Gomorrhian.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1120.--Alani de Insulis Lib. de Planctu Naturæ.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium I. xxiv.--Prediche del B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 230.--Regest. Clement. PP. V.T. V. p. 259 (Ed. Benedictin. Romæ, 1887).--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. ii. fol. lxxxiii.--Mémoires de Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 42; Liv. IV. ch. 3.--Rogeri Bacon Compend. Studii Philosophiæ cap. ii. (M.R. Series I. 412).

Unnatural crime was subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the punishment was burning alive (Très Ancien Cout. de Bretagne, Art. 112, 142 _ap_. Bourdot de Richebourg, IV. 227, 232.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita, cap. 51, Bergomi, 1594). An instance of the infliction of the penalty by secular justice is recorded at Bourges in 1445 (Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. Godefroy, p. 72), and another at Zurich in 1482 (V. Anshelm, Die Berner Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 221), though in 1451 Nicholas V. had subjected the crime to the Inquisition (Ripoll III. 301). D'Argentré says "Hæc poena toto regno et vulgo statutis Italiæ indicitur per civitates, sed pene irritis legibus" (Comment. Consuetud. Duc. Britann. p. 1810). In England it was a secular crime, punishable by burning alive (Horne, Myrror of Justice, cap. IV. § 14) and in Spain by castration and lapidation (El Fuero real de España, Lib. IV. Tit. ix. l. 2).

The gossiping experiences in Syria and Italy of Antonio Sicci da Vercelli, as related before the papal commission in March, 1311, show the popular belief that there was a terrible secret in the Order which none of its members dared reveal (Procès, I. 644-5).

It is perhaps a coincidence that in 1307 the Teutonic Order was likewise accused of heresy by the Archbishop of Riga. Its Grand Master, Carl Beffart, was summoned by Clement, and with difficulty averted from his Order the fate of the Templars.--Wilcke, II. 118.

[273] Procès des Templiers, I. 36, 168.--Chron. Anonyme (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).

[274] Bull. _Pastoralis præeminentiæ_ (Mag. Bull. Rom. Supplem. IX. 126).--Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_ (Ib. p. 136).--The Itineraries of Philippe and the record of pastoral visitations by Bertrand de Goth (Clement V.) sufficiently disprove the legendary story, originating with Villani, of the conditions entered into in advance at St. Jean d'Angely between Philippe and Clement (see van Os, De Abolitione Ordinis Templariorum, Herbipoli, 1874, pp. 14-15). None the less, however, was Clement practically subordinated to Philippe.

[275] Schottmüller's theory (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, I. 91) that Clement summoned the chiefs of the two Military Orders to arrange with them for the protection of the Holy See against Philippe appears to me destitute of all probability.

[276] Villani Chron. VIII. 91-2.--Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 26.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S.R.I. XI. 1228).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Raynouard, pp. 18, 19.--Van Os De Abol. Ord. Templar, p. 43.--Procès des Templiers, II. 400.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131.--Procès, I. 95.--Du Puy, Traitez concernant l'Histoire de France, Paris, 1700, pp. 10, 117.

[277] Du Puy, pp. 18-19, 86.--Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, Leipzig, 1783, pp. 36-50.--Pissot, Procès et Condamnation des Templiers, Paris, 1805, pp. 39-43.

Clement V., in his letters of November 21 to Edward of England, and November 22 to Robert, Duke of Calabria, describes Philippe as having acted under the orders of the Inquisition, and as presenting the prisoners for judgment to the Church (Rymer III. 30; MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.). The Holy Office was recognized at the time as being the responsible instrumentality of the whole affair Chron. Fran. Pipini c. 49 _op_. Muratori S. R. I. IX. 749-50). The bull _Faciens misericordiam_ of August 12, 1308, gives the inquisitors throughout Europe instructions to participate in the subsequent proceedings (Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

In fact, the whole matter was strictly inquisitorial business, and it is a noteworthy fact that where the Inquisition was in good working order, as in France and Italy, there was no difficulty in obtaining the requisite evidence. In Castile and Germany it failed; in England, as we shall see, nothing could be done until the Inquisition was practically established temporarily for the purpose.

[278] Dom Bouquet, XXI. 448.--Vaissette, IV. 139.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137, 149).--Cont. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649).--Procès des Templiers, I. 458; II. 373.

[279] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Schottmüller, op. cit. I. 131-33.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. V. c. 73.--Procès des Templiers, II. 6, 375, 386, 394.--Du Puy, pp. 25-6, 88-91, 101-6.--Raynouard, pp. 39-40, 164, 235-8, 240-5.--Procès des Templiers, I. 36, 69, 203, 301; II. 305-6.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1230).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 149).

[280] Pissot, pp. 41-2.--Procès des Templiers, I. 89 sqq.--Mag. Bull. Roman. IX. 129 sqq.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Grandes Chroniques V. 188-90.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.

[281] Wilcke, II. 424.--Procès des Templiers, II. 218.--The flimsiness of the evidence which suffices to satisfy archaeologists of this kind is seen in the laborious trifling of M. Mignard, who finds in a sculptured stone coffer, discovered at Essarois in 1789, all the secrets of gnostic Manichæism, and who thereupon leaps to the conclusion that the coffer must have belonged to the Templars who had a preceptory within eight or ten miles of the place, and that it served as a receptacle for the Baphometic idol (Mignard, Monographie du coffret de M. le duc de Blacas, Paris, 1852.--Suite, 1853).

It is impossible to listen without respect to Professor Hans Prutz, whose labors in the archives of Valetta I have freely quoted above, and one can only view with regret the efforts of such a man wasted in piecing together contradictory statements of tortured witnesses to evolve out of them a dualistic heresy--an amalgamation of Catharan elements with Luciferan beliefs, to which even the unlucky Stedingers contribute corroboration (Geheimlehre u. Geheimstatuten des Tempelherren-Ordens, Berlin, 1879, pp. 62, 86, 100). It ought to be sufficient to prevent such wasted labor for the future, to call attention to the fact that if there had been ardor and conviction enough in the Order to risk the organization and propagation of a new heresy, there would, unquestionably, have been at least a few martyrs, such as all other heretical sects furnished. Yet not a single Templar avowed the faith attributed to them and persisted in it. All who confessed under the stress of the prosecution eagerly abjured the errors attributed to them and asked for absolution. A single case of obstinacy would have been worth to Philippe and Clement all the other testimony, and would have been made the pivotal point of the trials, but there was not one such. All the Templars who were burned were martyrs of another sort--men who had confessed under torture, had retracted their confessions, and who preferred the stake to the disgrace of persisting in the admission extorted from them. It does not seem to occur to the ingenious framers of heretical beliefs for the Templars that they must construct a heresy whose believers will not suffer death in its defence, but will endure to be burned in scores rather than submit to the stigma of having it ascribed to them. The mere statement of the case is enough to show the fabulous character of all the theories so laboriously constructed, especially that of M. Mignard, who proves that the Templars were Cathari--heretics whose aspiration for martyrdom was peculiarly notorious.

I have not been able to consult Loiseleur's "La Doctrine Secrète des Templiers" (Orleans, 1872), but from Prutz's references to it I gather that it is grounded on the same false basis and is open to the same easy refutation. Wilcke's speculations are too perversely crude to be worth attention.

[282] Writers unfamiliar with the judicial processes of the period are misled by the customary formula, to the effect that the confirmation of a confession is not obtained by force or fear of torture. See Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12, and Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, p. 428. Wilcke asserts positively (op. cit. II. 318) that de Molay never was tortured, which may possibly be true (Amalr. Auger. Vit. Clem. V. _ap._ Muratori III. ii. 461), but he saw his comrades around him subjected to torture, and it was a mere question of strength of nerve whether he yielded before or after the rack. Prutz even says that in England neither torture nor terrorism was employed (Geheimlehre, p. 104), which we will see below was not the case. Van Os (De Abol. Ord. Templ. pp. 107, 109) is bolder, and argues that a confession confirmed after torture is as convincing as if no torture had been used. He carefully suppresses the fact, however, that retraction was held to be relapse and entailed death by burning.

How the system worked is illustrated by the examination of the Preceptor of Cyprus, Raimbaud de Caron, before the inquisitor Guillaume, Nov. 10, 1307. When first interrogated he would only admit that he had been told in the presence of his uncle, the Bishop of Carpentras, that he would have to renounce Christ to obtain admission. He was then removed and subsequently brought back, when he remembered that at his reception he had been forced to renounce Christ and spit on the cross, and had been taught that the gratification of unnatural lust was permissible. Yet this confession, so evidently the result of torture, winds up with the customary formula that he swore it was not the result of force or fear of prison or torture.--Procès. II. 374-5.

[283] Procès, II. 188, 407.

[284] Ibid. II. 451.

[285] Procès, I. 241, 412, 415, 602, 611; II. 7, 295, 298, 354, 359, 382, 394.--Règle, §7, p. 211.

[286] Procès, I. 213, 332; II. 388, 404.--Raynouard, p. 281.--In this and the following notes I can only give a few references as examples. To do so exhaustively would be to make an analytical index of the whole voluminous mass of testimony.

[287] Procès, I. 206, 242, 302, 378, 386, etc.; II. 5, 27, etc.

[288] Procès, I. 254, 417; II. 24, 62, 72, 104.--Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, pp. 463, 470, 478.

[289] Procès, II. 42, 44, 59.

[290] Procès, I. 206-7, 294, 411, 426, 464, 533; II. 31, 128, 242, 366.

[291] Procès, I. 190, 207, 399, 502, 597; II. 193, 203, 212, 279, 300, 313, 315, 363, 364.--Du Puy, pp. 105-6.--Raynouard, pp. 246-8, 279-83, 293.--Bini, pp. 465, 474, 482, 487, 488.--Wilkins, Concilia, II. 358.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 29, 50, 68, 70, 127, 410, 411.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler, pp. 124-5.

It is in this multiform creature of the imagination that Dr. Wilcke (II. 131-2) sees alternately an image of John the Baptist and the triune Makroposopus of the Cabala.

Among the few outside witnesses who appeared before the papal commission in 1310-11, was Antonio Sicci of Vercelli, imperial and apostolic notary, who forty years before had served the Templars in Syria in that capacity, and had recently been employed in the case by the Inquisition of Paris. Among his Eastern experiences he gravely related a story current in Sidon that a lord of that city once loved desperately but fruitlessly a noble maiden of Armenia; she died, and, like Periander of Corinth, on the night of her burial he opened her tomb and gratified his passion. A mysterious voice said, "Return in nine months and you will find a head, your son!" In due time he came back and found a human head in the tomb, when the voice said, "Guard this head, for all your good-fortune will come from it!" At the time the witness heard this, Matthieu le Sauvage of Picardy was Preceptor of Sidon, who had established brotherhood with the Soldan of Babylon by each drinking the other's blood. Then a certain Julian, who had succeeded to Sidon and to the possession of the head, entered the Order and gave to it the town and all his wealth. He was subsequently expelled and entered the Hospitallers, whom he finally abandoned for the Premonstratensians (Procès, I. 645-6). This somewhat irrelevant and disconnected story so impressed the commissioners that they made Antonio reduce it to writing himself, and lost no subsequent opportunity of inquiring about the head of Sidon from all other witnesses who had been in Syria. Shortly afterwards Jean Senandi, who had lived in Sidon for five years, informed them that the Templars purchased the city, and that Julian, who had been one of its lords, entered the Order but apostatized and died in poverty. One of his ancestors was said to have loved a maiden and abused her corpse, but he had heard nothing of the head (Ib. II. 140). Pierre de Nobiliac had been for many years beyond seas, but had likewise never heard of it (Ib. 215). At length their curiosity was gratified by Hugues de Faure, who confirmed the fact that Sidon had been purchased by the Grand Master, Thomas Berard (1257-1273), and added that after the fall of Acre he had heard in Cyprus that the heiress of Maraclea, in Tripoli, had been loved by a noble who had exhumed her body and violated it, and cut off her head, a voice telling him to guard it well, for it would destroy all who looked upon it. He wrapped it up and kept it in a coffer, and in Cyprus, when he wished to destroy a town of the Greeks, he would uncover it and accomplish his purpose. Desiring to destroy Constantinople he sailed thither with it, but his old nurse, curious to know what was in the coffer so carefully preserved, opened it, when a sudden storm burst over the ship and sank it with all on board, except a few sailors who escaped to tell the tale. Since then no fish have been found in that part of the sea (Ib. 223-4). Guillaume Avril had been seven years beyond seas without hearing of the head, but had been told that in the whirlpool of Setalias a head sometimes appeared, and then all the vessels there were lost (Ib. 238). All this rubbish was sent to the Council of Vienne as part of the evidence against the Order.

[292] Procès, I. 233, 242, 250, 414, 423, 429, 533, 536, 546, etc.

[293] Procès, I. 233; II. 219, 232, 237, 264.--Raynouard, 274-5, 279-80.--Bini, pp. 463, 497.

At the feast of the Holy Cross in May and September, and on Good Friday, the Templars all assembled, and, laying aside shoes and head-gear and swords, adored the cross, with the hymn--

Ador te Crist et benesesc te Crist
Qui per la sancta tua crou nos resemist.--
(Procès, II. 474, 491, 503.)

[294] Procès, I. 233, 250, 536, 539, 541, 546, 606; II. 226, 232, 336, 360, 369.--Ravnouard, p. 275.

[295] Procès, I. 530, 533, 536, 539, 544, 549, 565, 572, 622; II. 24, 27, 29, 31, 120, 280, 362, 546, 579.--Schottmüller, II. 413.

[296] Procès, I. 386, 536, 539, 565, 572, 592.

[297] Procès. I. 413, 434, 444, 469, 504, 559, 562; II. 75, 99, 113, 123, 205.--Raynouard, p. 280.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 132, 410.

[298] Procès, I. 407, 418, 435, 462, 572, 588; II. 27, 38, 67, 174, 185, 214.

[299] Procès, I. 404; II. 260, 281, 284, 295, 299, 338, 354, 356, 363, 389, 390, 395, 407.--Bini, pp. 468, 488.

It is not easy to appreciate the reasoning of Michelet (Procès, II. vii.-viii.), who argues that the uniformity of denial in a series of depositions taken by the Bishop of Elne suggests concert of statement agreed upon in advance, while the variations in those who admitted guilt are an evidence of their veracity. If the Templars were innocent, denials of the charges read to them seriatim would be necessarily identical; if they were guilty, the confessions would be likewise uniform. Thus the identity of the one group and the diversity of the other both concur to disprove the accusations.

[300] Incontrovertible evidence that the Templar priests did not mutilate the words of consecration in the mass is furnished in the Cypriote proceedings by ecclesiastics who had long dwelt with them in the East.--Processus Cypricus (Schottmüller, II. 379, 382, 383).

[301] Procès, I. 230-1, 264-74, 296-307, 331-67, 477-93, 602-19, 621-41; II. 1-3, 56-85, 91-114, 122-52, 154-77, 184-91, 234-56, 263-7.

[302] Procès, I. 298, 305, 319, 336, 372, 401, 405, 427, 436, etc.

It is not easy to understand the prescription of Friday fasting as a penance for a Templar, for the ascetic rules of the Order already required the most rigid fasting. Meat was only allowed three days in the week, and a second Lent was kept from the Sunday before Martinmas until Christmas (Règle, §§ 15, 57).

[303] This would seem not unlikely if we are to believe the confession of Jean d'Aumônes, a serving brother who stated that at his reception his preceptor turned all the other brethren out of the chapel, and after some difficulty forced him to spit at the cross, after which he said "Go, fool, and confess." This Jean at once did, to a Franciscan who imposed on him only the penance of three Friday fasts, saying that it was intended as a test of constancy in case of capture by the Saracens (Procès, I. 588-91).

Another serving brother, Pierre de Cherrut, related that after he had been forced to renounce God his preceptor smiled disdainfully at him, as though despising him (Ib. I. 531).

Equally suggestive is the story, told by the serving brother Eudes de Bures, a youth of twenty at the time, that after his reception he was taken into another room by two of the brethren and forced to renounce Christ. On his refusing at first, one of them said that in his country people renounced God a hundred times for a flea--perhaps an exaggeration, but "Je renye Dieu" was one of the commonest of expletives. When the preceptor heard him weeping he called to the tormentors to let him alone, as they would set him crazy, and he subsequently told Eudes that it was a joke (Ib. II. 100-2).

What is the real import of such incidents may be gathered from a story related by a witness during the inquest held in Cyprus, May, 1310. He had heard from a Genoese named Matteo Zaccaria, who had long been a prisoner in Cairo, that when the news of the proceedings against the Order reached the Soldan of Egypt he drew from his prisons about forty Templars captured ten years before on the island of Tortosa, and offered them wealth if they would renounce their religion. Surprised and angered by their refusal, he remanded them to their dungeons and ordered them to be deprived of food and drink, when they perished to a man rather than apostatize.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 160.

[304] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. p. 95.--Du Puy, pp. 117-18, 124, 134.--Schottmüller, I. 94.--Rymer, Foed. III. 30.--MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 126, 131.--Zurita, Lib. v. c. 73.

Apparently there was a general expectation that the Hospitallers would share the fate of the Templars, and a disposition was manifested at once to pillage them, for Clement felt obliged, December 21, 1307, to issue a bull confirming all their privileges and immunities, and to send throughout Europe letters ordering them to be protected from all encroachments (Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. III. pp. 14, 17-18, 20-1, 273; T. IV. p. 418).

[305] Du Puy, pp. 12-13, 84-5, 89, 109, 111-12, 134.--D'Achery Spicileg. II. 199.--Raynouard, p. 238, 306.

Jean de S. Victor gives the date of the declaration of the University as the Saturday after Ascension (May 25, _ap_. Bouquet, XXI. 651), but Du Puy describes the document as sealed with fourteen seals, and dated on Lady Day (March 25).

[306] Archives Administratives de Reims, T. II. pp. 65, 66.--Chassaing Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 274-5.--Du Puy, pp. 38-9, 85, 113, 116.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 650).--Raynouard, p. 42.

[307] Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1229-30).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 650).--Raynouard, pp. 44-5, 245-52.--Du Puy, pp. 13-14.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 13 sqq.--Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_, 12 Aug. 1308 (Rymer, II. 101.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

[308] Du Puy, pp. 15-17, 20, 39, 86, 107-8, 118-19, 121-22, 125.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, pp. 46, 49.--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 651).--D'Achery Spicileg. II. 200.

Guillaume de Plaisian, who had been Philippe's chief instrument in these transactions, received special marks of Clement's favor by briefs dated August 5 (Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 216, 227).

[309] Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Du Puy, pp. 64-5, 86-88, 127, 207-9.--Procès des Templiers I. 50-2.--Raynouard, p. 47.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 433-4.

Clement appointed six curators in France to look after the property for the Holy See. By letters of January 5, 1309, he gave them an allowance from the Templar property of forty sous _parisis_ of good money each for every night which they might have to spend away from home, at the same time cautioning them that they must not fraudulently leave their houses without necessity (Regest. T. IV. p. 439). A brief of January 28, 1310, transferring from the Bishop of Vaison to the canon, Gérard de Bussy, the custody of certain Templar houses, shows that Clement succeeded in obtaining possession of a portion (Ib. T. V. p. 56).

[310] Du Puy, pp. 33-4, 133.--Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_.--Procès, I. 34-5.

[311] Rymer, III. 101.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 134, 136.--Harduin. VII. 1283, 1289, 1321, 1353.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, pp. 71-2.--Raynald. ann. 1308, No. 8.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 281 sqq., pp. 363 sqq., 386 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 3, 276 sqq., 479-82.

The Master of England and the Master of Germany were reserved for papal judgment. The bull _Faciens misericordiam_, addressed to Germany, contained no command to assemble provincial councils (Harduin. VII. 1353).

In spite of all that had occurred, this bull seems to have taken the public by surprise outside of France. Walter of Hemingford calls it "_bullam horribilem contra Templarios_" (Chron. Ed. 1849, II. 279).

[312] Du Puy, pp. 110, 125.--Raynouard, p. 130.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 453-55, 457-8.--Procès, I. 71-2, 128, 132, 135, 463, 511, 540, etc.

[313] Raynouard, pp. 52-3.--Procès, I. 40, 75, 230, 506-9, 511-14, 520-1, 527-8; II. 13, 18.

[314] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654).--Procès, I. 1-31.

[315] Procès, I. 28, 29, 41-5, 88.

[316] Procès, I. 47-53.

[317] Procès, I. 103-51.--It must be borne in mind that the allowance was in the fearfully debased currency of Philippe le Bel. According to a document of 1318 the livre Tournois still was to the sterling pound as 1 to 4-1/2 (Olim, III. 1279).

Other Templars subsequently offered to defend the Order, making five hundred and seventy-three up to May 2.

[318] Procès, I. 165-72.

[319] Procès, I. 173, 201-4, 259-64.

[320] Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Sens, p. 68.--Procès, I. 274-5, 281.--Contin. Chron. G. de Fracheto (Bouquet, XXI. 33).--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 140).--Amalr. Auger. Hist. Pontif. (Eccard II. 1810).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 719).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654-55).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 187.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 158).--Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. p. iii.--Raynouard, pp. 118-20.

It was not all bishops who were ready to accept the inquisitorial doctrine that revocation of confession was equivalent to relapse. The question was discussed in the Council of Narbonne and decided in the negative.--Raynouard, p. 106.

The number of those who refused to confess was not insignificant. Some papers respecting the expenses of detention of Templars at Senlis describe sixty-five as not reconciled, who therefore cannot have confessed.--Ib. p. 107.

[321] Procès, I. 275-83.

[322] Harduin. VII. 1334.--Procès, I. 286-7; II. 3-4, 269-73.--Raynouard, pp. 254-6.--A notarial attestation describes the voluminous record as consisting of 219 folios with forty lines to the page, equivalent to 17,520 lines.

How close a watch was kept on the witnesses is seen in the case of three, Martin de Mont Richard, Jean Durand, and Jean de Ruans, who, on March 22, asserted that they knew of no evil in the Order. Two days later they are brought back to say that they had lied through folly. When before their bishops they had confessed to renouncing and spitting, and it was true. What persuasions were applied to them during the interval no one can tell.--Procès, II. 88-96, 107-9.

[323] Rymer, Foedera, III. 18, 34-7, 43-6.

[324] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 316, 477.--Rymer, Foed. III. 168-9, 173, 179-80, 182, 195, 203-4, 244.

The pay assigned to the inquisitors was three florins each _per diem_, to be assessed on the Templar property (Regest. ubi sup.).

[325] Wilkins, Concil. Mag. Brit. II. 329-92.--Rymer, III. 195, 202-3, 224-5, 227-32, 260, 274.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. pp. 455-7.

[326] Wilkins, II. 314, 373-83, 394-400.--Rymer, III. 295, 327, 334, 349, 472-3.--Procès des Templiers, II. 130.--D'Argentré I. I. 280.

That the allowance for the Templars was liberal is shown by that made for the Bishop of Glasgow when confined, in 1312, in the Castle of Porchester. His _per diem_ was 6_d._, that for his valet 3_d._, for his chaplain five farthings, and the same for his servant (Rymer, III. 363). The wages of the janitor of the Temple in London was 2_d._, by a charter of Edward II. in 1314 (Wilcke, II. 498).

[327] Procès, II. 267.--Calmet, Hist. Gén. de Lorraine, II. 436.

[328] Gassari Annal. Augstburgens. ann. 1312 (Menken. Scriptt, I. 1473).--Torquati Series Pontif. Magdeburg. ann. 1307-8 (Menken. III. 390).--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Chron. Episc. Merseburgens. c. xxvii. § 3 (Ludewig IV. 408).--Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnitz III. 374).--Wilcke, II. 242, 246, 324-5.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 271.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 77.--Havemann, p. 333.

[329] Harduin. VII. 1353.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 3-4; T. V. p. 272.--Du Puy, pp. 62-3, 130-1.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden, p. 77.--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Raynouard, pp. 127, 270.--Jo. Latomi Cat. Archiepp. Moguntt. (Menken. III. 526).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII. ann. 1311.--Wilcke, II. 243, 246, 325, 339.--Schottmüller, I. 445-6.

Even Raynaldus (ann. 1307, No. 12) alludes to the incombustibility of the Templars' crosses as an evidence in their favor.

[330] Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131-2.--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.--Du Puy, pp. 63-4, 87, 222-6.--Raynouard, pp. 200, 279-84.--Schottmüller, II. 108 sqq.

[331] Schottmüller, II. 406-19.

[332] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 301.--Bini, pp. 420-1, 424, 427-8.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Raynouard, pp. 273-77.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 880).--Du Puy, pp. 57-8.--Rubei Hist. Ravennat. Ed. 1589, pp. 517, 521, 522, 524, 525, 526.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 41.--Barbarano dei Mironi Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 157-8.--Anton, Versuch einer Geschichte der Tempelherrenordens, Leipzig, 1779, p. 139.

[333] Schottmüller, I. 457-69, 494; II. 147-400.--Du Puy, pp. 63, 106-7.--Raynouard, p. 285.

[334] Allart, Bulletin de la Société des Pyrénées Orientales, 1867, Tom. XV. pp. 37-42, 67-9, 72, 76-8, 94-6.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. V. c. 72, Lib. VI. c. 61.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 435 sqq.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. de España, II. 369-70.--Ptol. Lucens Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1228).--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1312 (Aguirre, VI. 233-4).

[335] Allart, op. cit. pp. 34, 42, 66, 69, 72-4, 79, 81-4, 86, 93-8, 105.--Procès, II. 424-515.--Vaissette, IV. 153.

I have met with no details as to the treatment of the Templars of Navarre; but as Louis Hutin, son of Philippe le Bel, succeeded to that kingdom in 1307, of course the French methods prevailed there, and the papal Inquisitor, Jean de Bourgogne, had full opportunity to procure testimony in what manner was most effective.

[336] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 289, 299.--Llorente, Ch. III. Art. 2, No. 6, 7.--Mariana, Lib. XV. c. 10 (Ed. 1789, p. 390, note).--Raynouard, pp. 128, 265-66.--Aguirre, VI. 230.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 368-70.

[337] Raynouard, pp. 204, 267.--Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 40.--Zurita, Lib. VI. c. 26.--La Fuente, II. 872.

[338] Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 53.--Raynouard, pp. 166-7.--Schottmüller, I. 395.

[339] Bini, p. 501.--Raynouard, pp. 233-5, 303.--Vaissette, IV. 140-1.

[340] Hefele, Conciliengeschichte I. 66.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 353.--The apologetic tone in which it was felt necessary to speak of the acts of the council with regard to the Templars is well illustrated by a Vatican MS. quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1311, No. 54.

Only fragments have reached us of the vast accumulation of documents respecting the case of the Templars. In the migrations of Clement V. doubtless some were lost (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengesch. 1885, p. 7); others in the Schism, when Benedict XIII. carried a portion of the archives to Peniscola (Schottmüller, I. 705), and others again in the transport of the papers of the curia from Avignon to Rome. When, in 1810, Napoleon ordered the papal archives transferred to Paris, where they remained until 1815, the first care of General Radet, the French Inspector-general of Rome, was to secure those concerning the trials of the Templars and of Galileo (Regest. Clement. PP. V., Romæ, 1885, T. I. Proleg. p. ccxxix.). During their stay in Paris Raynouard utilized them in the work so often quoted above, but even then only a few seem to have been accessible, and of these a portion are now not to be found in the Vatican MSS., although Schottmüller, the most recent investigator, expresses a hope that the missing ones may yet be traced (op. cit. I. 713). The number of boxes sent to Paris amounted to 3239, and the papal archivists complained that many documents were not restored. The French authorities declared that the papal agents to whom they had been delivered sold immense quantities to grocers (Reg. Clem. V. Proleg. pp. ccxciii.-ccxcviii.).

[341] Bull. _Vox in excelso_ (Van Os, pp. 72-4).--Du Puy, pp. 177-8.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Murutori S. R. I. XI. 1236).--Raynouard, p. 187.--Cf. Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 55.

If Schottmüller's assumption be correct as to the "Deminutio laboris examinantium processus contra ordinem Templi in Anglia," printed by him from a Vatican MS. (op cit. II. 78 sqq.)--that it was prepared to be laid before the commission of the Council of Vienne, it shows the unscrupulous manner in which the evidence was garbled for the purpose of misleading those who were to sit in judgment. All the favorable testimony is suppressed and the wildest gossip of women and monks is seriously presented as though it were incontrovertible.

[342] Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 345).--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, p. 179.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1307 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 154).--Bull. _Vox in excelso_ (Van Os, pp. 75-77).--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 721).--Wilcke, II. 307.--Gürtleri Hist. Templarior. Amstel. 1703, p. 365.--Vertot, Hist. des Chev. de Malthe, Ed. 1755, Tom II. p. 136.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1311-12.--Martin. Polon. Contin. (Eccard. I. 1438).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.

When, in 1773, Clement XIV. desired to abolish the Order of Jesuits by an arbitrary exercise of papal power, he did not fail to find a precedent in the suppression of the Templars by Clement V.--as he says in his bull of July 22, 1773, "Etiamsi concilium generale Viennense, cui negotium examinandum commiserat, a formali et definitiva sententia ferenda censuerit se abstinere."--Bullar. Roman. Contin. Prati, 1847, V. 620.

The wits of the day did not allow the affair to pass unimproved. Bernard Gui cites as current at the time the Leonine verse, "Res est exempli destructa superbia Templi." Hocsemius quotes for us a chronogram by P. de Awans, possibly alluding to the treasure which Philippe gained--

"Excidium Templi nimia pinguedine rempli
Ad LILIVM duo C consocianda doce."

To minds of other temper there were not lacking portents to prove the anger of Heaven, whether at the crimes of the Order or at its destruction--eclipses of sun and moon, parahelia, paraselenæ, fires darting from earth to heaven, thunder in clear sky. Near Padua a mare dropped a foal with nine feet; flocks of birds of an unknown species were seen in Lombardy; throughout the Paduan territory a rainy winter was succeeded by a dry summer with hail-storms, so that the harvests were a failure. No Etruscan haruspex or Roman augur could wish for clearer omens: it reads like a page of Livy.--Albertini Mussati Hist. August. Rubr. X. XI. (Muratori S. R. I. X. 377-9).-Cf. Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Ib. XI. 1233); Fr. Jordan. Chron. ann. 1314 (Muratori Antiq. XI. 789).

[343] Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Raynald. ann. 1312, No. 5.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcopp. Leod. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Chron. Fr. Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Ib. XI. 194).--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).--Walsingham (D'Argentré I. I. 280).--Raynouard, pp. 197-8.--Bull. _Ad providam_ (Rymer, III. 323.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 149.--Harduin. VII. 1341-8).--Bull. _Nuper in generali_ (Rymer III. 326. Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 150).--Zurita, Lib. V. c. 99.--Allart, op. cit. pp. 71-2.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden, p. 81.