Chapter XLV: Appendix: I (9)

[344] Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 722).--Godefroy de Paris, v. 6028-9.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017).--Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 51.--Havemann, Geschichte des Ausgangs, p. 290.--Fr. Pipini Chron. c. 49 (Muratori IX. 750).--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, pp. 20-1.--Raynouard, pp. 213-4, 233-5.--Wilcke, II. 236, 240.--Anton, Versuch, p. 142.

[345] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 39.--Raynouard, pp. 205-10.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1313.--Joaun. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 143).--Godefroy de Paris v. 6033-6129.--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Pauli Æmylii de Reb. Gest. Franc. Ed. 1569, p. 421.--Van Os, p. 111.

In his haste Philippe did not stop to inquire as to his rights over the Isle des Juifs. It happened that the monks of St. Germain des Près claimed _haute et basse justice_ there, and they promptly complained that they were wronged by the execution, whereupon Philippe issued letters declaring that it should work no prejudice to them (Olim, II. 599).

[346] Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1314 (Pistorii I. 1201).--Chron. Sampetrini Erfurtens. ann. 1315 (Menken III. 325).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1018).

Clement's reputation was such that this was not the only legend of the kind about his death. While yet Archbishop of Bordeaux, he had a bitter quarrel with Walter of Bruges, a holy Franciscan whom Nicholas III. had forced to accept the episcopate of Poitiers. On his elevation to the papacy he gratified his grudge by deposing Walter and ordering him to a convent. Walter made no complaint, but on his death-bed he appealed to the judgment of God, and died with a paper in his hand in which he cited the papal oppressor before the divine tribunal on a certain day. His grip on this could not be loosened, and he was buried with it. The next year Clement chanced to pass through the place; he had the tomb opened, found the body uncorrupted, and ordered the paper to be given to him. It terrified him greatly, and at the time specified he was obliged to obey the summons.--Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 13.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1307.

Guillaume de Nogaret, who was Philippe's principal instrument, was the subject of a similar story. A Templar on his way to the stake saw him and cited him to appear within eight days, and on the eighth day he died.--Chron. Astena. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 194).

[347] Godefroi de Paris, v. 6131-45. Cf. 3876-81, 3951-2.--Procès des Templiers, II. 195.

Some of the contemporaries outside of France who attribute the affair to the greed of Philippe and Clement are--Matt. Neoburg. (Albert Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).--Sächsische Weltchronik, erste bairische Fortsetzung, ann. 1312 (Mon. Germ. II. 334).--Stalwegii Chron. ann. 1305 (Leibnit. III. 274).--Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnit. III. 374).--Chron. Comitum Schawenburg (Meibom. 1. 499).--Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 345-6).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 192-4).--Istorie Pistolesi (Ib. XI. 518).--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.

Authorities who assume the guilt of the Templars are--Ferreti Vicentini Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017-18).--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Ib. IX. 880).--Albertin. Mussat. Hist. August. Rubr. x. (Ib. X. 377).--Chron. Guillel. Scoti (Bouquet, XXI. 205).--Hermanni Corneri Chron. ann. 1309 (Eccard. II. 971-2). The old German word Tempelhaus, signifying house of prostitution, conveys the popular sense of the license of the Order (Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307).

Henri Martin assumes that the traditions of the north of France are adverse to the Templars, and that those of the south are favorable. He instances a Breton ballad in which the "Red Monks," or Templars, are represented as ferocious debauchees who carry off young women and then destroy them with the fruits of guilty intercourse. On the other hand, at Gavarnie (Bigorre), there are seven heads which are venerated as those of martyred Templars, and the popular belief is that on the night of the anniversary of the abolition of the Order a figure, armed cap-a-pie and bearing the white mantle with a red cross, appears in the cemetery and thrice cries out, "Who will defend the holy temple; who will liberate the sepulchre of the Lord?" when the seven heads answer thrice, "No one, no one! The Temple is destroyed!"--Histoire de France, T. IV. pp. 496-7 (Éd. 1855).

[348] Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.--D'Argentré I. I. 281.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 43, Piacenza, 1651.--Feyjoo, Cartas I. xxviii.

[349] Ferreti Vicentini, loc. cit.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.--Havemann, p. 334.--Wilcke, II. 327, 329-30.--Raynouard, pp. 25-6.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Du Puy, pp. 75, 78, 88, 125-31, 216-17.--Prutz, p. 16.--Olim, III. 580-2.

Even as late as 1337, in the accounts of the Sénéchaussée of Toulouse there is a place reserved for collections from the Templar property, although the returns in that year were nil.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 785.

For the banking business of the Templars, see Schottmüller, I. 64.

[350] Contin. Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.--Matt. Neoburg. (Albertin. Argentin.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII. ann. 1311.--Chron. Fr. Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Havemann, p. 338.--Vertot, II. 154.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Raynald. ann. 1312, No. 7; ann. 1313, No. 18.--Van Os, p. 81.--Wilcke, II. 340-1, 497.--Gassari Annal. Augstburg. ann. 1312 (Menken. I. 1473).--Schottmüller, I. 496; II. 427-9.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 452.--Rymer, III. 133-4, 292-4, 321, 337, 404, 409-10, 451-2, 472-3.--Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 50.

We happen to have a slight example of the plunder in an absolution granted February 23, 1310, by Clement to Bernard de Bayulli, canon and chancellor of the Abbey of Cornelia in Roussillon, for the excommunication incurred by him for taking a horse, a mule, and sundry effects, valued in all at sixty livres Tournois, from the preceptory of Gardin, in the diocese of Lerida.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 41.

[351] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 37.--Allart, loc. cit. pp. 87, 89.

[352] Bofarull y Brocá, Hist. de Cataluña, III. 97.--Zurita, Lib. II. c. 60; Lib. III. c. 9; Lib. VI. c. 26.--Mariana, Ed. 1789, V. 290.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 370-1. Ilescas (Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI. c. 2), in the second half of the sixteenth century, remarks that there had been fourteen Masters of Montesa and never one married until the present one, D. Cesar de Borja, who is married.

[353] Mariana, V. 290.--Garibay, Compendio Historial Lib. XIII. cap. 33.--Zurita, Lib. VI. c. 26.--Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 52.

[354] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 235 (Romæ, 1887).

[355] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. VIII. 17.--D'Argentré I. II. 180-5.--Monstrelet, Chroniques, I. 39, 119.

[356] D'Argentré, I. II. 184-6.--Religieux de S. Denis, Histoire de Charles VI. Liv. xxxiii. ch. 28.--Juvenal des Ursins, ann. 1413.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, I. 14 B, C.--Von der Hardt, T. III. Prolegom. 10-13.--Monstrelet, I. 139.

[357] Von der Hardt, III. Proleg. 13; IV. 335-6, 440, 451, 718-22, 724-8, 1087-88, 1092, 1192, 1513, 1531-2.--D'Argentré, I. II. 187-92.--Gersoni Opp. III. 56 Q-S, 57 B.

[358] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris ann. 1431.--Epist. de Boulavillar (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III. 237).--Procès de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 474. (When not otherwise defined, my references to this and other documents concerning Joan are to the collection in Buchon's _Choix de Chroniques et Mémoires_, Paris, 1838.)

[359] Thomassin, Registre Delphinal (Buchon, p. 536, 540).--Görres, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, Trad. Boré, Paris, 1886, p. 108.--Chronique de la Pucelle (Buchon, p. 454).

[360] Though the name Joan of Arc has been naturalized in English, Jeanne's patronymic was Darc, not D'Arc.--Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis, pp. xii.-xii.

[361] So close to the border was Joan's birthplace that a new delimitation of the frontier, made in 1571, transferred to Lorraine the group of houses including the Darc cottage, and left a neighboring group in France.--Vallet de Viriville, ubi sup. pp. 24-5.

[362] Procès, pp. 469, 470, 471, 473, 475, 476, 477, 483, 485, 487, 499.--Chron. de la Pucelle, ann. 1429, pp. 428, 435-6, 443.--L'Averdy (Académie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 373).

[363] Procès, pp. 471, 485.--Chronique, p. 454.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III. 301).

[364] Procès, pp. 471, 475, 478, 482, 485.--Chronique, pp. 428, 454.--Görres, pp. 37-9.--Thomassin, pp. 537, 538.--Christine de Pisan (Buchon, p. 541).--Monstrelet, Liv. II. ch. 57.--Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 234.

Much has been recorded in the chronicles about the miracles with which she convinced Charles's doubts--how she recognized him at first sight, although plainly clad amid a crowd of resplendent courtiers, and how she revealed to him a secret known only to God and himself, of prayers and requests made to God in his oratory at Loches (Chronique, pp. 429, 455; Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. Godefroy, p. 19; Görres, pp. 105-9). Possibly some chance expression of hers may have caught his wandering and uncertain thoughts and made an impression upon him, but the legend of the Pucelle grew so rapidly that miracles were inevitably introduced into it at every stage. Joan herself on her trial declared that Charles and several of his councillors, including the Duc de Bourbon, saw her guardian saints and heard their voices, and that the king had notable revelations (Procès, p. 472). She also told her judges that there had been a material sign, which under their skilful cross-examination developed, from a secret revealed to him alone (p. 477), into the extraordinary story that St. Michael, accompanied by Catharine and Margaret and numerous angels, came to her lodgings and went with her to the royal palace, up the stairs and through the doors, and gave to the Archbishop of Reims, who handed it to the king, a golden crown, too rich for description, such as no goldsmith on earth could make, telling him at the same time that with the aid of God and her championship he would recover all France, but that unless he set her to work his coronation would be delayed. This she averred had been seen and heard by the Archbishop of Reims and many bishops, Charles de Bourbon, the Duc d' Alençon, La Trémouille, and three hundred others, and thus she had been relieved from the annoying examinations of the clerks. When asked whether she would refer to the archbishop to vouch for the story, she replied, "Let him come here and let me speak with him; he will not dare to tell me the contrary of what I have told you"--which was a very safe offer, seeing that the trial was in Rouen, and the archbishop was the Chancellor of France (Procès, pp. 482-6, 495, 502). His testimony, however, could it have been had, would not probably have been advantageous to her, as he belonged to the party of La Trémouille, the favorite, who was persistently hostile to her.

[365] Monstrelet, II. 57.--Procès, p. 478.--Thomassin, p. 538.--Chronique, pp. 430-33.

Joan's letters, when produced on her trial, were falsified--at least according to her statement.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, III. 348.

[366] Monstrelet, II. 57-61.--Thomassin, p. 538.--Chronique. pp. 430-7.--Jean Chartier, pp. 22-4.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, ann. 1429.--Rymer, X. 408.

[367] Chronique, pp. 438-41.--Jean Chartier, pp. 26-7.--Chron. de P. Cochon (Éd. Vallet de Viriville, p. 456).

[368] Epist. P. de Bonlavillar (Pez, Thes. Anecd. VI. III. 237).

[369] Chronique, pp. 442-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 29-31.--Jacques le Bouvier (Godefroy, p. 378).

[370] Procès, p. 479.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429, 1431.

[371] Chronique, p. 446.--Monstrelet, II. 64.--Buchon, p. 524.--Procès, p. 494.

[372] Buchon, pp. 539, 545.--Bernier, Monuments inédits de France, Senlis, 1833, p. 18.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Chronique, pp. 446-7.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.--Thomassin, p. 540.--Nider Formicar. v. viii.--Procès, p. 479.

Christine de Pisan says of her:

"Que peut-il d'autre estre dit plus
Ne des grands faits du temps passé:
Moysès en qui Dieu afflus
Mit graces et vertus assez;

Il tira sans estre lassez
Le peuple Israël hors d'Egypte;
Par miracle ainsi repassez
Nous as de mal, pucelle eslite."

Buchon, p. 542.

The question which troubled Armagnac was a last struggle of the Great Schism. Benedict XIII., who had never submitted to the Council of Constance, died in 1424, when his cardinals quarrelled and elected two successors to his shadowy papacy--Clement VIII. and Benedict XIV. In 1429, the Council of Tortosa suppressed them both, but at the moment it was a subject on which Armagnac might imagine that heavenly guidance was desirable.

[373] Görres, pp. 241-2, 273.--Procès, p. 482.--Buchon, pp. 513-4.--Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 235.

In the register of taxes every year was written opposite the names of Domremy and Greux, "_Neant, la Pucelle_." The grant of nobility to her family had the very unusual clause that it passed by the female as well as the male descendants, who were thus all exempt from taxation. As matrimonial alliances extended among the rich bourgeoisie this exemption spread so far that in 1614 the financial results caused its limitation to the male lines for the future (Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis, pp. 24, 88).

[374] Nider Formicar v. viii.--Rymer, X. 459, 472.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1488, liii. T-Z.--M. de l'Averdy gives an abstract of other learned disputations on the subject of Joan (ubi sup. III. 212-17).

[375] Chronique, p. 447.--Buchon, p. 524.--Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III. 237.--Procès, p. 484.--L'Averdy, III. 338.

The popular explanation of Joan's career connected her good-fortune with a sword marked with five crosses on the blade, which she had miraculously discovered in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, and which she thenceforth carried. On the march to Reims, finding her commands disregarded as to the exclusion of prostitutes from the army, she beat some loose women with the flat of the blade and broke it. No smith could weld the fragments together; she was obliged to wear another sword, and her unvarying success disappeared.--Jean Chartier. pp. 20, 29, 42.

[376] Chronique, pp. 446-50.--Jean Chartier, p. 33-36.--Görres, p. 215.--Monstrelet, II. 66-70.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Procès, pp. 486, 490.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.--Buchon, pp. 524, 539.

[377] Görres, pp. 292-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 39-40.--Jean le Bouvier, p. 381.--Martini d'Auvergne, Vigiles de Charles VII.--Buchon, p. 544.--Procès, pp. 480, 488, 490.

[378] Procès, pp. 481, 482, 488.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 158.--Monstrelet, II. 84-86.--Chronique, p. 456.--Jean Chartier, p. 42.

[379] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Jean Chartier, p. 25.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1435.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III. 8).--Chronique et Procès, pp. 462-4.

[380] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Chronique, p. 462.--Procès, pp. 478, 480-1, 486, 487, 488, 489.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, III. 182-3.

[381] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Le Brun de Charmettes, III. 201-7, 210-12, 215, 224-6.--Procès, pp. 465-7, 477.--L'Averdy, pp. 391, 475, 499.

At least one of the assessors, Thomas de Courcelles, was a man of the highest character and of distinguished learning. Immediately after the trial of Joan he played a distinguished part at the Council of Basle, in opposing the claims of the papacy. Æneas Sylvius says of him, "Inter sacrarum literarum doctores insignis, quo nemo plura ex decretis sacri concilii dictavit, vir juxta doctrinam mirabilis et amabilis, sed modesta quadam verecundia semper intnens terram" (Æn. Sylv. Comment. de Gestis Concil. Basil. Lib. I. p. 7, Ed. 1571).--He died in 1469 as Dean of Nôtre Dame (Le Brun, III. 235).

[382] Ripoll III. 8.--Procès, pp. 467-8, 470, 509.--Le Brun de Charmettes, III. 188, 192, 219, 407-8.--L'Averdy, p. 391.

[383] Procès, pp. 468-9.

[384] Procès, pp. 468, 472, 473, 476, 486, 487, 489, 501.--L'Averdy, pp. 107, 395.

[385] Procès, p. 487.

[386] Procès, pp. 489, 491, 494, 495, 499, 500, 501.

When, in 1456, the memory of Joan was rehabilitated, and the sentence condemning her was pronounced null and void, it was of course necessary to show that she had not refused to submit to the Church. Evidence was furnished to prove that Nicholas l'Oyseleur, in whom she continued to have confidence, secretly advised her that she was lost if she submitted herself to the Church; but that Jean de la Fontaine, another of the assessors, visited her in prison with two Dominicans, Isambard de la Pierre and Martin l'Advenu, and explained to her that at the Council of Basle, then sitting, there were as many of her friends as of enemies, and at the next hearing, on March 30, Frère Isambard de la Pierre openly repeated the suggestion, in consequence of which she offered to submit to it, and also demanded to be taken to the pope, all of which Cauchon forbade to be inserted in the record, and but for the active intervention of Jean le Maître, the inquisitor, all three would have incurred grave peril of death (L'Averdy, pp. 476-7.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 8-13.--Buchon, pp. 518-19). The rehabilitation proceedings are quite as suspect as those of the trial; every one then was anxious to make a record for himself and to prove that Joan had been foully dealt with. As late as the nineteenth interrogatory, on March 27, 1431, Jean de la Fontaine was one of those who voted in favor of the most rigorous dealings with Joan (Procès, p. 495).

[387] Procès, pp. 496-8, 502.--L'Averdy, pp. 33, 50.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 62-3, 94-5.

[388] Procès, pp. 503-5.--L'Averdy, pp. 56-97.

[389] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 102-4, 106.--Procès, p. 506.

In considering the verdict of the University and the Inquisition it must be borne in mind that visions of the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Saints were almost every-day occurrences, and were recognized and respected by the Church. The spiritual excitability of the Middle Ages brought the supernatural world into close relations with the material. For a choice collection of such stories see the Dialogues of Cæsarius of Heisterbach. As a technical point of ecclesiastical law, moreover, Joan's visions had already been examined and approved by the prelates and doctors at Chinon and Poitiers, including Pierre Cauchon's metropolitan, Renaud, Archbishop of Reims.

[390] Procès, pp. 508-9.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 110-41.

There are two forms of abjuration recorded as subscribed by Joan; one brief and simple, the other elaborate (Procès, p. 508; Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 135-7). Cauchon has been accused of duplicity in reading to her the shorter one and substituting the other for her signature. She subsequently complained that she had never promised to abandon her male attire--a promise which was contained in the longer but not in the shorter one. Much has been made of this, but without reason. The short abjuration is an unconditional admission of her errors, a revocation and submission to the Church, and was as binding and effective as the other.

[391] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 141.

[392] Procès, pp. 508-9.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 147.

[393] Procès, p. 508.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 166-70.--L'Averdy, p. 506.

[394] Procès, p. 509.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 175-8.

[395] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 180-4.--L'Averdy, p. 488, 493 sqq.

A week after Joan's execution a statement was drawn up by seven of those present in her cell to the effect that she acknowledged that her Voices had deceived her and begged pardon of the English and Burgundians for the evil she had done them, but this is evidently manufactured evidence, and does not even bear a notarial attestation.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 220-5.

[396] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 188-210.--Procès, pp. 509-10.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

When the excitement which led to Joan's condemnation passed away, and she was found to have been a useless victim, there was an effort made to shift the responsibility from the ecclesiastical to the secular authorities: it was claimed that there had been an irregularity in her execution without a formal judgment in the lay court. Two years afterwards, Louis de Luxembourg, then Archbishop of Rouen, and Guillaume Duval, vicar of the inquisitor, condemned for heresy a certain Georges Solenfant, and in delivering him to the Bailli of Rouen they gave instructions that he should not be put to death, as Joan had been, without a definitive judgment, in consequence of which there was a form of sentencing him.--L'Averdy, p. 498.

[397] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--August 8, 1431, a monk named Jean de la Pierre was brought before Cauchon and le Maître charged with having spoken ill of the trial of Joan. This was a perilous offence when the Inquisition was concerned. He asked pardon on his knees, and excused himself on the ground that it was at table after taking too much wine. He was mercifully treated by imprisonment on bread and water in the Dominican convent until the following Easter.--L'Averdy, p. 141.

[398] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 238-40.--L'Averdy, p. 269.--Monstrelet, II. 105.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

[399] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1430.--Nider Formicar. v. viii.--Procès, p. 480.

[400] Monstrelet, II. 101.--Journal d'un Bourgeois, an 1431.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy ch. 172.--Abrégé de l'Hist. de Charles VII. (Godefroy, p. 334).

[401] Le Brun de Charmettes, Liv. xv.

[402] Minuc. Felicis Octavius (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, III. 7, 8).--Tertull. de Idololat. x.--Lactant. Divin. Instit. II. 9.--Augustin. de vera Relig. c. 13, c. 40 No. 75; De Genesi ad Litt. xi. 13, 17, 22, 27; Sermon. Append. No. 278 (Edit. Benedict)--Gregor. PP. I. Moral. in Job IV. 13, 17, 32.--Chrysostom. de Imbecillitate Diaboli Homil. I. No. 6.

[403] Minuc. Felic. loc. cit.--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes c. 22.--Lactant. Divin. Instit. v. 22.--Testam. XII. Patriarch. I. 2-3.--Augustin. de Divin. Dæmon, c. 3, 4, 5, 6; de Civ. Dei XV. 23, XXI. 10; Enarrat. in Psalm. 61, 63.--Isidor. Hispalens. Lib. de Ord. Creatur. c. 8.

[404] Origen. sup. Jesu Nave Homil. XV. 5, 6.--Ivon. Carnotens. Decret. XI. 106.--Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I. 4.--Cæsar, Heisterb. Dial. Dist. IV., V., XI. 17, XII. 5.--B. Richalmi Lib. de Insid. Dæmon. (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. I. II. 376).--S. Hildegardæ Epist. 67 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1100).--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. 1. c. 3.

It was not every one who, like St. Francis, when demons were threatening to torment him, could coolly welcome them, saying that his body was his worst enemy, and that they were free to do with it whatever Christ would permit--a view of the case which so abashed them that they incontinently departed.--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. liii.

[405] Cæsar. Heisterb. III. 26, v. 9, 10, 35, 36.--Froissart, III. 22.

[406] Fr. Lenormant, La Magie chez les Chaldéens, p. 36.--Plutarch, vit. Numæ, IV.--Joseph. Antiq. Jud. I. 3.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei III. 5: XV. 23.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. c. xi., xii., xiii.--Paul. Æginet. Instit. Med. III. 15.--Chrysost. Homil. in Genesim XXII., No. 2.--Clem. Alexand. Stromat. Libb. III., v. (Ed. Sylburg. pp. 450, 550).--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes, c. xxii.; De Carne Christi c. vi., xiv.--Hinemar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 19.--Cæsar. Heisterb. III. 8, 11, 13.--Gervas. Tilberien. Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 86.--Matt. Paris. ann. 1249 (p. 514).--Chron. Bardin. (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).--Mémoires de Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. IV. c. 8.--Innoc. PP. VIII. Bull. _Summis desiderantes_, 2 Dec. 1484.--Silv. Prieriat. de Strigimagar Lib. I. c. 2; Lib. II. c. 3.

[407] Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, p. 80.--Thomæ Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 55.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. xlv. No. 102.--Prieriatis de Strigimagar. II. iii., xi.--Sinistrari de Dæmonialitate No. 1-3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 4-8: P. II. Q. ii. c. 1.--Ulric. Molitor. Dial. de Python. Mulieribus Conclus. v.--Th. Aquin. Summ. I. li. Art. iii. No. 6.--Nider Formicar. Lib. v. c. ix., x.--Guill. Arvern. Episc. Paris. de Universo (Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc. p. xxxviii.).--Villemarqué, Myrdhinn, ou l'Enchanteur Merlin, p. 11.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalicium Fidei, Ed. 1494, fol. 283.

[408] Tertull. de Corona c. iii.

[409] Rig Veda V. VIII. iv. 15, 16, 24 (Ludwig's Rig Veda, Prag, 1876-8, II. 379, III. 345).--Atharva Veda II. 27, III. 6, IV. 18, V. 14, VI. 37, 75 (Grill, Hundert Lieder des Atharva Veda, Tübingen, 1879).

[410] Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 174, 176.--Augustin. de Trinitate Lib. III. c. 8, 9.--Targum of Palestine on Exod. i.; vii. 11; Numb. xxii. 22.--Fabricii Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. Testam. I. 813; II. 106.--Chron. Samaritan, xli., xliii.

Curiously enough, the fame as magicians of Moses and of his opponents was preserved together. Pliny (N. H. XXX. 2) attributes the founding of what he calls the second school of magic to "Moses and Jannes and Lotapes."

[411] Talmud Babli, Kiddushin, fol. 49 _b_ (Wagenseilii Sota, pp. 502-3).--Thonissen, Droit Criminel des Anciens, II. 222 sqq.

[412] Hesiod. Frag. 202.--Pherecyd. Frag. 102, 102_a_.--Pausan. VI. XX.; IX. xviii., XXX.--Apollodor. I. ix. 25.--Plut. de Defectu. Orac. 13; de Pythiæ Orac. 12.--Diog. Laert. VIII. ii. 4; viii. 20.--Iambl. Vit. Pythag. 134-5, 222.--Philost. Vit. Apollon. passim.--Æl. Lamprid. Alex. Sever. xxix.--Flav. Vopisc. Aurelian. xxiv.--Cedren. Hist. Compend. sub Claud. et Domit.

[413] Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 41, 52-3.--Marini Vit. Procli 23, 26-8.--Damascii Vit. Isidori 107, 116, 126.--Porphyr. Vit. Plotini 10, 11.

[414] Apollon. Rhod. Argonaut. I. 1128-31.--Pherecyd. Frag. 7.--Diod. Sicul. v. 55-6.--Ovid. Metam. VII. 365-7.--Suidas s. v. [Greek: elchhines].--Strabon. X.--Odyss. x. 211-396.

[415] Plin. N. H. xxx. ii.--Platon. de Repub. II.; de Legg. I.; IX. (Ed. Astius, IV. 80; VI. 68, 348-50).--Luciani Philopseud. 14.--Philost. Vit. Apollon. VIII. 5.

[416] Ovid. Fastor. II. 571-82.--Lucan. Pharsal. VI. 507-28, 534-7, 567-9, 766.--Appul. de Magia Orat. pp. 37, 62-4 (Ed. Bipont.).--Horat. Sat. I. viii.; Epod. v.--Petron. Arb. Satyr.--Pauli Sentt. Receptt. v. xxxiii. 15.

[417] Tacit. Annal. II. 69; III. 13.--Sueton. Calig. 3.--Ovid. Amor. III. vii. 29-34; Heroid. VI. 90-2.--Horat. Sat. I. viii. 29-32, 42-3.--August, de Civ. Dei XVIII. 18.

[418] Festus s. v. Strigæ.--Virg. Eclog. VIII. 97.--August, de Civ. Dei XVIII. 17.--Paul Æginet. Instit. Medic. III. 16.--Gervas. Tilberiens. Otia Imperial. Decis. III. c. 120.--Cf. Volsunga Saga V., VIII.

[419] Propert. IV. v. 18.--Virg. Æneid. _iv_. 512-16.--Plin. N. H. VIII. 56.--Livii XXXIX. 11.--Joseph. Antiq. Jud. XIX. 12.--Tibull. I. viii. 5-6.--Ovid. Amor. III. vii. 27-35.--Petron. Arb. Sat--Jul. Capitolin, Marc. Aurel. 19.--Appul. de Magia Orat.

[420] Legg. XII. Tabul. Tab. viii.--Senecæ Quæst. Natural. Lib. IV. c. 7.--Plin. N. H. XXVIII. 4.--Liv. XXXIX. 41.--Tacit. Annal. II. 32; IV. 22, 52; XVI. 28-31.--Philost Vit. Apollon. IV. 35.--Spartian. Anton. Caracall. 5.--Lib. XLVII. Dig. viii. 14.--Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v. xxiii. 14-18.

[421] Tertull. Apol. 23, 40.--Constitt. Apostol. VI. 9.--Arnob. adv. Gentes II. 12.--Hippol. Refut. omn. Hæres. Lib. VI.--Acts XIX. 19.

[422] Pauli Diac. Hist. Miscell. X., XI.--Euseb. Vit. Constant. II. 4-7, 11-12.--S. Nili Capita parænetica No. 61.--S. August. de Civ. Dei XXII. 8. Cf. Evodii de Mirac. S. Stephani.

The Labarum of Constantine was the Greek cross with four equal arms, a symbol frequently seen on Chaldean and Assyrian cylinders. Oppert attaches to it the root [Hebrew: L.B.R], thus explaining the word Labarum, the derivation of which has never been understood (Oppert et Menant, Documents juridiques de l'Assyrie, Paris, 1877, p. 200). The fetichism connected with the cross probably took its rise from the Labarum. Maxentius, we are told, was an ardent adept in magic, and relied upon it for success against Constantine, who was much alarmed until reassured by the vision of the cross and its starry inscription, "_In hoc vince_" (Euseb. H. E. IX. 9; Vit. Const, I. 28-31, 36.--Pauli Diac. Hist. Miscell. Lib. XI.--Zonaræ Annal. T. III.). The melting of pagan superstitions into Christian is illustrated by the incident that when Constantine routed Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge he was preceded in battle by an armed cavalier bearing a cross, and at Adrianople two youths were seen who slaughtered the troops of Licinius (Zonaræ Annal. T. III.). The Christian annalists had no difficulty in identifying with angels of God those whom Pagan writers would designate as Castores.

[423] Cohen, Les Pharisiens, I. 311.--Lightfooti Horæ Hebraicæ, Matt. XXIV. 24.--Mishna, Sanhedrin, VII. 7; x. 16.--Talmud Babli, Shabbath, 75 _a_ (Buxtorfi Lexicon, p. 1170).

[424] Minuc. Felic. Octavius (Bib. Mag. Pat. III. 7-8).--Tertull. Apol. 35; de Anima 57.--Acta SS. Justin. et Cyprian. (Martene Thesaur. II. 1629).--Constitt. Apostol. II. 66.--Lactant. Divin. Inst. II. 17.--Concil. Ancyrens. ann. 314 c. 24.--C. Laodicens. ann. 320 c. 36.--C. Eliberitan. circa 324 c. 6.

[425] Cato. Rei Rust. 5.--Sueton. Tiber. 63.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi. 1-6.

For the care with which the Romans suppressed unauthorized soothsaying see Livy, xxxix. 16, and Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v. xxi. 1, 2, 3.

[426] Ammian. Marcellin. XIX. xii. 14; XXVI. iii.; XXIX. i. 5-14, ii. 1-5.--Zozimi IV. 14.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi. 7-12.

Yet favoritism led Valens to pardon Pollentianus, a military tribune, who confessed that, for the purpose of ascertaining the destiny of the imperial crown, he had ripped open a living woman and extracted her unborn babe to perform a hideous rite of necromancy (Am. Marcell. XXIX. ii. 17). In the later Roman augury, contaminated with Eastern rites, omens of the highest significance were found in the entrails of human victims, especially in those of the foetus (Æl. Lamprid. Elagabal. 8.--Euseb. H. E. VII. 10, VIII. 14.--Paul. Diac. Hist. Miscell. XI.).

[427] Augustin. de Civ. Dei x. 9; XXI. 6; de Genesi ad Litteram XI.; de Divinat. Dæmon, v.; de Doctr. Christ. II. 20-4; Serm. 278.--Concil. Carthag. IV. ann. 398, c. 89.--Dracont. de Deo II. 324-7.--Leon. PP. I. Serm. XXVII. c. 3.

[428] Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2-6.--Basilicon Lib. LX. Tit. xxxix. 3, 28-32.--Photii Nomocanon. Tit. ix. cap. 25.--Nicet. Choniat. Man. Comnen. Lib. IV.; Andron. Lib. II.

[429] Edict. Theodorici c. 108.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. Lib. I. c. 4.--Cassiodor. Variar. IV. 22, 23, IX. 18.--Gregor. PP. I. Epist. XI. 53.

[430] LI. Wisigoth. II. iv. 1; VI. i. 4; VI. ii. 1, 3, 4, 5.--Fuero Juzgo II. iv. 1; VI. ii. 1, 3, 5.--Concil. Bracarens. II. ann. 572 c. 71.--Conc. Toletan. IV. ann. 633 c. 28.--Isidor. Hispalens. Etymol. VIII. 9; de Ord. Creatur. viii.--S. Pirmiani de Libb. Canon. Scarapsus.

[431] Haddan and Stubbs, Concil. III. 37.--Bedæ H. E. II. 15.

[432] Haddan and Stubbs, II. 320-3. Three stanzas of the eleven of which the hymn consists will show its character as an incantation:

1.
I bind to myself to-day
The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity,
The faith of the Trinity in Unity,
The Creator of the elements.

4.
I bind to myself to-day
The power of Heaven,
The light of the Sun,
The whiteness of Snow,
The force of Fire,
The flashing of Lightning,
The velocity of Wind,
The stability of the Earth,
The hardness of Rocks.

6.
I have set around me all these powers,
Against every hostile savage power,
Directed against my body and my soul,
Against the incantations of false prophets,
Against the black laws of heathenism,
Against the false laws of heresy,
Against the deceits of idolatry,
Against the spells of women and smiths and druids,
Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man.

[433] Grimm's Teutonic Mythol., Stallybrass's Transl. III. 1028.--Trithem. Lib. Quæst. Q. VI.

[434] Volsunga Saga, XXIV., XXV., XXXII.--Gripispa.--Keyser's Religion of the Northmen, Pennock's Transl. pp. 191, 285-7.--Tacit. Histor. IV. 61, 65; German. viii.--Volüspa, 2, 21, 22.

[435] Saxo. Grammat. Lib. I.--Havamal, 159.--Grougaldr, 1.--Vegtamskvida, 9.

[436] Cæsar. de Bell. Gall. I. 53.--Remberti Vit. S. Anscharii c. 16, 23, 24, 27.--Tacit. German. x.--Ammian. Marcellin. XXXI. 2.--Carolomanni Capit. II. ad Liptinas.--Carol. Mag. Capit. de Partibus Saxon. c. 23.

[437] Tacit. German. ix., x.

[438] Adam. Bremens. IV. 16, 31.--Saxon. Grammat. Lib. I.--Yuglinga Saga, 6, 7 (Laing's Heimskringla).

The Finns were not behind their neighbors in the powers attributed to spells and incantations. In the Kalevala, Louhi, the sorceress of the North, steals the sun and moon, which had come down from heaven to listen to Wainamoinen's singing, and hides them in a mountain, but is compelled to let them out again through dread of counter-spells. The powers of magic song are fairly summarized in the final contest between Wainamoinen and Youkahainen:

"Bravely sang the ancient minstrel,
Till the flinty rocks and ledges
Heard the trumpet tone and trembled,
And the copper-bearing mountains
Shook along their deep foundations,
Flinty rocks flew straight asunder,
Falling cliffs afar were scattered,
All the solid earth resounded,
And the ocean billows answered.
And, alas! for Youkahainen,
Lo! his sledge so fairly fashioned,
Floats, a waif upon the ocean.
Lo! his pearl-enamelled birch-rod
Lies, a weed upon the margin.
Lo! his steed of shining forehead
Stands, a statue in the torrent,
And his hame is but a fir-bough
And his collar naught but corn-straw.
Still the minstrel sings unceasing,
And, alas! for Youkahainen,
Sings his sword from out his scabbard,
Hangs it in the sky before him
As it were a gleam of lightning;
Sings his bow, so gayly blazoned,
Into driftwood on the ocean;
Sings his finely feathered arrows
Into swift and screaming eagles;
Sings his dog, with crooked muzzle,
Into stone-dog squatting near him;
Into sea-flowers sings his gauntlets,
And his vizor into vapor,
And himself, the sorry fellow,
Ever deeper in his torture,
In the quicksand to the shoulder,
To his hip in mud and water."

--_Porter's Selections from the Kalevala_, pp. 84-5.

[439] Havamal, 142, 150-63.--Harbarsdliod, 20.--Sigrdrifumal, 6-13, 15-18.--Skirnismal, 36.--Rigsmal, 40, 41.--Grougaldr, 6-14.

[440] Harbardsliod, 20.--Skirnismal, 26-34.--Keyser, op. cit. pp. 270, 293.--Hyndluliod, 43.--Lays of Sigurd and Brynhild.--Gudrunarkvida, II. 21.--Sigrdrifumal, 4.

At the close of the fifteenth century, Sprenger relates (Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 9) as a recent occurrence in a town in the diocese of Strassburg, that a laborer cutting wood in a forest was attacked by three enormous cats, which after a fierce encounter he succeeded in beating off with a stick. An hour afterwards he was arrested and cast in a dungeon on the charge of brutally beating three ladies of the best families in the town, who were so injured as to be confined to their beds, and it was not without considerable difficulty that he proved his case and was discharged under strict injunctions of secrecy. Gervais of Tilbury, early in the thirteenth century, had already referred to such occurrences as an established fact (Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 93).

The same belief was current among the Slavs. Prior to the conversion of Bohemia, in a civil war under Necla, a youth summoned to battle had a witch stepmother who predicted defeat, but counselled him, if he wished to escape, to kill the first enemy he met, cut off his ears and put them in his pocket. He obeyed and returned home in safety, but found his dearly beloved bride dead, with a sword-thrust in the bosom and both ears off--which he had in his pocket.--Æn. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 10.

[441] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 37 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga Saga, VII., XXVII.--Sigurdtharkvida Fafnisbana I. 37, 38.

[442] Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 204, 240 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga Saga, III. 15.--Keyser, op. cit. p. 294.

[443] Havamal, 157.--Harbardsliod, 20.--L. Salic. Tit. lxiv. (First Text of Pardessus).

[444] Grougaldr.--Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 8.--Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 85-7. (Laing's Heimskringla).

[445] Keyser, op. cit. pp. 268, 271-2.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 34 (Laing's Heimskringla).--All this is nearly equalled by the powers attributed in 1437 by Eugenius IV. to the witches of his time, who by a simple word or touch or sign could regulate the weather or bewitch whom they pleased (Raynald. ann. 1437, No. 27).

[446] L. Salic. Text. Herold, Tit. lxvii (also in the third text of Pardessus, and the L. Emendata Tit. lxvii., but not in the others).--Capit. Carol. Mag. de Partibus Saxoniæ ann. 794, c. vi.--Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 151 (Laing's Heimskringla). Cf. Horace (Ars Poet.), "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo."

[447] Grimm, op. cit. III. 1044, 1050-1.

[448] L. Salic. First Text, Tit. lxiv. § 2; Text. Herold. Tit. lxvii.; Third Text, Tit. lxiv.--Blackwell's Mallet, Bohn's Ed. p. 524.--Keyser, op. cit. pp. 266-7.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 25, 36 (Laing's Heimskringla).

[449] L. Salic. Text. Herold. Tit. xxii.; MS. Guelferbit. Tit. xix.--L. Ripuar. Tit. lxxxiii.

[450] Greg. Turon. de Mirac. Lib. II. c. 45; de Mirac. S. Martini Lib. I. c. 26.--Concil. Venetic. ann. 465 c. 16.--Concil. Agathens. ann. 506 c. 42, 68.--C. Aurelianens. I. ann. 511 c. 30.--C. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 4.--C. Narbonnens. ann. 589 c. 14.--C. Remens. ann. 630 c. 14.--C. Rotomagens. ann. 650 c. 4.--Greg. Turon. Hist. Francor. VII. 44.

The hostility of Christian magic to its rivals extended even to rational medicine. Gregory of Tours develops the teaching of St. Nilus by giving examples to show that it was a sin to have recourse to natural remedies, such as blood-letting, instead of trusting wholly to the intercession of saints.--Hist. Franc. v. 6; de Mirac. S. Martini II. 60.

It was in vain for the Church to proscribe goetic magic while it fostered the beliefs on which the superstition was based by encouraging the practice of sacred magic. For example, there was little use in endeavoring to suppress amulets and charms while the faithful were taught to carry the Agnus Dei, or figure of a lamb stamped in wax remaining from the paschal candles, and consecrated by the pope. In forbidding the decoration and sale of these in 1471, Paul II. expatiates on their efficacy in preserving from fire and shipwreck, in averting tempests and lightning and hail, and in assisting women in childbirth.--Raynald. ann. 1471, No. 58.

[451] Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. v. 40; VII. 35.

[452] L. Langobard. II. xxxviii. l. 2 (Liutprand).--I. ii. 9 (Rotharis).

[453] Concil. Suessionens. ann. 744.--Zachar. PP. Epist. 9, 10.--Bonifacii Epist. lvii.--Synod. Roman. ann. 745 (Bonifacii Opp. III. 10).--Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 16.--Capit. Herardi Archiep. Turon. ann. 838 c. 3 (Baluz. Capitular. I. 677).--Atton. Vercell. Capitular. c. 48.

[454] Gregor. PP. II. Capit. data legatis in Bavariam, c. 8, 9.--Concil. German. I. (Caroloman. Capit. I., Baluz. I. 104-5).--Concil. Liptinens. ann. 743 (Caroloman. Capit. II., Baluz. I. 106-8).--Bonifac. Epistt. 49, 63.--Zachar. PP. Epist. II. c. 6.

[455] Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 18, 63; Capit. II. ann. 806 c. 25; Capit. de Partibus Saxon. ann. 789 c. 6, 23.--S. Gregor. PP. III. De Crimin. et Remed. 16.--Theodori Poenitent. Lib. I. c. XV. (Haddan and Stubbs. III. 190).--Egberti Poenitent. VIII. 1 (Ib. p. 424).--Burchardi Decret. x. 8, 24, 28, 31.--Ghaerbaldi Instruct. Pastoral, c. x.; Judic. Sacerdotal. c. x., xi., xx., xxiv., xxv., xxxi., xxxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 25-33).--Libell. de Remed. Peccat. c. 9 (Ib. p. 44).--Concil. Paris, ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2 (Harduin. IV. 1352).--Herardi Turon. Capit. iii. ann. 838 (Baluz. I. 1285).--Capitul. I. 21, 63; v. 69; VI. 215; Addit. II. c. 21.--Rabani Mauri de Magicis Artibus.--Hincmar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.

[456] Nithardi Hist. Lib. I. c. 5, ann. 834.--Concil. Bracarens. I. ann. 563 c. 8.--Burchard. Decret. X. 8.--Ivon. Decret. XI. 36.--Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.--Ghaerbald. Judic. Sacerd. 20.--Herard. Turon. capit. iii.--Conc. Paris. ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2.--S. Agobardi Lib. de Grandine c. 1, 2, 15, 16.

Even as late as the eleventh century Bishop Burchard prescribes penance for believing that sorcerers can affect the weather or influence the human mind to affection or hatred (Decret. XIX. 5). In less than two centuries and a half Thomas of Cantimpré shows that it was perfectly orthodox to assert that tempests were caused by demons (Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 56).--It could scarce be otherwise when we consider the complete control over the weather attributed to sorcerers in Norse magic, and the adoption of the heathen superstitions by mediæval Christianity.

[457] Concil. Ticinens. ann. 850 c. 25.--Annal. Corbeiens. ann. 914 (Leibnit. S. R. Brunsvic. II. 299).--Atton. Vercell. Capit. c. 48.--Sigebert. Gemblacens. ann. 995.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 998, 999, 1002.--Cæsar. Heisterbach. Dist. v. c. 18.

For the acquirements of Gerbert of Aurillac see Richeri Hist. Lib. II. c. xliii. sqq. A man capable of making, in the tenth century, a sphere to represent the earth, with the Arctic Circle and Tropic of Cancer traced on it, might well pass for a magician, although the sphericity of the earth was no secret to the Arabic philosophers (Avicenna de Coelo et Mundo c. x.). How durable was Gerbert's unsavory reputation is seen in the retention of the stories concerning him by the mediæval historians down to the time of Platina (Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XVIII. c. vi.-viii.--Platinæ Vit. Pontif. s. v. Silvest. II.)

[458] Synod. Patricii c. 16 (Haddan and Stubbs, II. 329).--Gregor. PP. VII. Regist. VII 21.--Reginon. de Discip. Eccles. II. 347 sqq.--Burchardi Decret. Lib. X., Lib. XIX. c. 5.--Ivon. Decreti P. XI.--Ivon. Panorm. VI. 117; VIII. 61 sqq.--P. II. Decret. caus. XXXIII. Q. 1, c. 4.--Mall. Maleficar. P. I. Q. 8.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua I. 12.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1193.--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV., Partic. IV., Rubr. de Frigidis, etc.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. 9-12.--Pet. Blesens. Epist. 65.

The belief in "ligatures" is one of the oldest and most universal of superstitions. Herodotus (II. 181) relates that Amasis who reigned in Egypt about the middle of the sixth century B. C., found himself thus afflicted when he married the Cyrenean princess Ladice. Notwithstanding the political importance of maintaining the alliance cemented by the marriage, he accused her of employing sorcery and threatened her with death. In her extremity she made a vow in the temple of Venus to send a statue of the goddess to Cyrene. Her prayer was heard and her life was saved.

[459] Gest. Treviror. Archiep. c. 19.--Lambert. Hersfeld. Annal. ann. 1074.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. xvi.

[460] Chron. Turon. ann. 1061.--Chron. Halberstadiens. (Leibnit. S. R. Brunsv. II. 127-8).--Gest. Treviror. c. 38 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 181-2).

[461] Laws of Edward and Guthrum, 11.--Laws of Ethelred, v. 7.--Cnut Secular. 4 (Ed. Kolderup Rosenvinge p. 36).--Athelstan's Dooms, I. 6.--Laws of Edward the Elder, 6.--Ll. Henrici lxxi. § 1.--Ingulph's Chron. Contin. (Bohn's Edition, p. 258).

[462] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 69, 70, 83 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Kristinrettr Thorlaks oc Ketils, c. xvi.

For the intimate connection between sorcery and malignant spirits, see Finn Magnusen's Priscæ Vet. Boreal. Mythologiæ Lexicon, s. v. Tröll, pp. 474 sqq.

[463] Wibaldi Epist. 157 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 352).--Baron. Annal. ann. 1181, No. 6-10.--C. 1 Extra. XLV. 3.--C. 2 Extra, v. 21.--Johan. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.

Catoptromancy was a practice duly handed down from classical times. Didius Julianus, during his short reign, found time to obtain foreknowledge of his own downfall and the succession of Septimius Severus, by means of a boy who with bandaged eyes looked into a mirror after proper spells had been muttered over him (Æl. Spartiani Did. Julian. 7), and Hippolytus of Porto gives us in full detail the ingenious frauds by which this and similar feats were accomplished (Refut. omn. Hæres. IV. 15, 28-40).

[464] Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1189 c. 29 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. I. 97).--Concil. Paris, ann. 1212 P. v. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 105).--Cæsar. Heisterb. IV. 99.

[465] Cæsar. Heisterb. V. 2, 3.

[466] Cæsar. Heisterb. II. 12; V. 18; XII. 23.

In spite of their lifelike contemporary details, these stories are evidently founded on that of Theophilus of Cilicia, which had so great a currency during the Middle Ages. He was archdeacon until dismissed by his bishop, when in despair he had recourse to Satan, to whom he gave a written compact pledging himself to endure the pains of hell throughout eternity. He was forthwith restored to his position and enjoyed high consideration until, overwhelmed with remorse, he appealed to the Virgin. By assiduous penitence he won her aid, and she caused the compact to be returned to him.--Hroswithæ de Lapsu et Convers. Theophili.

[467] Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis Operibus Artis c. i., ii. (M.R. Series, pp 523-7).--Th. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. II. c. 56.--Præcept. Antiq. Rotomag. c. 109 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. II. 67, 76).--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV. Partic. IV. Rubr. de Sortilegiis.--Synod. Andegavens. ann. 1294 c. 2 (D'Achery, I. 737).

[468] Britton, ch. 29.--Owen's Laws and Institutes of Wales, II. 910-2.--P. Exon. Summula exigendi Confess. (Harduin VII. 1126).--Myrror of Justice c. I. § 4; c. II. § 22; c. III. § 14.--Regiam Majest. Scotiæ, Edinburgi, 1609, fol. 163-7.

[469] Livres de Jostice et de Plet, pp. 177-83, 284 (Dig. XLVIII. viii. 3., Marcianus).--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, Cap. XI. §§ 25, 26.--Olim, II. 205, 619.--Vaissette, IV. 17-18; Chron. Bardin, Ib. IV. Pr. 5.

[470] José Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVII. pp. 382, 384-5, 388, 392-3; T. XVIII. p. 6).--Concil Legionens. ann. 1012 c. 19; C. Compostellan. ann. 1031 c. 6; C. Coyacens. ann. 1050 c. 4; C. Compostellan. ann. 1056 c. 6 (Aguirre, IV. 388, 396, 405, 414).--Histor. Compostellan. Lib. I. c. lxiv.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 590.

[471] Partidas, P. VII. Tit. ix. l. 17; Tit. xxiii. 11. 1, 2, 3.

[472] Constitt. Sicular. III. xlii. 1-3.--Cechetti, La Republica di Venizia e la Corte di Roma I. 15.--Chron. Senoniens. Lib. IV. c. 4 (D'Achery II. 631).--Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. pp. DXXV., DXXX.--Assises de Jerusalem, Baisse Court c. 271 (Ed. Kausler, Stuttgart, 1839).--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 91.

Frederic's reputation is indicated in the lines--

"Amisit astrologos et magos et vates.
Beelzebub et Astaroth, proprios penates
Tenebrarum consulens per quos potestates
Spreverat Ecclesiam et mundi magnates."

(Huillard-Bréholles, l. c.).

And Michael Scot, to succeeding generations, was not the philosopher, but the magician--

"Michele Scotto fu, che veramente
Delle magiche frode seppe il giuoco"--(INFERNO, XX.)

whose wonders are commemorated in the "Lay of the Last Minstrel"--

"In these fair climes it was my lot
To meet the wondrous Michael Scott,
A wizard of such dreaded fame
That when in Salamanca's cave
Him listed his magic wand to wave,
The bells would ring in Nôtre Dame."

[473] Treuga Henrici, No. 21 (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78).--Sachsenspiegel Lib. II. c. 13.--Schwabenspiegel, c. CXVI. § 12 (Ed. Senckenberg); Cod. Uffenbach. c. CCLXXI. § 6.--Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städten Braunsberg, Königsberg, 1861, p. 70.--Iarnsida, Mannhelge c. vi., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ, 1847, pp. 22, 46).--Ll. Gulathingens. Mannhelge-Bolkr, c. iv., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ, 1817, pp. 137, 197).

[474] Leges Scaniæ Provin. Andreæ Sunonis Archiep. Lunden. (Thorsen, Skanske Lov, Kjobenhavn, 1853).--Raguald. Ingermund. Ll. Succor. Lib. x. c. 5 (Stockholmiæ, 1614).--Canut. Episc. Vibergens. Exposit. Legum Juciæ Lib. III. c. lxix. (Hafniæ, 1508).--Ancher, Farrago Legum Antiq. Daniæ (Hafniæ, 1776).--Leges Opstalbomicæ ann. 1323 (Gaertner Saxonum Leges Tres, Lipsiæ, 1730).--Olai Magni de Gent. Septentrion. Lib. III. c. 22.

[475] Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 12 (Harduin. VII. 427).--C. Cenomanens. ann. 1248 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1377).--C. Mogunt. ann. 1261 c. 30 (Hartzeim III. 604).--C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1290 c. 4 (Hard. VII. 1161).--C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 63 (Ib. VII. 1234).--C. Treverens. ann. 1310 c. 79-84 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 257-8).--C. Palentin. ann. 1322 c. 24 (Hard. VII. 1480).--C. Salmanticens. ann. 1335 c. 15 (Ib. VII. 1973-4).--Annal. Domin. Colmariens. ann. 1279 (Urstisii II. 16).

[476] Raynald. ann. 1258, No. 23.--Potthast. No. 17745, 18396.--Eymeric. p. 133.--C. 8, § 4, Sexto v. 2.--Chron. Bardin. ann. 1270 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).

[477] Archives de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--Bern. Guidon. Practica, P. III. c. 42, 43.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XC. 2; XCV. 4.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.--Bern. Basin de Artibus Magiæ, conclus. iii.-ix.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. III. c. 1.--Eymeric. pp. 342, 443.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 51, 284.--Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. c. 28.--Archidiac. Gloss. super c. _accusatus_ § _sane_ (Eymeric. 202).--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xii.; Epist. de Secret. Operibus Artis c. vi., vii., ix.-xi.

When, in 1473, some Carmelites of Bologna asserted that it was not heretical to obtain responses from demons, Sixtus IV. promptly ordered an investigation, and directed the results to be transmitted to him under seal.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 82.

Bernardo di Como draws the nice distinction that it is not heretical to invoke the devil to obtain the illicit love of a woman, for the function of Satan is that of a tempter.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. _Dæmones_, No. 2.

In 1471 the arts of printing and alchemy were coupled together as reprehensible by the Observantine Franciscans, and their practice was forbidden under pain of disgrace and removal. Friar John Neyseeser disobeyed this rule, and "apostatized" to the Conventual branch of the Order, which was less rigid.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1471.

[478] Doat, XXVII. 7; XXX. 185.--Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis operibus Artis c. iii.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XCVI. i.--Ciruelo, Reprovacion de las Superstitiones, P. III. c. 1.--Grandes Chroniques V. 272.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Savonarola contra l' Astrologia, Vinegia, 1536, fol. 33.--Ars Notoria, _ap._ Cornel. Agrippæ Opp. Ed. Lugduni, I. 606.--The Notory Art of Solomon, translated by Robert Turner, London, 1657.

[479] Tacit. Annal. II. 28-32; III. 22; XII. 14, 52, 68; Histor. II. 62.--Zonaræ T. II. (pp. 185, 192).--Sueton. Vitell. 14.--Tertull. de Idololat. ix.--Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2.--Prudent. contra Symmach. II. 449-57.--Bedæ opp. Ed. Migne I. 963-66.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei Lib. v. c. 1-7.

[480] Rolandini Chron. Lib. XII. c. 2 (Murat. S.R.I. VIII. 344).--Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Ib. VIII. 705).--Raynald. ann. 1305, No. 7.--Savonarola contra l'Astrologia, fol. 25.--Villari, Storia di Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197-8.--MS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII. 258.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. xix., xx., xxv., xxvi.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. xcv.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.--D'Argentré, I. I. 263; II. 154.--Eymeric. p. 317.--Manilii Astron. Lib. IV.--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xi. (M. R. Series I. 35-6. Cf. 559-61).

[481] P. de Abano Conciliator Different. Philos. Diff. ix., x. (Ed. Venet. 1494, fol. 14-15.). Cf. Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus Tract III. Diff. i. (Aug. Vindel. 1489).

The _Conciliator_ was a work of immense reputation. The preface of the edition of 1494 speaks of three or four previous printed editions, and there were repeated later ones up to 1596. Curiously enough, it was never included in the Roman and Spanish Indexes, though it appears in that of Lisbon of 1624 (Reusch, der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 35).

[482] Bayle, s. v. Apone.--G. Naudé, Apologie pour les Grands Hommes, Ch. XIV.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. III. 374-5.

For the printed works attributed to Peter of Abano, see Grässe, "Bibliotheca Magica et Pneumatica," Leipzig, 1843. The one by which he is best known is the "Heptameron seu Elementa Magiæ," a treatise on the invocation of demons, printed with the works of Cornelius Agrippa. This version, however, is incomplete. A fuller and better one is among the MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, No. 17870.

[483] The _Sphæra_ of Sacrobosco is a remarkably lucid and scientific statement of all that was known, in the thirteenth century, about the earth in its cosmical relations. Although it accepts, of course, the current theory of the nine spheres, it indulges in no astrological reveries as to the influence of the signs and planets on human destiny. It remained for centuries a work of the highest authority, and so lately as 1604, sixty years after the death of Copernicus, and on the eve of the development of the new astronomy by Galileo, it was translated, with a copious commentary, by a professor of mathematics in the University of Siena, Francesco Pifferi, whose astrological credulity offers a curious contrast to the severe simplicity of the original.

[484] Villani x. 40, 41.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 593-4.--Raynald. ann. 1327, No. 46.--Cantù, Eretici d' Italia, I. 149-52.

I owe many of the above details to a sketch of Cecco's life in a Florentine MS. which I judge from the handwriting to be of the seventeenth century, and of which the anonymous author appears to be well informed; also, to a MS. copy of the elaborate sentence, much more full than the fragments given by Lami and Cantù.

[485] Petrarchi de Rebus Senilibus Lib. III. Epist. 1.--Eymeric. p. 443.--Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistt. pp. 111-19.--Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 9).--Novisima Recopilacion, Lib. XII. Tit. iv. l. 1.--Concord. Astron. Veritatis et Narrat. Histor. c. lix., lx. (August. Vindel. 1490).--Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid. vi.--Savonarola contra l' Astrol. fol. 26.--Bayle, s. v. Apone.--Malleus Malef. P. I. Q. xvi.

The supreme power of the conjunction of Jupiter and the moon above alluded to is probably based on Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus Tract. III. Diff. 2.

[486] D'Argentré I. II. 325-31.--Erasmi Encom. Moriæ, Ed. Lipsiens. 1829, III. 360.

The superstitions concerning comets scarce come within our present scope. They will be found ably discussed by Andrew D. White in the Papers of the American Historical Association, 1887. We are told by a contemporary that Henry IV. lost his life in 1610 through neglect of the warning sent him by the learned Doctor Geronymo Oller, priest and astrologer of Barcelona, based upon the portents of a comet which appeared in 1607.--(Guadalajara y Xavierr, Expulsion de los Moriscos, Pampeluna, 1613, fol. 107).

[487] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xiv.-xvii.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. xcv. 6.--Tertull. Apol. 23.

[488] Concil. Toletan. XVII. ann. 694, c. v.--Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 19).--Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, pp. xxxii.-xxxiii.--D'Argentré, I. II. 344-5.

[489] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930 fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII. 258.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 374.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.

Molinier (Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris, 1887, pp. 35, 45) mentions the occurrence of similar formulas in the other manuals of the period.

[490] Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. III. 42, 43; P. v. vii. 12.--Doat, XXVII. 150.

[491] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret c. xxii.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita c. 63 (Bergami, 1594).

[492] Differend de Boniface VIII. et de Ph. le Bel, Preuves, 103.--Rymer, Foed. II. 931-4.--Joann. S. Victor. Vit. Clement. V. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 457).--Grandes Chroniques V. 217-20, 291.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1315, 1325.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270 fol. 37-8, 144-5.

Enguerrand de Marigny had been all-powerful under Philippe le Bel, controlling the papal as well as the royal court, and his marvellous rise from obscurity led to the popular impression that he must be a skilful necromancer--

"Ce fu cil qui fist cardonnaux,
Et si le pape tint en ses las,
Qui de petits clers fist prélats--
Si orent mainte gent créance
Que ce par art de nigromance
Fait, qu'en ce monde faisoit."--
Godefroi de Paris, v. 6620-9.